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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 7:30 p.m. Nov. 19\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A California ballot measure aimed to modestly increase the statewide minimum wage was denied by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after the election, the Associated Press declared Proposition 32’s narrow defeat on Tuesday night, with 49.2% voting “yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would have provided an estimated 2 million Californians a raise, to $18 an hour by 2026 — up from the current statewide minimum wage of $16 an hour. The increase would’ve benefitted workers in some of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4878/1\">lowest-paid jobs\u003c/a>, including cashiers, farmworkers, food preparers and home health aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Sanberg, one of the main proponents of Proposition 32, said he and other supporters were disappointed by the results, but saw them only as a “temporary setback.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is one bump in the longer term journey to make California a place where everyone who works can afford life’s basic needs, and change doesn’t always occur in a straight line,” said Sanberg, an anti-poverty activist and investor who spent nearly $12 million of his own money to back the measure. “We have to be resilient and keep forward with the mission to end poverty in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv align=\"center\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 32\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-LfyXM\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/LfyXM/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"675\" height=\"215\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Proposition 32\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-WqLj6\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/WqLj6/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"600\" height=\"662\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 opponents, including the California Restaurant Association and California Grocers Association, among a host of other business trade groups, argued that higher payroll costs would force businesses to cut jobs and increase the price of products and services to stay afloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most economic studies show minimum wage raises have little or no impact on jobs overall, although they can lead to small price increases. Researchers at UC Berkeley studying the fast-food minimum wage raise California implemented in April, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007150/californias-20-fast-food-minimum-wage-sees-no-job-loss-slight-price-hikes\">found\u003c/a> months later that menu prices had risen about 3.7%, but the policy had not adversely affected employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=32&year=2024\">California’s Legislative Analyst’s office found\u003c/a> Proposition 32 could have increased \u003cem>or\u003c/em> decreased costs for state and local governments due to a more expensive payroll, but also yielded savings due to fewer people enrolling in Medi-Cal and other safety net programs.[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']A growing number of voters in blue and red states have \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Minimum_wage_on_the_ballot\">approved\u003c/a> dozens of minimum wage raises in recent decades, a recognition that pay has not sufficiently kept up with the cost of living, according to economists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, with a relatively low unemployment rate, according to experts. But inflation remains a top concern for voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before the election, support for the measure hovered at 47%, just short of the majority it needed to pass, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010912/california-minimum-wage-voter-support-falters-as-inflation-worries-linger\">according to two statewide polls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrique Lopezlira, a labor economist at UC Berkeley, said the low-visibility campaign for Proposition 32, including few advertisements, could be playing a role in the results, particularly in an election with 10 state propositions on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of competition for people’s attention during elections,” said Lopezlira, who directs the university’s Low-Wage Work program. “It could be that it was just a lack of information about what it would mean to pass the proposition. So I’m not sure that I would attribute it to anything specifically of the minimum wage itself, but more of maybe the strategies the campaigns used during the election cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other states with minimum wage raises on the ballot, Alaska and Missouri, approved the hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A growing number of voters in blue and red states have \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Minimum_wage_on_the_ballot\">approved\u003c/a> dozens of minimum wage raises in recent decades, a recognition that pay has not sufficiently kept up with the cost of living, according to economists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. economy has largely rebounded from the pandemic, with a relatively low unemployment rate, according to experts. But inflation remains a top concern for voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before the election, support for the measure hovered at 47%, just short of the majority it needed to pass, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010912/california-minimum-wage-voter-support-falters-as-inflation-worries-linger\">according to two statewide polls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrique Lopezlira, a labor economist at UC Berkeley, said the low-visibility campaign for Proposition 32, including few advertisements, could be playing a role in the results, particularly in an election with 10 state propositions on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of competition for people’s attention during elections,” said Lopezlira, who directs the university’s Low-Wage Work program. “It could be that it was just a lack of information about what it would mean to pass the proposition. So I’m not sure that I would attribute it to anything specifically of the minimum wage itself, but more of maybe the strategies the campaigns used during the election cycle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other states with minimum wage raises on the ballot, Alaska and Missouri, approved the hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Chevron to Move Headquarters From Bay Area to Texas After Years of Climate Conflict",
