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"content": "\u003cp>Most of us talk on the phone every day, and we rarely think about the cost of a single call. But for the 80,000 inmates held in California’s county jails, calling home can cost more than 10 times the price of a regular cellphone call. That is, until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/document/fcc-takes-next-big-steps-reducing-inmate-calling-rates\" target=\"_blank\">Federal Communication Commission\u003c/a> approved a proposal that caps phone rates and limits fees for incarcerated people in California and across the country. Advocates say the move not only makes it cheaper for inmates to stay in touch with their families, but it might even help keep them from re-offending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely proud that the FCC is finally acting on behalf of the 2.7 million children [whose parents are incarcerated] who have been suffering unfairly and most often in silence,” said Mignon Clyburn, the FCC commissioner who spearheaded the effort. “No more excuses. No more justification for inaction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>High Costs of Meaningful Communication\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling comes 14 years after a petition was submitted by Martha Wright, a grandmother who asked the FCC to do something about the high phone rates that made it difficult for her to stay in touch with her incarcerated grandson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s [been] a complete lack of regulation or competitiveness in any real sense in the market,” said Aleks Kajstura, legal director at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.prisonpolicy.org/phones/report.html\">Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229413740″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Siegle, an inmate at the Martinez Detention Facility, a county jail east of San Francisco, called me from a bank of phones inside his module. He told me every time he calls his mother it costs about $7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother is dying, and just to talk to my mother and be supportive with her about my grandmother’s condition and the things that are going on,” he said over the crackly phone line. “It’s an expensive discussion every time we talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the calls are important to Siegle’s mom, they’re also crucial for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">Back in the ’80s, phone companies started offering correctional facilities a share of profits from inmates’ phone calls\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Studies constantly show that meaningful communications beyond the prison walls are what it takes to promote rehabilitation and reduce recidivism,” Commissioner Clyburn said in the FCC’s chambers in Washington, D.C. “700,000 inmates are released every year, and too many of them return to their communities as strangers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule aims to get at the heart of what Clyburn called “the most egregious case of market failure” she’s seen in her 17 years as a regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Profits Go to Phone Companies, and Sheriff’s Departments\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people in jail are quite literally a captive market. Kajstura said phone companies have been unfairly profiting from this monopoly because inmates have no choice. If they want to stay in touch with their family members, they have to pay what’s asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods talks to clients and their family members in his offices in Oakland overlooking Lake Merritt. He said often it’s an inmate’s mom, sibling or even a kid who’s picking up the tab. And a $7-to-$15 call even once or twice a week is just out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re worried about just putting food on the table, much less getting phone calls to jail,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why do jails agree to such expensive phone services? Back in the 1980s, phone companies started offering correctional facilities a share of the profits from phone calls — what some call a kickback — as a way get these exclusive contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10729214\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10729214\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-800x574.jpg\" alt=\"An inmate uses a mirror to look outside his cell at the Los Angeles Men's Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles.\" width=\"800\" height=\"574\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-800x574.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-400x287.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-1440x1033.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-1180x846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-960x689.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An inmate uses a mirror to look outside his cell at the Los Angeles Men’s Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California State Assemblyman Bill Quirk says phone rates keep going up because counties want to get their cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sheriff’s Department for each jail will say we would like the company to pay us so much for every minute of phone calls made from our jail,” Quirk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California this practice was phased out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonlegalnews.org/news/2011/apr/15/nationwide-pln-survey-examines-prison-phone-contracts-kickbacks/\">state prisons by 2011\u003c/a>, and last year Quirk authored a bill banning these commissions at county jails, too. But his bill died because the state would have had to supplement county budgets to make up for all the lost revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s upwards of $50 million statewide,” said Cory Salzillo, legislative director for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calsheriffs.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California State Sheriffs’ Association\u003c/a>. By state law, he says all of this money is used for the welfare of inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Claims That Ruling May Hurt Revenue for Inmates\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FCC ruling might actually hurt inmates, said Salzillo, because it “creates a situation where inmates will be deprived of much needed funding for things like treatment, rehabilitation programs, vocational, educational programs and recreational programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It remains to be seen what impact the ruling will have on county jail programs. While the FCC proposal does not ban profit sharing between inmate phone companies and sheriff’s departments, it strongly discourages it. Clyburn called on states to help end the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without those funds, many counties, including Los Angeles, say they may have to scale back services for inmates. Others, like Contra Costa, \u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">\u003c/a>have already found replacement funding. Counties will have 90 days to comply with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/document/fact-sheet-ensuring-just-reasonable-fair-rates-inmate-calling\">FCC’s order\u003c/a> and renegotiate their contracts with inmate phone providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most important for inmate Chris Siegle, the FCC’s move to reduce phone rates means he will be able to call his mom more often. “I just tell her, ‘I love you mama, I’ll try to call back later in a couple days.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Global Tel Link and Securus, the two largest inmate phone providers, together make up \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/exploiting-inmates/Content?oid=4185319&showFullText=true\">80 percent\u003c/a> of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/31/us/steep-costs-of-inmate-phone-calls-are-under-scrutiny.html?_r=0\">$1.2 billion market\u003c/a>. Neither company responded to repeated requests for comment. It is expected that they will challenge the FCC’s rate caps in court.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s [been] a complete lack of regulation or competitiveness in any real sense in the market,” said Aleks Kajstura, legal director at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.prisonpolicy.org/phones/report.html\">Prison Policy Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229413740″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/229413740″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Siegle, an inmate at the Martinez Detention Facility, a county jail east of San Francisco, called me from a bank of phones inside his module. He told me every time he calls his mother it costs about $7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother is dying, and just to talk to my mother and be supportive with her about my grandmother’s condition and the things that are going on,” he said over the crackly phone line. “It’s an expensive discussion every time we talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while the calls are important to Siegle’s mom, they’re also crucial for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">Back in the ’80s, phone companies started offering correctional facilities a share of profits from inmates’ phone calls\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Studies constantly show that meaningful communications beyond the prison walls are what it takes to promote rehabilitation and reduce recidivism,” Commissioner Clyburn said in the FCC’s chambers in Washington, D.C. “700,000 inmates are released every year, and too many of them return to their communities as strangers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new rule aims to get at the heart of what Clyburn called “the most egregious case of market failure” she’s seen in her 17 years as a regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Profits Go to Phone Companies, and Sheriff’s Departments\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The people in jail are quite literally a captive market. Kajstura said phone companies have been unfairly profiting from this monopoly because inmates have no choice. If they want to stay in touch with their family members, they have to pay what’s asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County Public Defender Brendon Woods talks to clients and their family members in his offices in Oakland overlooking Lake Merritt. He said often it’s an inmate’s mom, sibling or even a kid who’s picking up the tab. And a $7-to-$15 call even once or twice a week is just out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re worried about just putting food on the table, much less getting phone calls to jail,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why do jails agree to such expensive phone services? Back in the 1980s, phone companies started offering correctional facilities a share of the profits from phone calls — what some call a kickback — as a way get these exclusive contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10729214\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10729214\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-800x574.jpg\" alt=\"An inmate uses a mirror to look outside his cell at the Los Angeles Men's Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles.\" width=\"800\" height=\"574\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-800x574.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-400x287.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-1440x1033.