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"content": "\u003cp>Senate Republicans have cast two separate votes this week trying to dismantle the Affordable Care Act. The first bill to be voted down was a “repeal-only” proposal and the second was a plan for replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their options narrowed, Senate Republicans are now trying to remove some key provisions of Obamacare in what’s being called the “skinny repeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The language is not yet final, but one version of the repeal bill would remove the requirement for individuals and businesses to buy health insurance. This is a key feature that works to expand risk pools and lower costs. The GOP plan would also get rid of the medical device tax — a revenue source for the current health law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this all mean for California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The implications for 2018 are stark,” said Peter V. Lee in a statement Thursday. He’s the executive director of Covered California, the state’s health insurance marketplace. About 700,000 fewer Californians would have individual coverage, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”jK8MqzTl6jlFnyIrRhm5pDjP5YI9ZqOa”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of those people would drop coverage not because there is no penalty but because the increase in premiums could be as much as 20 percent more due to a less healthy risk mix,” Lee said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apart from those coverage losses in the individual market, 300,000 Californians would likely not enroll in Medicaid due to the elimination of the individual mandate, the group said, noting its analysis was consistent with prior \u003ca href=\"http://board.coveredca.com/meetings/2016/5-12/Covered%20CA%20and%20PwC%20Market%20Planning%20and%20Analysis_Board%20Draft.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimates\u003c/a> of the elimination of the mandate developed for it by PricewaterhouseCoopers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, Covered California said the “skinny repeal” would lead to increases in uncompensated care that would have implications for the entire state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dianne Feinstein, citing the group’s findings, said Thursday she was concerned the Republican bill would “take California backward in terms of coverage gains achieved over the last four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate is expected to debate the bill through late Thursday, following fast-track budget rules that limit the negotiations to 20 hours. But amendments can still be added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When debate time expires, those amendments are voted on in what Senators call a “vote-a-rama.” This could turn into an all-night session tonight, where the Senate Republican definition of skinny could keep evolving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 55-member congressional delegation has split along party lines on the health care votes, with all 14 House Republicans supporting GOP legislation to roll back Obamacare and their Democratic counterparts, including the state’s two senators, remaining opposed to such efforts.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Senate Republicans have cast two separate votes this week trying to dismantle the Affordable Care Act. The first bill to be voted down was a “repeal-only” proposal and the second was a plan for replacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With their options narrowed, Senate Republicans are now trying to remove some key provisions of Obamacare in what’s being called the “skinny repeal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The language is not yet final, but one version of the repeal bill would remove the requirement for individuals and businesses to buy health insurance. This is a key feature that works to expand risk pools and lower costs. The GOP plan would also get rid of the medical device tax — a revenue source for the current health law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what does this all mean for California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The implications for 2018 are stark,” said Peter V. Lee in a statement Thursday. He’s the executive director of Covered California, the state’s health insurance marketplace. About 700,000 fewer Californians would have individual coverage, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of those people would drop coverage not because there is no penalty but because the increase in premiums could be as much as 20 percent more due to a less healthy risk mix,” Lee said in the statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apart from those coverage losses in the individual market, 300,000 Californians would likely not enroll in Medicaid due to the elimination of the individual mandate, the group said, noting its analysis was consistent with prior \u003ca href=\"http://board.coveredca.com/meetings/2016/5-12/Covered%20CA%20and%20PwC%20Market%20Planning%20and%20Analysis_Board%20Draft.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">estimates\u003c/a> of the elimination of the mandate developed for it by PricewaterhouseCoopers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, Covered California said the “skinny repeal” would lead to increases in uncompensated care that would have implications for the entire state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Dianne Feinstein, citing the group’s findings, said Thursday she was concerned the Republican bill would “take California backward in terms of coverage gains achieved over the last four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate is expected to debate the bill through late Thursday, following fast-track budget rules that limit the negotiations to 20 hours. But amendments can still be added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When debate time expires, those amendments are voted on in what Senators call a “vote-a-rama.” This could turn into an all-night session tonight, where the Senate Republican definition of skinny could keep evolving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 55-member congressional delegation has split along party lines on the health care votes, with all 14 House Republicans supporting GOP legislation to roll back Obamacare and their Democratic counterparts, including the state’s two senators, remaining opposed to such efforts.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In an era where people are protesting noisily around the country, we’re looking for stories of quiet resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opting out of the status quo doesn’t have to make a big political statement. Sometimes little acts of dissent can bring about big change. In fact, we tend to forget how much “the power of no” is part of our everyday lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re interested in the reasons why people decide to say no to the apparently minor things that most of us are conditioned to say yes to, and what happens to them and their communities when they refuse to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Please take our \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1QJCqXE5vvlU2xlRWpwNUjXDKOw0sjmqCtQXOKMILQdQ/edit?ts=594068fe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">short survey\u003c/a> to tell us your story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1QJCqXE5vvlU2xlRWpwNUjXDKOw0sjmqCtQXOKMILQdQ/edit?ts=594068fe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some examples of the sorts of stories we’re interested in hearing — though please don’t limit yourself to these archetypes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A member of a group of political activists (e.g., a student or environmental group) who decides not to participate in a particular action with the rest of the group.