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"content": "\u003cp>Chevron will move its headquarters from the Bay Area to Texas, the company announced Friday, finalizing a move that many expected for years as California has sought to crack down on the burning of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy giant, which traces its roots to 1870s San Francisco, sold its headquarters complex in San Ramon’s Bishop Ranch two years ago. Now, it reports that more than 7,000 of its workers are in the Houston area, while 2,000 remain in San Ramon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron’s top two executives will be the first to relocate to Texas by the end of the year, and all corporate functions are slated to move there over the next five years, the company said in a press release. It plans to keep employees supporting its California operations — including refineries, oil fields and gas stations — in the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists and other elected leaders have long blamed Chevron as a major contributor to climate change. It is one of several oil companies \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961542/it-is-time-they-pay-california-sues-big-oil-over-decades-of-damage-and-deception\">the state sued\u003c/a> last year over climate-related issues, and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981762/major-richmond-refinery-accidents-settled-as-part-of-chevron-deal\">Richmond refinery\u003c/a> is a continuing target of both official and unofficial air pollution complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Republicans blamed the company’s move on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s fight against the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an entirely predictable consequence of Gavin Newsom’s constant demonization of the companies California depends on for energy, jobs and tax revenue,” Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher said in a statement. “As Californians continue to struggle with the highest gas prices and unemployment of any state in the nation, they know they are paying the price for Newsom’s political stunts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Council, a regional group of business leaders, issued a statement accusing California elected leaders of driving industry away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chasing jobs and employers out of California is no way to run the economy,” said Jim Wunderman, the council’s president and CEO. “It’s an embarrassment for California that we’ve lost so many global companies because of misguided policies that make it incredibly difficult to do business here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "All of Chevron’s corporate functions are slated to move to the Houston area over the next five years, though workers supporting California refineries and oil fields will stay in the East Bay.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Chevron will move its headquarters from the Bay Area to Texas, the company announced Friday, finalizing a move that many expected for years as California has sought to crack down on the burning of fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy giant, which traces its roots to 1870s San Francisco, sold its headquarters complex in San Ramon’s Bishop Ranch two years ago. Now, it reports that more than 7,000 of its workers are in the Houston area, while 2,000 remain in San Ramon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron’s top two executives will be the first to relocate to Texas by the end of the year, and all corporate functions are slated to move there over the next five years, the company said in a press release. It plans to keep employees supporting its California operations — including refineries, oil fields and gas stations — in the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmentalists and other elected leaders have long blamed Chevron as a major contributor to climate change. It is one of several oil companies \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11961542/it-is-time-they-pay-california-sues-big-oil-over-decades-of-damage-and-deception\">the state sued\u003c/a> last year over climate-related issues, and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981762/major-richmond-refinery-accidents-settled-as-part-of-chevron-deal\">Richmond refinery\u003c/a> is a continuing target of both official and unofficial air pollution complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Republicans blamed the company’s move on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s fight against the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an entirely predictable consequence of Gavin Newsom’s constant demonization of the companies California depends on for energy, jobs and tax revenue,” Republican Assembly Leader James Gallagher said in a statement. “As Californians continue to struggle with the highest gas prices and unemployment of any state in the nation, they know they are paying the price for Newsom’s political stunts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Council, a regional group of business leaders, issued a statement accusing California elected leaders of driving industry away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chasing jobs and employers out of California is no way to run the economy,” said Jim Wunderman, the council’s president and CEO. “It’s an embarrassment for California that we’ve lost so many global companies because of misguided policies that make it incredibly difficult to do business here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-latinos-call-on-local-national-leaders-to-address-housing-economy",