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-1180x846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/MensCentralJailLA-960x689.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An inmate uses a mirror to look outside his cell at the Los Angeles Men’s Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(ROBYN BECK/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California State Assemblyman Bill Quirk says phone rates keep going up because counties want to get their cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Sheriff’s Department for each jail will say we would like the company to pay us so much for every minute of phone calls made from our jail,” Quirk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California this practice was phased out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonlegalnews.org/news/2011/apr/15/nationwide-pln-survey-examines-prison-phone-contracts-kickbacks/\">state prisons by 2011\u003c/a>, and last year Quirk authored a bill banning these commissions at county jails, too. But his bill died because the state would have had to supplement county budgets to make up for all the lost revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s upwards of $50 million statewide,” said Cory Salzillo, legislative director for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calsheriffs.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California State Sheriffs’ Association\u003c/a>. By state law, he says all of this money is used for the welfare of inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Claims That Ruling May Hurt Revenue for Inmates\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FCC ruling might actually hurt inmates, said Salzillo, because it “creates a situation where inmates will be deprived of much needed funding for things like treatment, rehabilitation programs, vocational, educational programs and recreational programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It remains to be seen what impact the ruling will have on county jail programs. While the FCC proposal does not ban profit sharing between inmate phone companies and sheriff’s departments, it strongly discourages it. Clyburn called on states to help end the practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without those funds, many counties, including Los Angeles, say they may have to scale back services for inmates. Others, like Contra Costa, \u003ca href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">\u003c/a>have already found replacement funding. Counties will have 90 days to comply with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fcc.gov/document/fact-sheet-ensuring-just-reasonable-fair-rates-inmate-calling\">FCC’s order\u003c/a> and renegotiate their contracts with inmate phone providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most important for inmate Chris Siegle, the FCC’s move to reduce phone rates means he will be able to call his mom more often. “I just tell her, ‘I love you mama, I’ll try to call back later in a couple days.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Global Tel Link and Securus, the two largest inmate phone providers, together make up \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/exploiting-inmates/Content?oid=4185319&showFullText=true\">80 percent\u003c/a> of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/31/us/steep-costs-of-inmate-phone-calls-are-under-scrutiny.html?_r=0\">$1.2 billion market\u003c/a>. Neither company responded to repeated requests for comment. It is expected that they will challenge the FCC’s rate caps in court.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Four Years After Realignment, Prisons Are Less Crowded and Crime Rates Are Lower",
"title": "Four Years After Realignment, Prisons Are Less Crowded and Crime Rates Are Lower",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Thursday marks the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/State-s-radical-prison-reform-plan-ready-to-start-2329056.php\" target=\"_blank\">four-year anniversary of realignment\u003c/a>, Gov. Jerry Brown's attempt to comply with a federal court order to lower the state prison population without the wholesale early release of prisoners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change in the law allowed nonviolent offenders to serve their time in local jails instead of state prisons, and shifted responsibility for many getting out of prison to local probation departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics warned the plan would be a public safety disaster -- in the words of one Republican lawmaker, \u003ca href=\"http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/2011/04/13/gov-gets-cops-nod-to-move-cons-to-jails-gop-says-blood-on-streets/\" target=\"_blank\">leading to \"blood in the streets.\" \u003c/a>But a new report from the respected Public Policy Institute of California shows the policy shift has largely achieved its goals without many negative consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication_quick.asp?i=1164\" target=\"_blank\">The report\u003c/a> finds that realignment, four years later, significantly reduced the prison population -- though not quite enough to comply with the federal court order to bring prisons to 137 percent of capacity (they had been at more than 200 percent of capacity).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/226121332\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But combined with other changes -- including two voter-approved ballot measures that \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Prop-36-Three-strikes-changes-approved-4014677.php\" target=\"_blank\">softened the state's three strikes law \u003c/a>and reduced some felonies to misdemeanors -- the state has been within compliance since January. Last year's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/22/proposition-47-gives-former-felons-a-new-chance\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, which reduced certain felony offenses to misdemeanors, has also helped jails that swelled to capacity because of realignment return to more manageable population levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We had an over-reliance on incarceration.' \u003ccite>PPIC report author Magnus Lofstrom\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Now prisons are at population levels not seen in 20 years -- before California voters and lawmakers embraced a series of harsh sentencing laws -- while crime rates remain at historic lows, the report states. In all, 18,000 inmates who would have been incarcerated are outside prison walls because of realignment, the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC's Magnus Lofstrom said the findings are a vindication of not only realignment but the state's overall shift in criminal justice policies in recent years, away from punishment and toward rehabilitation. He credited counties, many of which have embraced progressive re-entry programs and other research-backed methods, for making changes that have helped keep the public safe and more former offenders out of trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had an over-reliance on incarceration\" prior to realignment, he said. \"We now need to take a closer look at the variety of strategies that counties are implementing to learn what works well and what doesn't work, and determine to what extent we can replicate those efforts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been one big crime jump, he said: auto thefts. Still, his research found that overall, locking up people isn't cost effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you spend one additional dollar on incarceration, the crime savings you can expect is only 23 cents,\" he said, adding that counties should instead look at putting more police on the streets, and investing in programs such as cognitive behavioral therapy for offenders, early childhood programs and targeted intervention for high-risk youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing the program hasn't done: Reduce prison spending. The state prison budget is $10 billion more than it was the year before realignment was instated, and the state is spending $1 billion to help counties cope with the effects of realignment. It has also budgeted $2.2 billion in bond funds for jail construction, and continues to spend more on medical and mental health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report states the only way to truly reduce prison spending may be to close one of the state's prisons, but notes that a closure could take the state out of compliance with the court order.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thursday marks the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/State-s-radical-prison-reform-plan-ready-to-start-2329056.php\" target=\"_blank\">four-year anniversary of realignment\u003c/a>, Gov. Jerry Brown's attempt to comply with a federal court order to lower the state prison population without the wholesale early release of prisoners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change in the law allowed nonviolent offenders to serve their time in local jails instead of state prisons, and shifted responsibility for many getting out of prison to local probation departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics warned the plan would be a public safety disaster -- in the words of one Republican lawmaker, \u003ca href=\"http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/2011/04/13/gov-gets-cops-nod-to-move-cons-to-jails-gop-says-blood-on-streets/\" target=\"_blank\">leading to \"blood in the streets.\" \u003c/a>But a new report from the respected Public Policy Institute of California shows the policy shift has largely achieved its goals without many negative consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication_quick.asp?i=1164\" target=\"_blank\">The report\u003c/a> finds that realignment, four years later, significantly reduced the prison population -- though not quite enough to comply with the federal court order to bring prisons to 137 percent of capacity (they had been at more than 200 percent of capacity).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/226121332&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/226121332'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But combined with other changes -- including two voter-approved ballot measures that \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Prop-36-Three-strikes-changes-approved-4014677.php\" target=\"_blank\">softened the state's three strikes law \u003c/a>and reduced some felonies to misdemeanors -- the state has been within compliance since January. Last year's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/08/22/proposition-47-gives-former-felons-a-new-chance\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, which reduced certain felony offenses to misdemeanors, has also helped jails that swelled to capacity because of realignment return to more manageable population levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We had an over-reliance on incarceration.' \u003ccite>PPIC report author Magnus Lofstrom\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Now prisons are at population levels not seen in 20 years -- before California voters and lawmakers embraced a series of harsh sentencing laws -- while crime rates remain at historic lows, the report states. In all, 18,000 inmates who would have been incarcerated are outside prison walls because of realignment, the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC's Magnus Lofstrom said the findings are a vindication of not only realignment but the state's overall shift in criminal justice policies in recent years, away from punishment and toward rehabilitation. He credited counties, many of which have embraced progressive re-entry programs and other research-backed methods, for making changes that have helped keep the public safe and more former offenders out of trouble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had an over-reliance on incarceration\" prior to realignment, he said. \"We now need to take a closer look at the variety of strategies that counties are implementing to learn what works well and what doesn't work, and determine to what extent we can replicate those efforts.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been one big crime jump, he said: auto thefts. Still, his research found that overall, locking up people isn't cost effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you spend one additional dollar on incarceration, the crime savings you can expect is only 23 cents,\" he said, adding that counties should instead look at putting more police on the streets, and investing in programs such as cognitive behavioral therapy for offenders, early childhood programs and targeted intervention for high-risk youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing the program hasn't done: Reduce prison spending. The state prison budget is $10 billion more than it was the year before realignment was instated, and the state is spending $1 billion to help counties cope with the effects of realignment. It has also budgeted $2.2 billion in bond funds for jail construction, and continues to spend more on medical and mental health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report states the only way to truly reduce prison spending may be to close one of the state's prisons, but notes that a closure could take the state out of compliance with the court order.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Lawmakers Back Away From Major Changes to Prop. 47 Criminal Justice Reforms",