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A person who won’t work more than 40 hours a week on principle even in a workplace where working long hours is the norm.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A high-performing student who chooses not to attend a four-year university.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"line-height: 1.5\">A parent who chooses not to send their kid(s) to a private or charter school, and instead puts them in the local public school, when their peers actively searched out, applied for and sent their kid(s) to private or charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"line-height: 1.5\">A couple in a community where everyone typically has lots of children who decide not to have kids.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A prom king or queen who decides not to go to the school prom, even though everyone in their peer group is going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an era where people are protesting noisily around the country, we’re looking for stories of quiet resistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opting out of the status quo doesn’t have to make a big political statement. Sometimes little acts of dissent can bring about big change. In fact, we tend to forget how much “the power of no” is part of our everyday lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re interested in the reasons why people decide to say no to the apparently minor things that most of us are conditioned to say yes to, and what happens to them and their communities when they refuse to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Please take our \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1QJCqXE5vvlU2xlRWpwNUjXDKOw0sjmqCtQXOKMILQdQ/edit?ts=594068fe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">short survey\u003c/a> to tell us your story:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1QJCqXE5vvlU2xlRWpwNUjXDKOw0sjmqCtQXOKMILQdQ/edit?ts=594068fe\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some examples of the sorts of stories we’re interested in hearing — though please don’t limit yourself to these archetypes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A member of a group of political activists (e.g., a student or environmental group) who decides not to participate in a particular action with the rest of the group.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A person who won’t work more than 40 hours a week on principle even in a workplace where working long hours is the norm.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A high-performing student who chooses not to attend a four-year university.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"line-height: 1.5\">A parent who chooses not to send their kid(s) to a private or charter school, and instead puts them in the local public school, when their peers actively searched out, applied for and sent their kid(s) to private or charter schools.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"line-height: 1.5\">A couple in a community where everyone typically has lots of children who decide not to have kids.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A prom king or queen who decides not to go to the school prom, even though everyone in their peer group is going.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/guide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Indivisible Guide\u003c/a> has become a 26-page must-read for people looking to oppose President Trump’s agenda. The guide — which has been viewed or downloaded more than 2 million times, according to the organization — also offers a supplemental section on how to demand copies of Trump’s tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Trump colluding with Russia or enriching himself off the presidency? … Until we see Trump’s tax returns, we cannot be certain that foreign governments don’t have leverage over Trump that can be used to influence American policy,” says \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/resource/get-trumps-tax-returns/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the supplement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”ZqGfaqQmmLy4W6hycS06PTTc5V9AfMl3″]Yet this progressive political organization — which is founded and staffed by former congressional staffers — has not disclosed where its money is coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Report\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> requested financial statements and donor lists for the group. Indivisible spokespeople told us they’ve raised more than $2.2 million from 30,000 individual donations since they started accepting donations in January, including “some foundation money and dollars from high net worth individuals.” They declined repeated requests to name any of these individuals.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nonprofit organizations often cite privacy concerns as a reason to not disclose their donor lists, and Indivisible says it is no different. Angel Padilla, a former Democratic congressional staffer and one of the founders of Indivisible, said those privacy concerns are the only thing stopping Indivisible from releasing the names of its donors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sarah Bryner, research director for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Responsive Politics\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics, said Indivisible has no legal obligation to disclose its donors if it doesn’t run election ads supporting or opposing a particular candidate. Indivisible hasn’t done that yet, but it is set up as a 501(c)(4), \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/charities-non-profits/other-non-profits/social-welfare-organizations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a designation\u003c/a> that allows the organization to engage in political activity, so long as that is not its primary activity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If they’re trying to influence election outcomes, we feel like people should know about who’s funding those efforts,” said Bryner. “But there’s also the question of privacy for donors, and if they’re not spending money in such a way that they would be influencing those election outcomes, then generally people defer towards protecting that privacy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The Origin Story\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On election night, Padilla, one of the group’s founders, was hanging out with friends and other former congressional staffers, expecting to watch the first female president get elected. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Watching the forecasting flip throughout the course of the night was a traumatic experience,” said Padilla.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party. But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate … \u003ccite>Indivisible Guide\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the following days, as Trump’s victory began to set in, and progressives in California and across the country started planning their resistance, Padilla and his friends realized they could play a unique role.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We, as former staffers, realized that we’ve kind of been through this before but on the flip side,” he said. “We were on the Hill when Obama was first elected, when Congress was controlled by Democrats, and we saw how organized local activism was able to slow down much of the Obama agenda.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These staffers had seen the rise and success of the Tea Party and thought they could use those tactics — local activism and defensive politics — to accomplish the same thing, but on the other end of the political spectrum. The goal: stymie Trump and take back Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They put together a public Google document with insider tips for influencing members of Congress, which eventually morphed into the 26-page Indivisible Guide and ultimately the fully fledged nonprofit organization helping local groups organize against the Trump presidency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509004\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"671\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509004\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-160x134.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-240x201.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-375x314.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-520x436.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The group has tried to create streamlined ways to organize local protestors.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party,” the founders wrote in their guide. “But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate and the behavior of national policymakers.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tea Party of the Left\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the Tea Party gained power and national recognition, many started asking who was funding what appeared to be a grass-roots movement. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2010/08/30/covert-operations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Multiple media organizations\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> dug into the group’s finances and reported that Americans for Prosperity — a conservative political advocacy group founded by billionaire Republican mega-donors David and Charles Koch — had been working with and supporting the Tea Party from its inception.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what about Indivisible? Who are they getting their money from?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last month, the group published its \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/blog/indivisibles-fundraising-philosophy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">fundraising philosophy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which is centered on four guiding principles: a focus on small donations; diversified funding sources; only accepting funds from “those who support and uphold our progressive values;” and making fundraising the secondary focus to supporting local chapters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We won’t take money from an organization that we don’t think is a progressive organization,” said Padilla. “If there are things they might be involved in that we disagree with, we won’t take their money.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The group also says it won’t take money from political parties, leaders or candidates to “avoid any appearance of influence on our strategy,” said Padilla. That includes Hillary Clinton, who \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/05/15/hillary-clinton-onward-together-238408\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sent an email\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to her supporters last month announcing the formation of her new political group and naming Indivisible, among other groups, as an organization it planned to financially support. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Padilla said Indivisible was thankful to be recognized by Clinton, but would not be accepting donations from Clinton’s group or asking for donor lists from her, the Democratic Party or other elected officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is.\u003ccite> Taylor Budowich, executive director of the Tea Party Express\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want it to seem like we were getting money directly from Hillary Clinton,” he said. “We wanted to make sure to everyone that we are maintaining our independence.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Independent or Institution?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the Tea Party, the group that Indivisible hopes to emulate, doesn’t buy the talk of independence.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“You didn’t see Karl Rove or John Boehner or Mitch McConnell embrace the Tea Party like you’re seeing Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer and the Democratic Party [embrace Indivisible],” said Taylor Budowich, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.teapartyexpress.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Tea Party Express\u003c/a>, one of the most successful national Tea Party organizations. “If there was some sincere organic nature to [Indivisible], it’s been from day one co-opted by the major Democratic and left institutions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Budowich finds the talk of Indivisible being the “Tea Party of the left” and copying his group’s tactics silly, he said. It was his group’s message — lower taxes and less government regulation — that resonated with voters and got them engaged, according to Budowich, as opposed to any specific tactics.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He is open, though, to the possibility that Indivisible could succeed like the Tea Party has and said it’s doing a good job of knocking on doors, protesting town halls and raising money. But he argues its ties to the Democratic Party establishment make it fundamentally different from the Tea Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is,” said Budowich, of the Tea Party. “So, in many ways, this grass-roots movement has co-opted an institution. That can’t happen with this movement on the left, because it’s already the same thing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509005\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509005\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One technique Indivisible has used is connecting people to town halls, like this one held by U.S. Senator Kamala D. Harris in Los Angeles, and encouraging simple “agree” and “disagree” signs for visibility at those events. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Next Step in a Strategy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible founder Padilla said their group is in a stronger position now than the Tea Party was at this point eight years ago, citing better-than-expected results for Democratic challengers in special elections to fill seats in traditionally Republican congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Budowich pointed out that Democrats have failed to win any of those seats, while Tea Party-supported Republican Scott Brown surprised many by winning the open U.S. Senate seat in Massachusetts in 2010.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To achieve a similar victory, Indivisible would likely have to continue its imitation of the Tea Party by endorsing candidates for office — which brings it back to the question of political funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, it seems like we’re talking mostly about a grass-roots organization that hasn’t started doing that kind of electioneering yet,” said Bryner, of the Center for Responsive Politics. “If they were to do that, then yes, that [donor] information would need to become public.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible is currently formulating an electoral strategy that it hopes will replicate the Tea Party’s success in getting like-minded candidates into office. The group hired Maria Urbina, who used to work for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, to be its political director and create a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">That strategy — and how far Indivisible chooses to step into the electoral arena — will ultimately determine how much financial information needs to be made public.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/guide/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Indivisible Guide\u003c/a> has become a 26-page must-read for people looking to oppose President Trump’s agenda. The guide — which has been viewed or downloaded more than 2 million times, according to the organization — also offers a supplemental section on how to demand copies of Trump’s tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is Trump colluding with Russia or enriching himself off the presidency? … Until we see Trump’s tax returns, we cannot be certain that foreign governments don’t have leverage over Trump that can be used to influence American policy,” says \u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/resource/get-trumps-tax-returns/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the supplement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>Yet this progressive political organization — which is founded and staffed by former congressional staffers — has not disclosed where its money is coming from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Report\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> requested financial statements and donor lists for the group. Indivisible spokespeople told us they’ve raised more than $2.2 million from 30,000 individual donations since they started accepting donations in January, including “some foundation money and dollars from high net worth individuals.” They declined repeated requests to name any of these individuals.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nonprofit organizations often cite privacy concerns as a reason to not disclose their donor lists, and Indivisible says it is no different. Angel Padilla, a former Democratic congressional staffer and one of the founders of Indivisible, said those privacy concerns are the only thing stopping Indivisible from releasing the names of its donors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sarah Bryner, research director for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Center for Responsive Politics\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that tracks money in politics, said Indivisible has no legal obligation to disclose its donors if it doesn’t run election ads supporting or opposing a particular candidate. Indivisible hasn’t done that yet, but it is set up as a 501(c)(4), \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/charities-non-profits/other-non-profits/social-welfare-organizations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a designation\u003c/a> that allows the organization to engage in political activity, so long as that is not its primary activity.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If they’re trying to influence election outcomes, we feel like people should know about who’s funding those efforts,” said Bryner. “But there’s also the question of privacy for donors, and if they’re not spending money in such a way that they would be influencing those election outcomes, then generally people defer towards protecting that privacy.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The Origin Story\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On election night, Padilla, one of the group’s founders, was hanging out with friends and other former congressional staffers, expecting to watch the first female president get elected. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Watching the forecasting flip throughout the course of the night was a traumatic experience,” said Padilla.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party. But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate … \u003ccite>Indivisible Guide\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the following days, as Trump’s victory began to set in, and progressives in California and across the country started planning their resistance, Padilla and his friends realized they could play a unique role.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We, as former staffers, realized that we’ve kind of been through this before but on the flip side,” he said. “We were on the Hill when Obama was first elected, when Congress was controlled by Democrats, and we saw how organized local activism was able to slow down much of the Obama agenda.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">These staffers had seen the rise and success of the Tea Party and thought they could use those tactics — local activism and defensive politics — to accomplish the same thing, but on the other end of the political spectrum. The goal: stymie Trump and take back Congress. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">They put together a public Google document with insider tips for influencing members of Congress, which eventually morphed into the 26-page Indivisible Guide and ultimately the fully fledged nonprofit organization helping local groups organize against the Trump presidency.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509004\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"671\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509004\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-800x671.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-160x134.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-240x201.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-375x314.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n-520x436.png 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/15966017_202182136912330_6350498196829704060_n.png 940w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The group has tried to create streamlined ways to organize local protestors.