"title": "California Latinos Call on Local, National Leaders to Address Housing, Economy",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The minimum wage went up in several cities across California on Monday, just as inflation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978394/californians-face-higher-costs-for-goods-and-services-despite-slowing-inflation\">keeps elevating the prices of goods and services\u003c/a> in an already very expensive place to live. One Bay Area city, Emeryville, has raised its minimum wage to $19.36 an hour, making it the city with the highest minimum wage in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, five other cities in the Bay Area also increased their minimum wage:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Alameda:\u003c/b> $17.00 an hour (previously $16.52)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Berkeley:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Fremont:\u003c/b> $17.30 an hour (previously $16.80)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Milpitas:\u003c/b> $17.70 an hour (previously $17.20)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>San Francisco:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, several cities also boosted their minimum wage standards, including \u003cb>Los Angeles\u003c/b> (now $17.28/hour), \u003cb>Pasadena\u003c/b> (now $17.50/hour) and \u003cb>Santa Monica\u003c/b> (now $17.27/hour). Other cities, like \u003cb>West Hollywood\u003c/b>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.weho.org/business/operate-your-business/minimum-wage\">only changed the rate for employees in the hotel industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in a fast food restaurant, however, you need to be getting paid more. As of April 1, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">requires fast food restaurants with more than 60 establishments to pay employees at least $20 per hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big are the changes to local minimum wages?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the board, cities are raising the minimum wage by a small percentage. In San Francisco, for example, the jump from $18.07 to $18.67 represents a 3.3% increase. However, labor advocates say that these small increases are part of an ongoing fight for better wages and working conditions and that workers must ensure their employers follow the new regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is when an employer withholds any kind of compensation, said Juan Villalvazo, labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid organization in San Francisco. That can include situations where your employer continues to pay you last year’s rate, even after July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of workers in San Francisco, who should now be getting paid $18.67, he explained, “Let’s say for some reason your employer decides that they will pay you only $18.60 — that’s wage theft, right down to the last penny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even a few cents taken from your wages can make a big impact over time, Villalvazo adds. “I know it doesn’t sound like a lot, but assuming you work at least 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, that’s over a thousand dollars,” he said, “I myself wouldn’t want to give up a thousand dollars.”[aside postID=news_11985277 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-01-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Something important to make clear: minimum wage increases apply to all jobs, with some exceptions. So it doesn’t matter if you are undocumented, working without a formal employment contract or getting paid in cash — your employer must pay you at least the minimum wage, as defined by the city or county where your job is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only exceptions are usually independent contractors or close relatives that work for a family business, among others,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure I’m getting paid the right amount?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Check your pay stubs. Many employers use automatic payroll services that usually keep up with minimum wage changes, but it’s still a good idea to check the listed hourly rate to make sure it doesn’t list the outdated minimum wage or any lesser amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you receive your wages through automatic deposit and don’t receive physical pay stubs, you can contact your human resources or payroll department — or, in much smaller business, your boss directly — and ask for your most recent pay stub to confirm that what you got in your account is correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, you can get this information yourself if your employer has a digital employee portal (the place where you can review other information, like your schedule or insurance benefits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And something else to keep in mind: although the new minimum wage comes into effect July 1, that doesn’t mean that the check or deposit you’ll get paid on July 1 will be bigger. If your employer pays you every two weeks, your wages on July 1 are for the hours you worked for the second half of June. You won’t (?) see a change until you get paid again in mid-July.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I get paid in cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remind your employer about the new minimum wage and ask them to count your payment in front of you — to make sure each hour is compensated at the new rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo adds that even if your employer is not keeping track of the hours you work, it’s still a good idea for you to keep a written record on your end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that you maintain contemporaneous records,” he said. “So track every day and create some sort of time stamp for what hours you worked, when you entered the job site, when you left the job site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Across California, cities are increasing their minimum wages starting July 1.