"title": "Lawmakers Back Away From Major Changes to Prop. 47 Criminal Justice Reforms",
"headTitle": "FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Criminal justice reforms in California are always controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it wasn’t a big surprise when many law enforcement groups opposed \u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/47/arguments-rebuttals.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, a November 2014 ballot measure that reduced many lower-level crimes in California, like drug possession, from a felony to a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also wasn’t surprising that after the measure passed, those same critics went to the Legislature to ask for what they described as “fixes.” In all, nine bills related to Prop. 47 were introduced this year, seven of them direct attempts to change what opponents saw as problems with the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after initial negotiations in Sacramento, most of those bills have been modified to the point that they don’t actually change the law passed by voters. To do that would require another vote by the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only two remain strong enough in their current form to require voter approval in 2016 if they are passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Jerry Brown. \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0101-0150/ab_150_bill_20150318_amended_asm_v97.pdf%20\" target=\"_blank\">AB150\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0451-0500/sb_452_bill_20150225_introduced.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">SB452\u003c/a> would both make stealing a gun a felony in all cases\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, Prop. 47’s backers aren’t fighting the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the legislative discussions occurring around Proposition 47 have the potential to undermine the initiative,” said Lenore Anderson, who co-authored the measure, chaired the ballot campaign and directs Californians for Safety and Justice, a progressive policy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/204195829&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said supporters aren’t surprised the Legislature is looking at these issues, and that most of the bills aren’t going to substantively change what Prop. 47 is aiming to achieve: a criminal justice system that focuses on locking up only serious offenders, like those convicted of violent crimes, and not people addicted to drugs who commit petty crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was retroactive, allowing people in prisons or jails to ask for reduced sentences as well as people with past convictions who are no longer incarcerated. So far, more than 115,000 people have filed petitions asking courts to reduce their sentences from felonies to misdemeanors, according to the Judicial Council of California. And more than 3,200 have been released from state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Zahner, CEO of the California District Attorneys Association, denied that his group's support for the changes in Prop. 47 amounts to an attempt to undo the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these were attempts to undermine Proposition 47, they were ill-conceived and weak attempts,” he said. “What we are talking about are little nuanced corrections that change very little about Prop. 47 at the end of the day. It’s not an attempt to undermine, but enhance the measure and work within the purviews of 47.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bills:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0001-0050/ab_46_bill_20150423_amended_asm_v95.pdf%20\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly Bill 46\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0301-0350/sb_333_bill_20150420_amended_sen_v98.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Senate Bill 333\u003c/a> both initially aimed to make possession of so-called date-rape drugs, such as GHB and ketamine, a felony. But critics pointed out that some people use those drugs recreationally, so the measures were both changed to make clear they apply only to someone who has the intent to commit a sexual assault. Since Prop. 47 always excluded anything beyond simple drug possession, the bills no longer apply to the ballot measure.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0351-0400/ab_390_bill_20150406_amended_asm_v98.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">AB390\u003c/a> is the bill Prop. 47 supporters have the most concern about. It would change the state’s DNA collection policy so that anyone convicted of any of the crimes reduced from felonies to misdemeanors by Prop. 47 would still have to submit their DNA to the state database. Anderson, of Californians for Safety and Justice, said her group opposes the bill because it looks only at misdemeanors covered by Prop. 47, like petty theft, while ignoring far more troubling convictions for misdemeanors such as battery or domestic violence. She wrote in a recent letter to the bill’s author that AB390’s “sole focus on the six crimes in Proposition 47 implies that it is not motivated by thoughtful policy analysis.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1401-1450/ab_1415_bill_20150429_amended_asm_v97.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">AB1415\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0301-0350/sb_347_bill_20150421_amended_sen_v98.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">SB347\u003c/a> would make it a felony for someone convicted of the newly classified misdemeanors to have a gun. Backers of the bills say that while Prop. 47 already stated this, it didn’t change the state code.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Anderson and other supporters aren’t opposing AB1415 and SB347. But they argue the measures, as well as the two pieces of legislation dealing with stealing a firearm, are simply unnecessary -- because California already has so many laws on the books dealing with guns that a prosecutor will almost certainly always be able to charge someone with a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said the issues were discussed “at length during the campaign,” and that there’s “no question that any gun-related activity can and should be pursued as a felony.” She said opponents are simply interpreting the law differently than proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón, one of the initiative’s backers, was more blunt. He said you have a “better chance of finding flying unicorns than you do of finding a situation” where someone stole a gun and could be charged only with a misdemeanor. He called any arguments to the contrary “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Zahner, of the district attorneys group, said that if everyone agrees that stealing a gun should be a felony, the law should explicitly say so. He also said that prosecutors agree with Anderson, that more misdemeanors should be subject to DNA collection laws, but that it’s better to add some now than none at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zahner noted that Prop. 47 isn’t the only recent drastic change to California’s criminal justice system. In 2011, the state’s realignment law shifted responsibility for many lower-level felons from state prison and parole to county jails and probation. And in 2012, voters approved Proposition 36, which revised California’s tough “three strikes” law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said after decades of voters pushing for tougher criminal justice laws, the pendulum has now swung wildly in the other direction, a change to which it’s difficult for many in law enforcement to adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, people look at criminal justice as a cause, when really it's a reaction to everything else that’s messed up in society,” he said. “Prosecutors are frustrated, they are trying do the right thing, and elected district attorneys are frustrated. They are elected to keep people safe and they feel this is an erosion of the law that takes away their discretion. Their ability to approach how particular communities want things handled is being taken away, and it is frustrating for them, and it is a sea change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson, who worked as policy director for Kamala Harris when Harris was San Francisco’s district attorney, said supporters of Prop. 47 want the same things as law enforcement: safe communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California overrelied on its prison-first approach -- it built 22 prisons over a 25-year period, and increased prison spending by 1,500 percent … a skyrocketing amount of money and energy went into prison expansion, and you have to ask what we got. We got a high recidivism rate, and a depletion of resources for the prevention of crime at the local level,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As changes occur ... this isn’t a time to complain, this is a time to adapt,” Anderson said. “The public has spoken loud and clear: They want a criminal justice system that prioritizes law enforcement resources for violent and serious crimes, and gets smart about local treatment and alternatives. Prop. 47 has provided a huge opportunity for the state of California to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Criminal justice reforms in California are always controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it wasn’t a big surprise when many law enforcement groups opposed \u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/47/arguments-rebuttals.