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Like us, you probably deeply disagree with the principles and positions of the Tea Party,” the founders wrote in their guide. “But we can all learn from their success in influencing the national debate and the behavior of national policymakers.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tea Party of the Left\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As the Tea Party gained power and national recognition, many started asking who was funding what appeared to be a grass-roots movement. \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2010/08/30/covert-operations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Multiple media organizations\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> dug into the group’s finances and reported that Americans for Prosperity — a conservative political advocacy group founded by billionaire Republican mega-donors David and Charles Koch — had been working with and supporting the Tea Party from its inception.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So what about Indivisible? Who are they getting their money from?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last month, the group published its \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.indivisibleguide.com/blog/indivisibles-fundraising-philosophy/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">fundraising philosophy\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which is centered on four guiding principles: a focus on small donations; diversified funding sources; only accepting funds from “those who support and uphold our progressive values;” and making fundraising the secondary focus to supporting local chapters.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We won’t take money from an organization that we don’t think is a progressive organization,” said Padilla. “If there are things they might be involved in that we disagree with, we won’t take their money.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The group also says it won’t take money from political parties, leaders or candidates to “avoid any appearance of influence on our strategy,” said Padilla. That includes Hillary Clinton, who \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/05/15/hillary-clinton-onward-together-238408\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">sent an email\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to her supporters last month announcing the formation of her new political group and naming Indivisible, among other groups, as an organization it planned to financially support. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Padilla said Indivisible was thankful to be recognized by Clinton, but would not be accepting donations from Clinton’s group or asking for donor lists from her, the Democratic Party or other elected officials.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is.\u003ccite> Taylor Budowich, executive director of the Tea Party Express\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We didn’t want it to seem like we were getting money directly from Hillary Clinton,” he said. “We wanted to make sure to everyone that we are maintaining our independence.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Independent or Institution?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But the Tea Party, the group that Indivisible hopes to emulate, doesn’t buy the talk of independence.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“You didn’t see Karl Rove or John Boehner or Mitch McConnell embrace the Tea Party like you’re seeing Nancy Pelosi, Chuck Schumer and the Democratic Party [embrace Indivisible],” said Taylor Budowich, executive director of \u003ca href=\"http://www.teapartyexpress.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">the Tea Party Express\u003c/a>, one of the most successful national Tea Party organizations. “If there was some sincere organic nature to [Indivisible], it’s been from day one co-opted by the major Democratic and left institutions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Budowich finds the talk of Indivisible being the “Tea Party of the left” and copying his group’s tactics silly, he said. It was his group’s message — lower taxes and less government regulation — that resonated with voters and got them engaged, according to Budowich, as opposed to any specific tactics.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He is open, though, to the possibility that Indivisible could succeed like the Tea Party has and said it’s doing a good job of knocking on doors, protesting town halls and raising money. But he argues its ties to the Democratic Party establishment make it fundamentally different from the Tea Party.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We control literally every branch of government, and we’ve redefined what the Republican Party is,” said Budowich, of the Tea Party. “So, in many ways, this grass-roots movement has co-opted an institution. That can’t happen with this movement on the left, because it’s already the same thing.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11509005\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11509005\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GettyImages-671305162-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One technique Indivisible has used is connecting people to town halls, like this one held by U.S. Senator Kamala D. Harris in Los Angeles, and encouraging simple “agree” and “disagree” signs for visibility at those events. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Next Step in a Strategy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible founder Padilla said their group is in a stronger position now than the Tea Party was at this point eight years ago, citing better-than-expected results for Democratic challengers in special elections to fill seats in traditionally Republican congressional districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But Budowich pointed out that Democrats have failed to win any of those seats, while Tea Party-supported Republican Scott Brown surprised many by winning the open U.S. Senate seat in Massachusetts in 2010.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To achieve a similar victory, Indivisible would likely have to continue its imitation of the Tea Party by endorsing candidates for office — which brings it back to the question of political funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Right now, it seems like we’re talking mostly about a grass-roots organization that hasn’t started doing that kind of electioneering yet,” said Bryner, of the Center for Responsive Politics. “If they were to do that, then yes, that [donor] information would need to become public.