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>I think my employer is paying me less than the minimum wage. What can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Talk to your coworkers first, Villalvazo said, and check in with them if they think they’re also getting underpaid. “If all of you are getting paid below what you need to be paid, talk together with your employer. I think that gives you a little more force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people might feel nervous in these situations — either because they are afraid of losing their jobs or because their immigration situation is complicated. However, making sure you are getting paid what the law requires is a right protected by the state of California, regardless of your job or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your employer cannot fire you for trying to enforce your rights under the law, and if they do, they are subject to severe penalties,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option is talking to your boss about this via email or text. In your message, let your employer know in writing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The hourly rate you are being paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The correct minimum wage you should get paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How long you’ve been paid the incorrect amount (if this applies to you)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also send a link to (or a screenshot of) your city government’s website stating the new minimum wage — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/July2024%20Minimum%20Wage%20Poster.pdf\">like this poster from the city of San Francisco stating the city’s new minimum wage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not every employer is necessarily a bad faith actor,” Villalvazo said. “Try to negotiate directly with your employer to get them to be in compliance with local law in regards to minimum wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your employer doesn’t keep a record of your hours worked, this is a good time to pull up any documentation you’ve kept that shows how much time you’ve worked. “Text messages, emails, those are honestly the best because they have a time stamp,” Villalvazo said, “so it would be really hard to refute what is said in the text message or email when it did happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the conversation, send your boss an email or text confirming you had a conversation about your pay and what you agreed upon (or didn’t). That way, you have a record of what you talked about in case the same situation repeats itself in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I spoke to my employer about my wages, but they are not doing anything about it. What can I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your employer still refuses to change your wages so you are getting paid the minimum wage, you have several options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One option is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dlseSupportingDocs.html\">file a wage theft claim with the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> (also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement), which investigates employers accused of wage theft. However, the Labor Commissioner’s Office continues to struggle with understaffing, and KQED has published multiple investigations showing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913910/despite-record-budget-surplus-california-unlikely-to-fix-massive-wage-theft-claim-delays-anytime-soon\">how workers who file wage theft claims may have to wait years to get a result\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_11992165 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240617-HEALTHCAREMINWAGE-07-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Another option that could be more efficient is to contact the office of your city’s government that deals with labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cb>San Francisco\u003c/b>, for example, you can contact the SF Office of Labor Standards Enforcement at 415-554-6292 or via email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:mwo@sfgov.org\">mwo@sfgov.org\u003c/a>. This team is tasked with ensuring employers keep up with the minimum wage. Let them know about your situation and have both your pay stubs — if you have them — and the written records of your conversations with your employer ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>San José\u003c/b> or \u003cb>Milpitas\u003c/b>, you can contact the Office of Equity Assurance City of San José at 408-535-8430 at \u003ca href=\"mailto:MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\">MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Fremont\u003c/b>, contact the city directly at \u003ca href=\"mailto:minwage@fremont.gov\">minwage@fremont.gov\u003c/a> or 510-284-4000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Berkeley\u003c/b>, contact the Health, Housing, and Community Services Department at 510-981-5400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in the city of \u003cb>Alameda\u003c/b>, contact the Base, Reuse and Economic Development Department at 510-747-6890 or \u003ca href=\"mailto:minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\">minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "One Bay Area city now has the highest minimum wage in the state and others are not far behind. Labor advocates are encouraging workers to take action to make sure their pay stubs reflect these changes.",
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"title": "These California Cities Just Raised The Minimum Wage. Make Sure You’re Getting Paid the Right Amount | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The minimum wage went up in several cities across California on Monday, just as inflation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978394/californians-face-higher-costs-for-goods-and-services-despite-slowing-inflation\">keeps elevating the prices of goods and services\u003c/a> in an already very expensive place to live. One Bay Area city, Emeryville, has raised its minimum wage to $19.36 an hour, making it the city with the highest minimum wage in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, five other cities in the Bay Area also increased their minimum wage:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Alameda:\u003c/b> $17.00 an hour (previously $16.52)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Berkeley:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Fremont:\u003c/b> $17.30 an hour (previously $16.80)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>Milpitas:\u003c/b> $17.70 an hour (previously $17.20)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cb>San Francisco:\u003c/b> $18.67 an hour (previously $18.07)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, several cities also boosted their minimum wage standards, including \u003cb>Los Angeles\u003c/b> (now $17.28/hour), \u003cb>Pasadena\u003c/b> (now $17.50/hour) and \u003cb>Santa Monica\u003c/b> (now $17.27/hour). Other cities, like \u003cb>West Hollywood\u003c/b>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.weho.org/business/operate-your-business/minimum-wage\">only changed the rate for employees in the hotel industry\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in a fast food restaurant, however, you need to be getting paid more. As of April 1, California \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985277/impact-of-california-fast-food-worker-wage-increase-still-too-early-to-gauge\">requires fast food restaurants with more than 60 establishments to pay employees at least $20 per hour\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How big are the changes to local minimum wages?