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 47\u003c/a>, a November 2014 ballot measure that reduced many lower-level crimes in California, like drug possession, from a felony to a misdemeanor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also wasn’t surprising that after the measure passed, those same critics went to the Legislature to ask for what they described as “fixes.” In all, nine bills related to Prop. 47 were introduced this year, seven of them direct attempts to change what opponents saw as problems with the ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after initial negotiations in Sacramento, most of those bills have been modified to the point that they don’t actually change the law passed by voters. To do that would require another vote by the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only two remain strong enough in their current form to require voter approval in 2016 if they are passed by the Legislature and signed by Gov. Jerry Brown. \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0101-0150/ab_150_bill_20150318_amended_asm_v97.pdf%20\" target=\"_blank\">AB150\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0451-0500/sb_452_bill_20150225_introduced.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">SB452\u003c/a> would both make stealing a gun a felony in all cases\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, Prop. 47’s backers aren’t fighting the changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of the legislative discussions occurring around Proposition 47 have the potential to undermine the initiative,” said Lenore Anderson, who co-authored the measure, chaired the ballot campaign and directs Californians for Safety and Justice, a progressive policy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/204195829&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said supporters aren’t surprised the Legislature is looking at these issues, and that most of the bills aren’t going to substantively change what Prop. 47 is aiming to achieve: a criminal justice system that focuses on locking up only serious offenders, like those convicted of violent crimes, and not people addicted to drugs who commit petty crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was retroactive, allowing people in prisons or jails to ask for reduced sentences as well as people with past convictions who are no longer incarcerated. So far, more than 115,000 people have filed petitions asking courts to reduce their sentences from felonies to misdemeanors, according to the Judicial Council of California. And more than 3,200 have been released from state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Zahner, CEO of the California District Attorneys Association, denied that his group's support for the changes in Prop. 47 amounts to an attempt to undo the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If these were attempts to undermine Proposition 47, they were ill-conceived and weak attempts,” he said. “What we are talking about are little nuanced corrections that change very little about Prop. 47 at the end of the day. It’s not an attempt to undermine, but enhance the measure and work within the purviews of 47.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the bills:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0001-0050/ab_46_bill_20150423_amended_asm_v95.pdf%20\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly Bill 46\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0301-0350/sb_333_bill_20150420_amended_sen_v98.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Senate Bill 333\u003c/a> both initially aimed to make possession of so-called date-rape drugs, such as GHB and ketamine, a felony. But critics pointed out that some people use those drugs recreationally, so the measures were both changed to make clear they apply only to someone who has the intent to commit a sexual assault. Since Prop. 47 always excluded anything beyond simple drug possession, the bills no longer apply to the ballot measure.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0351-0400/ab_390_bill_20150406_amended_asm_v98.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">AB390\u003c/a> is the bill Prop. 47 supporters have the most concern about. It would change the state’s DNA collection policy so that anyone convicted of any of the crimes reduced from felonies to misdemeanors by Prop. 47 would still have to submit their DNA to the state database. Anderson, of Californians for Safety and Justice, said her group opposes the bill because it looks only at misdemeanors covered by Prop. 47, like petty theft, while ignoring far more troubling convictions for misdemeanors such as battery or domestic violence. She wrote in a recent letter to the bill’s author that AB390’s “sole focus on the six crimes in Proposition 47 implies that it is not motivated by thoughtful policy analysis.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1401-1450/ab_1415_bill_20150429_amended_asm_v97.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">AB1415\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0301-0350/sb_347_bill_20150421_amended_sen_v98.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">SB347\u003c/a> would make it a felony for someone convicted of the newly classified misdemeanors to have a gun. Backers of the bills say that while Prop. 47 already stated this, it didn’t change the state code.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Anderson and other supporters aren’t opposing AB1415 and SB347. But they argue the measures, as well as the two pieces of legislation dealing with stealing a firearm, are simply unnecessary -- because California already has so many laws on the books dealing with guns that a prosecutor will almost certainly always be able to charge someone with a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said the issues were discussed “at length during the campaign,” and that there’s “no question that any gun-related activity can and should be pursued as a felony.” She said opponents are simply interpreting the law differently than proponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney George Gascón, one of the initiative’s backers, was more blunt. He said you have a “better chance of finding flying unicorns than you do of finding a situation” where someone stole a gun and could be charged only with a misdemeanor. He called any arguments to the contrary “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Zahner, of the district attorneys group, said that if everyone agrees that stealing a gun should be a felony, the law should explicitly say so. He also said that prosecutors agree with Anderson, that more misdemeanors should be subject to DNA collection laws, but that it’s better to add some now than none at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zahner noted that Prop. 47 isn’t the only recent drastic change to California’s criminal justice system. In 2011, the state’s realignment law shifted responsibility for many lower-level felons from state prison and parole to county jails and probation. And in 2012, voters approved Proposition 36, which revised California’s tough “three strikes” law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said after decades of voters pushing for tougher criminal justice laws, the pendulum has now swung wildly in the other direction, a change to which it’s difficult for many in law enforcement to adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Unfortunately, people look at criminal justice as a cause, when really it's a reaction to everything else that’s messed up in society,” he said. “Prosecutors are frustrated, they are trying do the right thing, and elected district attorneys are frustrated. They are elected to keep people safe and they feel this is an erosion of the law that takes away their discretion. Their ability to approach how particular communities want things handled is being taken away, and it is frustrating for them, and it is a sea change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson, who worked as policy director for Kamala Harris when Harris was San Francisco’s district attorney, said supporters of Prop. 47 want the same things as law enforcement: safe communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California overrelied on its prison-first approach -- it built 22 prisons over a 25-year period, and increased prison spending by 1,500 percent … a skyrocketing amount of money and energy went into prison expansion, and you have to ask what we got. We got a high recidivism rate, and a depletion of resources for the prevention of crime at the local level,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As changes occur ... this isn’t a time to complain, this is a time to adapt,” Anderson said. “The public has spoken loud and clear: They want a criminal justice system that prioritizes law enforcement resources for violent and serious crimes, and gets smart about local treatment and alternatives. Prop. 47 has provided a huge opportunity for the state of California to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Condom Machines for Inmates in S.F. Jails Could Serve as Model for State",
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"headTitle": "Condom Machines for Inmates in S.F. Jails Could Serve as Model for State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the corner of a gym in a San Francisco jail, there’s something you wouldn’t usually find behind bars: a condom machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a new law that makes condoms available for free in all of California’s prisons. While sex between inmates is illegal, supporters of the “Prisoner Protections for Family and Community Health Act” say making condoms available in prison will help prevent the spread of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law’s author, Assemblyman Rob Bonta, points to the machines in San Francisco’s jails as a model of how condom distribution could work on the state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/180179842″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco began providing condoms to inmates in the 1980s in response to the AIDS crisis. There are now more than a dozen condom machines in San Francisco’s jails, according to Kate Monico Klein, director of HIV services for Jail Health, a division of the county’s Public Health Department. The dispenser in Jail Number Four was mounted in a corner of the gym “so that people would have a minor amount of privacy,” Monico Klein explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">The CDC estimates that one in seven people living with HIV passes through correctional facilities each year.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sex in jail is illegal even if it is consensual. Section 286(e) of the California Penal Code outlaws “sodomy with any person of any age while confined in any state prison … or in any local detention facility,” and California’s Code of Regulations prohibits all sexual acts between inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law’s the law, but should this behavior occur, there’s a safe, safer way,” says San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi. “We want people to be protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimate that one in seven people living with HIV passes through correctional facilities each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Condoms are good to have around, I think, because it’s a life-saving device,” says Robert Greve, an inmate who’s serving a short sentence in the jail’s special unit for gay and transgender prisoners. “A lot of people don’t care about their health, I don’t think. Personally, I do. I’d rather not have sex than not use a condom, but some people do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10367776\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 336px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-10367776\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi-400x442.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi\" width=\"336\" height=\"371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi-400x442.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi-800x884.