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indivisible is currently formulating an electoral strategy that it hopes will replicate the Tea Party’s success in getting like-minded candidates into office. The group hired Maria Urbina, who used to work for Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, to be its political director and create a plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"tp-ad-processed\">California’s epic battle over plastic bags looks to be over — as of Wednesday evening 52 percent of voters have upheld the statewide ban on carryout bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"tp-ad-processed\">“The voters took a a very strong stand against a very deceptive multimillion-dollar campaign by out-of-state plastic bag makers who thought they could hijack California’s initiative and referendum system to protect their profits,” says Steven Maviglio, spokesman for the Yes on 67 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"tp-ad-processed\">In 2007, San Francisco became the first city in the nation to ban plastic bags, and about 150 cities and counties have followed suit. In 2014, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a statewide ban, but it never took effect because immediately after it became law, the American Progressive Bag Alliance (APBA), an industry group that lobbied against the bill, began collecting signatures to stop it with Proposition 67.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition’s intent is to cut down on the cost of plastic pollution and unify the patchwork of local laws. California taxpayers spend $25 million every year to dispose used plastic bags, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a significant environmental victory!” exclaims Maviglio. “It immediately means that 25 million plastic bags that are polluting California every day will be removed from our waste stream and from our oceans, and our coasts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Lee Califf, executive director of the APBA, warns that voters have set themselves up for buyer’s remorse. “Plastic bag bans don’t meaningfully reduce overall waste or litter or provide a positive environmental impact, but they do threaten tens of thousands of American manufacturing jobs, hit consumers in the wallet and drive people to use less environmentally friendly carryout options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 67 passes, supermarkets and large grocery stores will no longer offer flimsy plastic bags. You will need to bring a bag or pay at least a dime for a paper or reusable bag. The 10-cent fee will be waived for low-income folks who pay with a state benefit card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small grocery stores, convenience stores and liquor stores would have 18 months to comply with the law. Stores could still offer thin plastic bags for bulk goods and produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All revenue from the bag ban would be directed toward educational campaigns or to cover the costs of providing paper bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other ballot measure backed by the ABPA would have funneled that 10-cent bag fee to a wildlife conservation fund, Proposition 65, but the measure failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, instead of bag fees going to an environmental fund, grocers will keep hundreds of millions of dollars in new profits without providing any public benefit,” says Califf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents of 65 thought the measure was a ploy by the plastic industry to confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California voters saw right through the motivations of out-of-state corporations and overwhelmingly rejected it [Proposition 65] and kept the law as signed by the governor in place,” says Maviglio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would be the first state in the nation to ban plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"tp-ad-processed\">California’s epic battle over plastic bags looks to be over — as of Wednesday evening 52 percent of voters have upheld the statewide ban on carryout bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"tp-ad-processed\">“The voters took a a very strong stand against a very deceptive multimillion-dollar campaign by out-of-state plastic bag makers who thought they could hijack California’s initiative and referendum system to protect their profits,” says Steven Maviglio, spokesman for the Yes on 67 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"tp-ad-processed\">In 2007, San Francisco became the first city in the nation to ban plastic bags, and about 150 cities and counties have followed suit. In 2014, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a statewide ban, but it never took effect because immediately after it became law, the American Progressive Bag Alliance (APBA), an industry group that lobbied against the bill, began collecting signatures to stop it with Proposition 67.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition’s intent is to cut down on the cost of plastic pollution and unify the patchwork of local laws. California taxpayers spend $25 million every year to dispose used plastic bags, according to the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a significant environmental victory!” exclaims Maviglio. “It immediately means that 25 million plastic bags that are polluting California every day will be removed from our waste stream and from our oceans, and our coasts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Lee Califf, executive director of the APBA, warns that voters have set themselves up for buyer’s remorse. “Plastic bag bans don’t meaningfully reduce overall waste or litter or provide a positive environmental impact, but they do threaten tens of thousands of American manufacturing jobs, hit consumers in the wallet and drive people to use less environmentally friendly carryout options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 67 passes, supermarkets and large grocery stores will no longer offer flimsy plastic bags. You will need to bring a bag or pay at least a dime for a paper or reusable bag. The 10-cent fee will be waived for low-income folks who pay with a state benefit card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Small grocery stores, convenience stores and liquor stores would have 18 months to comply with the law. Stores could still offer thin plastic bags for bulk goods and produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All revenue from the bag ban would be directed toward educational campaigns or to cover the costs of providing paper bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other ballot measure backed by the ABPA would have funneled that 10-cent bag fee to a wildlife conservation fund, Proposition 65, but the measure failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, instead of bag fees going to an environmental fund, grocers will keep hundreds of millions of dollars in new profits without providing any public benefit,” says Califf.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents of 65 thought the measure was a ploy by the plastic industry to confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California voters saw right through the motivations of out-of-state corporations and overwhelmingly rejected it [Proposition 65] and kept the law as signed by the governor in place,” says Maviglio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California would be the first state in the nation to ban plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
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"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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