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the board, cities are raising the minimum wage by a small percentage. In San Francisco, for example, the jump from $18.07 to $18.67 represents a 3.3% increase. However, labor advocates say that these small increases are part of an ongoing fight for better wages and working conditions and that workers must ensure their employers follow the new regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wage theft is when an employer withholds any kind of compensation, said Juan Villalvazo, labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a legal aid organization in San Francisco. That can include situations where your employer continues to pay you last year’s rate, even after July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of workers in San Francisco, who should now be getting paid $18.67, he explained, “Let’s say for some reason your employer decides that they will pay you only $18.60 — that’s wage theft, right down to the last penny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even a few cents taken from your wages can make a big impact over time, Villalvazo adds. “I know it doesn’t sound like a lot, but assuming you work at least 40 hours a week, 52 weeks a year, that’s over a thousand dollars,” he said, “I myself wouldn’t want to give up a thousand dollars.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Something important to make clear: minimum wage increases apply to all jobs, with some exceptions. So it doesn’t matter if you are undocumented, working without a formal employment contract or getting paid in cash — your employer must pay you at least the minimum wage, as defined by the city or county where your job is located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only exceptions are usually independent contractors or close relatives that work for a family business, among others,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can I make sure I’m getting paid the right amount?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Check your pay stubs. Many employers use automatic payroll services that usually keep up with minimum wage changes, but it’s still a good idea to check the listed hourly rate to make sure it doesn’t list the outdated minimum wage or any lesser amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you receive your wages through automatic deposit and don’t receive physical pay stubs, you can contact your human resources or payroll department — or, in much smaller business, your boss directly — and ask for your most recent pay stub to confirm that what you got in your account is correct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, you can get this information yourself if your employer has a digital employee portal (the place where you can review other information, like your schedule or insurance benefits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And something else to keep in mind: although the new minimum wage comes into effect July 1, that doesn’t mean that the check or deposit you’ll get paid on July 1 will be bigger. If your employer pays you every two weeks, your wages on July 1 are for the hours you worked for the second half of June. You won’t (?) see a change until you get paid again in mid-July.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if I get paid in cash?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remind your employer about the new minimum wage and ask them to count your payment in front of you — to make sure each hour is compensated at the new rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo adds that even if your employer is not keeping track of the hours you work, it’s still a good idea for you to keep a written record on your end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that you maintain contemporaneous records,” he said. “So track every day and create some sort of time stamp for what hours you worked, when you entered the job site, when you left the job site.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992505\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992505\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/009_KQED_DomesticWorkerSocorroDiaz_01232023_scr-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Across California, cities are increasing their minimum wages starting July 1.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>I think my employer is paying me less than the minimum wage. What can I do?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Talk to your coworkers first, Villalvazo said, and check in with them if they think they’re also getting underpaid. “If all of you are getting paid below what you need to be paid, talk together with your employer. I think that gives you a little more force,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some people might feel nervous in these situations — either because they are afraid of losing their jobs or because their immigration situation is complicated. However, making sure you are getting paid what the law requires is a right protected by the state of California, regardless of your job or immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your employer cannot fire you for trying to enforce your rights under the law, and if they do, they are subject to severe penalties,” Villalvazo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another option is talking to your boss about this via email or text. In your message, let your employer know in writing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The hourly rate you are being paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The correct minimum wage you should get paid\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How long you’ve been paid the incorrect