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 336px) 100vw, 336px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi. (Mina Kim/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Having done time in several states, Greve says this is the first time he’s been locked up in a facility where condoms are provided. With a laugh, he says he likes to make use of the machine, taking “10 of them every time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another inmate in the jail, Rene Angel Ramirez, says he’s HIV-positive and uses condoms to keep partners safe — and to protect himself from diseases like gonorrhea, chlamydia or hepatitis C. He says he knows people who have contracted HIV while in custody. “We still have the need of sex,” he explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Monico Klein recalls, when condoms were first introduced in San Francisco jails, some deputies were unhappy with the plan. Apart from the illegality of sex between inmates, there were concerns that condoms could be used for smuggling drugs, or filled with urine and thrown at staff, known as “gassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says deputies were also concerned that making condoms available would lead to an increase in both consensual sex and sexual assault. The Sheriff’s Department says that hasn’t happened in the years since condoms have been available. But the condoms have been used in some unexpected ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found that among other things, prisoners take the condoms and they use them as hair ties. They use them as pillows,” says Monico Klein. “One of the deputies told me that they blow them up and use them as balloons. While this initially bothered some people, she says, “we realized that this is another way of destigmatizing HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after more than two decades, San Francisco Chief Deputy Sheriff Matthew Freeman says not all deputies are comfortable with condoms being available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could not report to you that there still is buy-in from the uniformed staff,” Freeman says, and adds there are reasons sex is prohibited in jail. “We know from experiences running and managing jails that even consensual activity amongst inmates can lead to very real problems.”\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has five years to come up with its plan for distributing condoms in state prisons, a move that Mirkarimi says is “years overdue.” Other prisons and jails across the U.S. have been slow to follow San Francisco’s lead, something Mirkarimi attributes to the slow pace of reform in the criminal justice system, as well as homophobia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inmate Greve says that, based on his own experience in state lockups, the only problem he imagines with providing condoms in California state prisons will be supply, because “people will want as many of them as they can get.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the corner of a gym in a San Francisco jail, there’s something you wouldn’t usually find behind bars: a condom machine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a new law that makes condoms available for free in all of California’s prisons. While sex between inmates is illegal, supporters of the “Prisoner Protections for Family and Community Health Act” say making condoms available in prison will help prevent the spread of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law’s author, Assemblyman Rob Bonta, points to the machines in San Francisco’s jails as a model of how condom distribution could work on the state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/180179842″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/180179842″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco began providing condoms to inmates in the 1980s in response to the AIDS crisis. There are now more than a dozen condom machines in San Francisco’s jails, according to Kate Monico Klein, director of HIV services for Jail Health, a division of the county’s Public Health Department. The dispenser in Jail Number Four was mounted in a corner of the gym “so that people would have a minor amount of privacy,” Monico Klein explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">The CDC estimates that one in seven people living with HIV passes through correctional facilities each year.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sex in jail is illegal even if it is consensual. Section 286(e) of the California Penal Code outlaws “sodomy with any person of any age while confined in any state prison … or in any local detention facility,” and California’s Code of Regulations prohibits all sexual acts between inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The law’s the law, but should this behavior occur, there’s a safe, safer way,” says San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi. “We want people to be protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimate that one in seven people living with HIV passes through correctional facilities each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Condoms are good to have around, I think, because it’s a life-saving device,” says Robert Greve, an inmate who’s serving a short sentence in the jail’s special unit for gay and transgender prisoners. “A lot of people don’t care about their health, I don’t think. Personally, I do. I’d rather not have sex than not use a condom, but some people do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10367776\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 336px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-10367776\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi-400x442.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi\" width=\"336\" height=\"371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi-400x442.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi-800x884.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/12/Mirkarimi.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 336px) 100vw, 336px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Sheriff Ross Mirkarimi. (Mina Kim/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Having done time in several states, Greve says this is the first time he’s been locked up in a facility where condoms are provided. With a laugh, he says he likes to make use of the machine, taking “10 of them every time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another inmate in the jail, Rene Angel Ramirez, says he’s HIV-positive and uses condoms to keep partners safe — and to protect himself from diseases like gonorrhea, chlamydia or hepatitis C. He says he knows people who have contracted HIV while in custody. “We still have the need of sex,” he explains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Monico Klein recalls, when condoms were first introduced in San Francisco jails, some deputies were unhappy with the plan. Apart from the illegality of sex between inmates, there were concerns that condoms could be used for smuggling drugs, or filled with urine and thrown at staff, known as “gassing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says deputies were also concerned that making condoms available would lead to an increase in both consensual sex and sexual assault. The Sheriff’s Department says that hasn’t happened in the years since condoms have been available. But the condoms have been used in some unexpected ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We found that among other things, prisoners take the condoms and they use them as hair ties. They use them as pillows,” says Monico Klein. “One of the deputies told me that they blow them up and use them as balloons. While this initially bothered some people, she says, “we realized that this is another way of destigmatizing HIV.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even after more than two decades, San Francisco Chief Deputy Sheriff Matthew Freeman says not all deputies are comfortable with condoms being available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could not report to you that there still is buy-in from the uniformed staff,” Freeman says, and adds there are reasons sex is prohibited in jail. “We know from experiences running and managing jails that even consensual activity amongst inmates can lead to very real problems.”\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has five years to come up with its plan for distributing condoms in state prisons, a move that Mirkarimi says is “years overdue.” Other prisons and jails across the U.S. have been slow to follow San Francisco’s lead, something Mirkarimi attributes to the slow pace of reform in the criminal justice system, as well as homophobia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inmate Greve says that, based on his own experience in state lockups, the only problem he imagines with providing condoms in California state prisons will be supply, because “people will want as many of them as they can get.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Jails Unequipped for 1,100 Long-Term Inmates",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>By Don Thompson, Associated Press\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP)—California counties are housing more than 1,100 inmates on long-term sentences in jails designed for stays of a year or less, according to the first report detailing the growth in that population under Gov. Jerry Brown’s criminal justice realignment strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_77734\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/10/09/disabled-inmates-suffer-in-shift-to-county-jails/jail-monical-lam-cir/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-77734\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-77734 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/jail-monical-lam-cir-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"Fresno jail inmates. (Monica Lam/Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"300\" height=\"169\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fresno jail inmates. (Monica Lam/Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The oversight of so many long-term inmates is presenting challenges for county sheriffs, especially with the number expected to grow markedly in the years ahead. In addition to finding adequate space to house the new population, the sheriffs also must provide the inmates with education, treatment programs, rehabilitation services and recreation, which adds to their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vehicle theft, drug trafficking, receiving stolen property, identity theft and commercial burglary were the most common crimes for jail inmates who were sentenced to 5 to 10 years in county jails, according to the report, which was obtained by The Associated Press before its public release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, covering all but six of the state’s 58 counties, was done by the California State Sheriffs’ Association and sent to the governor’s administration and Legislature.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not set up to house inmates for this period of time,” said Nick Warner, the association’s legislative director. “They’re living in conditions that they’re not designed to stay in for this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Jail is holding 35 percent of all long-term inmates. Statewide, 44 inmates already have been sentenced to more than a decade in local jails, with one Los Angeles County man serving a 43-year term for trafficking large amounts of drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, the association found that 1,153 inmates in county jails were sentenced to at least five years. Drug trafficking resulted in most of the sentences topping a decade, although a Riverside County inmate is serving nearly 13 years for felony child abuse and a Solano County inmate is serving more than 10 years as a serial thief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association started with inmates whose formal sentences are at least five years because most will actually be released after serving less than that. With time off for good behavior, for example, an inmate serving a five-year sentence can be released in about 2 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of long-term inmates in local jails will keep growing as the state diverts more lower-level criminals from state prisons to comply with the governor’s realignment law and federal court orders to reduce the population in the state’s 33 adult prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before lawmakers approved Brown’s law enforcement realignment in 2011, the only prisoner who might spend more than a year in a county jail would be someone awaiting trial in a complicated case such as murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the number of long-term inmates represents less than 2 percent of the 77,000 prisoners who can be housed in California’s 58 county jails, sheriffs say they command a disproportionate share of money and attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many sheriffs would like to return their long-term inmates to state prisons, Warner said, although he acknowledged that is not likely as long as the state is trying to relieve prison crowding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a really tough issue to resolve,” Warner said. “There are some inmates who don’t belong in county jails for this period of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Callison, a spokesman for the state Department Corrections and Rehabilitation, acknowledged that sheriffs need a different type of facility to handle long-term inmates, but he noted that state lawmakers authorized $500 million last year to help counties renovate jails and add space for treating inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the kind of construction you’re seeing already,” Callison said. ‘The jails are getting modernized. They’re able to offer more programs to their inmates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have approved $1.2 billion in bonds for building new jails, many of which are under construction. Counties are getting $865 million in operating money through the state this fiscal year, with their allocation budgeted to exceed $1 billion next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callison said the state also is discussing with counties ways in which they can better accommodate their long-term inmates, including contracting with outside facilities that are better designed to handle that population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges also can sentence inmates to split sentences that reduce jail time while requiring that released felons are supervised in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The U.S. Supreme Court ordered California to dramatically reduce its prison population. Rather than release prisoners early, the state is complying through realignment,” Elizabeth Ashford, a spokeswoman for the governor, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state will keep helping counties as they implement the policy.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "By Don Thompson, Associated Press SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP)—California counties are housing more than 1,100 inmates on long-term sentences in jails designed for stays of a year or less, according to the first report detailing the growth in that population under Gov. Jerry Brown's criminal justice realignment strategy. The oversight of so many long-term inmates is presenting challenges for county sheriffs, especially with the number expected to grow markedly in the years ahead. In addition to finding adequate space to house the new population, the sheriffs also must provide the inmates with education, treatment programs, rehabilitation services and recreation, which adds",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>By Don Thompson, Associated Press\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003c/em>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP)—California counties are housing more than 1,100 inmates on long-term sentences in jails designed for stays of a year or less, according to the first report detailing the growth in that population under Gov. Jerry Brown’s criminal justice realignment strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_77734\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/10/09/disabled-inmates-suffer-in-shift-to-county-jails/jail-monical-lam-cir/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-77734\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-77734 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/jail-monical-lam-cir-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"Fresno jail inmates. (Monica Lam/Center for Investigative Reporting)\" width=\"300\" height=\"169\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fresno jail inmates. (Monica Lam/Center for Investigative Reporting)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The oversight of so many long-term inmates is presenting challenges for county sheriffs, especially with the number expected to grow markedly in the years ahead. In addition to finding adequate space to house the new population, the sheriffs also must provide the inmates with education, treatment programs, rehabilitation services and recreation, which adds to their costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vehicle theft, drug trafficking, receiving stolen property, identity theft and commercial burglary were the most common crimes for jail inmates who were sentenced to 5 to 10 years in county jails, according to the report, which was obtained by The Associated Press before its public release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, covering all but six of the state’s 58 counties, was done by the California State Sheriffs’ Association and sent to the governor’s administration and Legislature.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not set up to house inmates for this period of time,” said Nick Warner, the association’s legislative director. “They’re living in conditions that they’re not designed to stay in for this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles County Jail is holding 35 percent of all long-term inmates. Statewide, 44 inmates already have been sentenced to more than a decade in local jails, with one Los Angeles County man serving a 43-year term for trafficking large amounts of drugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, the association found that 1,153 inmates in county jails were sentenced to at least five years. Drug trafficking resulted in most of the sentences topping a decade, although a Riverside County inmate is serving nearly 13 years for felony child abuse and a Solano County inmate is serving more than 10 years as a serial thief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The association started with inmates whose formal sentences are at least five years because most will actually be released after serving less than that. With time off for good behavior, for example, an inmate serving a five-year sentence can be released in about 2 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of long-term inmates in local jails will keep growing as the state diverts more lower-level criminals from state prisons to comply with the governor’s realignment law and federal court orders to reduce the population in the state’s 33 adult prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before lawmakers approved Brown’s law enforcement realignment in 2011, the only prisoner who might spend more than a year in a county jail would be someone awaiting trial in a complicated case such as murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the number of long-term inmates represents less than 2 percent of the 77,000 prisoners who can be housed in California’s 58 county jails, sheriffs say they command a disproportionate share of money and attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many sheriffs would like to return their long-term inmates to state prisons, Warner said, although he acknowledged that is not likely as long as the state is trying to relieve prison crowding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a really tough issue to resolve,” Warner said. “There are some inmates who don’t belong in county jails for this period of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Callison, a spokesman for the state Department Corrections and Rehabilitation, acknowledged that sheriffs need a different type of facility to handle long-term inmates, but he noted that state lawmakers authorized $500 million last year to help counties renovate jails and add space for treating inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s the kind of construction you’re seeing already,” Callison said. ‘The jails are getting modernized. They’re able to offer more programs to their inmates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have approved $1.2 billion in bonds for building new jails, many of which are under construction. Counties are getting $865 million in operating money through the state this fiscal year, with their allocation budgeted to exceed $1 billion next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callison said the state also is discussing with counties ways in which they can better accommodate their long-term inmates, including contracting with outside facilities that are better designed to handle that population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said judges also can sentence inmates to split sentences that reduce jail time while requiring that released felons are supervised in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The U.S. Supreme Court ordered California to dramatically reduce its prison population. Rather than release prisoners early, the state is complying through realignment,” Elizabeth Ashford, a spokeswoman for the governor, said in an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state will keep helping counties as they implement the policy.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Disabled Inmates Suffer in Shift to County Jails",
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"content": "\u003cp>Shoshana Walter, \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/disabled-inmates-suffer-shift-county-jails-18298\">California Watch\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day in March, a blind man was booked into the San Bernardino County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_77734\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 328px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/jail-monica-lam-cir.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-77734 \" title=\"jail monical lam cir\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/jail-monical-lam-cir.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"328\" height=\"185\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fresno's jail population has shot up by 30 percent, one of the highest increases in the state. (Monical Lam/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A parole violator, he could see only four inches in front of his face. At the West Valley Detention Center, according to his account, deputies assigned him the upper bunk in a cell at the top of a tall staircase. “The deputy laughed at me and told me I could see just fine,” he recounted. Several days later, he missed a step and, flailing for a handrail, tumbled down the steel staircase. When he returned from the hospital in a wheelchair, deputies confiscated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blind prisoner’s account, dictated to an attorney, is one of dozens of complaints cited in a federal lawsuit alleging that the state violated the rights of disabled prisoners by not ensuring they would receive adequate care in county jails. The San Bernardino Sheriff’s Department did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the state’s responsibility for disabled prisoners has taken on increasing importance as the state shifts the burden of housing many thousands of inmates onto the counties in a policy euphemistically known as “realignment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blind prisoner’s account, dictated to an attorney, is one of dozens of complaints cited in a federal lawsuit alleging that the state violated the rights of disabled prisoners by not ensuring they would receive adequate care in county jails. The San Bernardino Sheriff’s Department did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the state’s responsibility for disabled prisoners has taken on increasing importance as the state shifts the burden of housing many thousands of inmates onto the counties in a policy euphemistically known as “realignment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state, facing a federal court mandate to shrink its prison population, enacted the Public Safety Realignment Act last year, flooding county jails with felons, nonviolent offenders and parolees who have been rearrested. Among them are thousands of disabled prisoners with special medical needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For county governments already reeling from budget cutbacks, the cost of upgrading jails and caring for disabled prisoners could be huge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m crossing my fingers that we can accommodate some of those needs here in our county,” said Undersheriff Dahl Cleek, of Tulare County, where advocates found disability rights violations earlier this year. “But it’s not like we have a built-in hospital inside these jails. Those could bankrupt a county pretty quick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than two decades, attorneys representing disabled prisoners have fought the state in federal court to improve their treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, lawyers filed a class-action lawsuit against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation alleging that the department housed disabled prisoners in poor conditions and discriminated against them by failing to provide equal access to programs and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark suit, now known as the Armstrong case after lead plaintiff John Armstrong, ultimately compelled the prison system to improve its facilities and expand services for disabled prisoners. State prisons began keeping track of disabled inmates, giving them vests that identified their disability status and making sure they had access to showers, toilets, medical supplies and prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We underwent tremendous changes,” said Jeanne Woodford, the former corrections department director who helped implement the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the surge of inmates in county jails, lawyers for the disabled gathered dozens of complaints from prisoners and presented them to U.S. District Judge Claudia Wilken, who deemed them evidence of widespread rights violations in county facilities. The cases included:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Santa Rita Jail in Dublin, an inmate with 80 percent hearing loss was denied a hearing aid and then disciplined for failing to listen to deputies’ directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Barbara County, a bipolar and suicidal parole violator said he was denied the medication he had received while in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento County, a blind parole violator was denied a tapping cane, forcing him to rely on inmates and deputies to escort him to the toilet, the showers and meals. He had been permitted a cane in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, a paralyzed parolee reported that deputies replaced her custom wheelchair with a broken one, tying her feet to the footrests to keep them from dragging, then gave her a cell with a door that was not wide enough for a wheelchair. Deputies later returned her personal wheelchair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tulare County, an inmate with swollen legs from chronic liver disease reported that deputies had confiscated his cane. In prison, he had been allowed to use a cane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in Tulare County, a parole violator scheduled for knee replacement surgery was given an upper bunk; he fell 11 times while trying to climb onto his bed, he said. In prison, he had been assigned a lower bunk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Butte County, a deaf inmate said he could not communicate with medical staff about an ear infection because the jail did not provide a sign language interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodford was asked by the prisoners’ attorneys to review jail polices and the prisoners’ complaints. She said many county jails are now in the same position the state prisons were before the Armstrong case was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“County jails are providing accommodations only sporadically, resulting in significant harm to CDCR prisoners and parolees,” Woodford said in a declaration to the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Wilken upheld her earlier order that the state is responsible for disabled parole violators and prisoners who are being held in county facilities. She ordered the state to begin emailing jails with information about disabled prisoners coming into their care and describing the past services they received. She also ordered the state to give prisoners grievance forms and investigate complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Sept. 10, the state has notified county jails that more than 1,300 of their newly arrived inmates are disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gay Grunfeld, the lead attorney for prisoners in the Armstrong case, said the judge’s order would improve conditions in the jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This idea that the state and the counties are totally separate is just inconsistent with reality,” she said. “I’m very confident that providing information about the particular parolees is going to help everybody improve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state, however, has appealed Wilken’s decision. And in June, Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation declaring that any parolee locked up in a county jail is under the county’s “sole legal custody and jurisdiction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials are concerned that if the state prevails, they may be on the hook for expensive jail renovations, long-term treatment programs and services such as sign language interpreters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a question that we don’t yet know the answer to,” said Butte County Undersheriff Kory Honea. “Certainly, there is the possibility that litigation costs, or the costs associated with retrofitting the facility or providing accommodations could increase. It could be substantial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Grunfeld said county jails have no excuse for not following the federal law that protects all Americans with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re worried,” she said, “they should start complying.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "Shoshana Walter, California Watch One day in March, a blind man was booked into the San Bernardino County jail. A parole violator, he could see only four inches in front of his face. At the West Valley Detention Center, according to his account, deputies assigned him the upper bunk in a cell at the top",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Shoshana Walter, \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/disabled-inmates-suffer-shift-county-jails-18298\">California Watch\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day in March, a blind man was booked into the San Bernardino County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_77734\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 328px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/jail-monica-lam-cir.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-77734 \" title=\"jail monical lam cir\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/jail-monical-lam-cir.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"328\" height=\"185\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fresno's jail population has shot up by 30 percent, one of the highest increases in the state. (Monical Lam/CIR)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A parole violator, he could see only four inches in front of his face. At the West Valley Detention Center, according to his account, deputies assigned him the upper bunk in a cell at the top of a tall staircase. “The deputy laughed at me and told me I could see just fine,” he recounted. Several days later, he missed a step and, flailing for a handrail, tumbled down the steel staircase. When he returned from the hospital in a wheelchair, deputies confiscated it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blind prisoner’s account, dictated to an attorney, is one of dozens of complaints cited in a federal lawsuit alleging that the state violated the rights of disabled prisoners by not ensuring they would receive adequate care in county jails. The San Bernardino Sheriff’s Department did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the state’s responsibility for disabled prisoners has taken on increasing importance as the state shifts the burden of housing many thousands of inmates onto the counties in a policy euphemistically known as “realignment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blind prisoner’s account, dictated to an attorney, is one of dozens of complaints cited in a federal lawsuit alleging that the state violated the rights of disabled prisoners by not ensuring they would receive adequate care in county jails. The San Bernardino Sheriff’s Department did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over the state’s responsibility for disabled prisoners has taken on increasing importance as the state shifts the burden of housing many thousands of inmates onto the counties in a policy euphemistically known as “realignment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state, facing a federal court mandate to shrink its prison population, enacted the Public Safety Realignment Act last year, flooding county jails with felons, nonviolent offenders and parolees who have been rearrested. Among them are thousands of disabled prisoners with special medical needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For county governments already reeling from budget cutbacks, the cost of upgrading jails and caring for disabled prisoners could be huge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m crossing my fingers that we can accommodate some of those needs here in our county,” said Undersheriff Dahl Cleek, of Tulare County, where advocates found disability rights violations earlier this year. “But it’s not like we have a built-in hospital inside these jails. Those could bankrupt a county pretty quick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than two decades, attorneys representing disabled prisoners have fought the state in federal court to improve their treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, lawyers filed a class-action lawsuit against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation alleging that the department housed disabled prisoners in poor conditions and discriminated against them by failing to provide equal access to programs and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark suit, now known as the Armstrong case after lead plaintiff John Armstrong, ultimately compelled the prison system to improve its facilities and expand services for disabled prisoners. State prisons began keeping track of disabled inmates, giving them vests that identified their disability status and making sure they had access to showers, toilets, medical supplies and prison programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We underwent tremendous changes,” said Jeanne Woodford, the former corrections department director who helped implement the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the surge of inmates in county jails, lawyers for the disabled gathered dozens of complaints from prisoners and presented them to U.S. District Judge Claudia Wilken, who deemed them evidence of widespread rights violations in county facilities. The cases included:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Santa Rita Jail in Dublin, an inmate with 80 percent hearing loss was denied a hearing aid and then disciplined for failing to listen to deputies’ directions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Barbara County, a bipolar and suicidal parole violator said he was denied the medication he had received while in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento County, a blind parole violator was denied a tapping cane, forcing him to rely on inmates and deputies to escort him to the toilet, the showers and meals. He had been permitted a cane in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, a paralyzed parolee reported that deputies replaced her custom wheelchair with a broken one, tying her feet to the footrests to keep them from dragging, then gave her a cell with a door that was not wide enough for a wheelchair. Deputies later returned her personal wheelchair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Tulare County, an inmate with swollen legs from chronic liver disease reported that deputies had confiscated his cane. In prison, he had been allowed to use a cane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also in Tulare County, a parole violator scheduled for knee replacement surgery was given an upper bunk; he fell 11 times while trying to climb onto his bed, he said. In prison, he had been assigned a lower bunk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Butte County, a deaf inmate said he could not communicate with medical staff about an ear infection because the jail did not provide a sign language interpreter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodford was asked by the prisoners’ attorneys to review jail polices and the prisoners’ complaints. She said many county jails are now in the same position the state prisons were before the Armstrong case was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“County jails are providing accommodations only sporadically, resulting in significant harm to CDCR prisoners and parolees,” Woodford said in a declaration to the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, Wilken upheld her earlier order that the state is responsible for disabled parole violators and prisoners who are being held in county facilities. She ordered the state to begin emailing jails with information about disabled prisoners coming into their care and describing the past services they received. She also ordered the state to give prisoners grievance forms and investigate complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Sept. 10, the state has notified county jails that more than 1,300 of their newly arrived inmates are disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gay Grunfeld, the lead attorney for prisoners in the Armstrong case, said the judge’s order would improve conditions in the jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This idea that the state and the counties are totally separate is just inconsistent with reality,” she said. “I’m very confident that providing information about the particular parolees is going to help everybody improve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state, however, has appealed Wilken’s decision. And in June, Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation declaring that any parolee locked up in a county jail is under the county’s “sole legal custody and jurisdiction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials are concerned that if the state prevails, they may be on the hook for expensive jail renovations, long-term treatment programs and services such as sign language interpreters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a question that we don’t yet know the answer to,” said Butte County Undersheriff Kory Honea. “Certainly, there is the possibility that litigation costs, or the costs associated with retrofitting the facility or providing accommodations could increase. It could be substantial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Grunfeld said county jails have no excuse for not following the federal law that protects all Americans with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Calif. Underestimated Number of Prisoners Sent to County Jails Under Realignment",
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"content": "\u003cp>by Don Thompson, Associated Press\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) -- Nearly 250 more criminals will serve their time in county jails instead of state prisons each year under a new California law, a sharp increase from the state's original projections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_69590\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/07/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-69590\" title=\"unit of pbshu prison Michael Montgomery\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/07/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A unit of Pelican Bay prison in California (Michael Montgomery/KQED).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said Thursday that it miscalculated the effect of changing where some criminals serve their time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers say the shift that took effect last month will send more violent offenders to local facilities, violating the state's pledge to keep people convicted of violent crimes in state prisons.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!--more-->\u003cbr>\nCorrections officials originally said only two more criminals each year were likely to shift to local jails while serving time for weapons possession and other crimes. Those projections were reported in an Associated Press story published June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department now says 247 more criminals would go to local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population of the state's 33 adult prisons has dropped by more than 40,000 inmates since October, when the state began sending thousands of criminals to county jails in response to court orders requiring a reduction in overcrowding at state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law enacted last month as part of the new state budget shifted 10 crimes back to state prisons, including several involving child sex offenses or seriously injuring a peace officer. The department projected that would affect about 10 criminals each year. Callison could not immediately say if researchers also miscalculated that estimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP first reported in October that at least two dozen offenses moving to local control could be considered serious or violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The additional crimes that will now bring jail sentences instead of prison time under the new law include possession of certain explosives, various knives and exotic weapons, as well as check fraud and defrauding the state's food stamp program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said they were merely fixing a drafting error, and that those categories of crimes should have resulted in jail time under the original realignment law that took effect last year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "by Don Thompson, Associated Press SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) -- Nearly 250 more criminals will serve their time in county jails instead of state prisons each year under a new California law, a sharp increase from the state's original projections. The corrections department said Thursday that it miscalculated the effect of changing where some criminals serve",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>by Don Thompson, Associated Press\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) -- Nearly 250 more criminals will serve their time in county jails instead of state prisons each year under a new California law, a sharp increase from the state's original projections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_69590\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/07/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-69590\" title=\"unit of pbshu prison Michael Montgomery\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/07/unit-of-pbshu-prison-Michael-Montgomery.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A unit of Pelican Bay prison in California (Michael Montgomery/KQED).\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The corrections department said Thursday that it miscalculated the effect of changing where some criminals serve their time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican lawmakers say the shift that took effect last month will send more violent offenders to local facilities, violating the state's pledge to keep people convicted of violent crimes in state prisons.\u003cbr>\n\u003c!--more-->\u003cbr>\nCorrections officials originally said only two more criminals each year were likely to shift to local jails while serving time for weapons possession and other crimes. Those projections were reported in an Associated Press story published June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department now says 247 more criminals would go to local jails.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population of the state's 33 adult prisons has dropped by more than 40,000 inmates since October, when the state began sending thousands of criminals to county jails in response to court orders requiring a reduction in overcrowding at state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law enacted last month as part of the new state budget shifted 10 crimes back to state prisons, including several involving child sex offenses or seriously injuring a peace officer. The department projected that would affect about 10 criminals each year. Callison could not immediately say if researchers also miscalculated that estimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP first reported in October that at least two dozen offenses moving to local control could be considered serious or violent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The additional crimes that will now bring jail sentences instead of prison time under the new law include possession of certain explosives, various knives and exotic weapons, as well as check fraud and defrauding the state's food stamp program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials said they were merely fixing a drafting error, and that those categories of crimes should have resulted in jail time under the original realignment law that took effect last year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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