amount (if this applies to you)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You can also send a link to (or a screenshot of) your city government’s website stating the new minimum wage — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-03/July2024%20Minimum%20Wage%20Poster.pdf\">like this poster from the city of San Francisco stating the city’s new minimum wage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not every employer is necessarily a bad faith actor,” Villalvazo said. “Try to negotiate directly with your employer to get them to be in compliance with local law in regards to minimum wage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your employer doesn’t keep a record of your hours worked, this is a good time to pull up any documentation you’ve kept that shows how much time you’ve worked. “Text messages, emails, those are honestly the best because they have a time stamp,” Villalvazo said, “so it would be really hard to refute what is said in the text message or email when it did happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the conversation, send your boss an email or text confirming you had a conversation about your pay and what you agreed upon (or didn’t). That way, you have a record of what you talked about in case the same situation repeats itself in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I spoke to my employer about my wages, but they are not doing anything about it. What can I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your employer still refuses to change your wages so you are getting paid the minimum wage, you have several options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One option is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/dlseSupportingDocs.html\">file a wage theft claim with the state’s Labor Commissioner’s Office\u003c/a> (also known as the Division of Labor Standards Enforcement), which investigates employers accused of wage theft. However, the Labor Commissioner’s Office continues to struggle with understaffing, and KQED has published multiple investigations showing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11913910/despite-record-budget-surplus-california-unlikely-to-fix-massive-wage-theft-claim-delays-anytime-soon\">how workers who file wage theft claims may have to wait years to get a result\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another option that could be more efficient is to contact the office of your city’s government that deals with labor standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003cb>San Francisco\u003c/b>, for example, you can contact the SF Office of Labor Standards Enforcement at 415-554-6292 or via email at \u003ca href=\"mailto:mwo@sfgov.org\">mwo@sfgov.org\u003c/a>. This team is tasked with ensuring employers keep up with the minimum wage. Let them know about your situation and have both your pay stubs — if you have them — and the written records of your conversations with your employer ready.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>San José\u003c/b> or \u003cb>Milpitas\u003c/b>, you can contact the Office of Equity Assurance City of San José at 408-535-8430 at \u003ca href=\"mailto:MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\">MyWage@sanjoseca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Fremont\u003c/b>, contact the city directly at \u003ca href=\"mailto:minwage@fremont.gov\">minwage@fremont.gov\u003c/a> or 510-284-4000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in \u003cb>Berkeley\u003c/b>, contact the Health, Housing, and Community Services Department at 510-981-5400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you work in the city of \u003cb>Alameda\u003c/b>, contact the Base, Reuse and Economic Development Department at 510-747-6890 or \u003ca href=\"mailto:minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\">minimumwage@alamedaca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Could Save Millions by Closing More Prisons. So Why Is Newsom Holding Back?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> faces a huge deficit this spring, and he has one especially big money-saving option that he’s not using.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s rapidly falling inmate population could allow Newsom to close as many as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">five more prisons\u003c/a>, analysts say, saving $1 billion a year at a moment when he’s pulling from reserves to bring the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> into the black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom wants to take a more cautious approach to trimming prison beds. His new budget proposal calls on the corrections department to close 46 housing blocks inside 13 state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison yard closures save money and decrease the need for staffing, but not to the extent of a prison shutdown. Newsom’s proposal would save about $80 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying his administration had been “scrutinizing” the prisons budget, Newsom said “We’re mindful of the direction we’re going as it relates to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the inmate population’s peak in 2006, California locked up 165,000 people in state prisons. Today, after a decade of sentencing changes, federal court intervention and a surge of releases tied to COVID-19, California’s prisons house about 93,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of that trend, Newsom has already moved to close four prisons over the course of his administration. He projects that those shutdowns will save the state $3.4 billion by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested on Friday that the forces fighting prison closures — labor unions representing prison employees, the communities dependent on prison jobs, legislation and litigation intended to slow or stop the closures — forced him to take smaller steps than shuttering entire facilities while he crafted his plan to close a projected \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">$27.6 billion deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prison housing unit deactivations can happen much sooner than prison closures and provide us more flexibility,” Newsom said. “Legislative leaders have asked me, are we considering collectively reducing the larger footprint in the state? The answer is yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we want to do it in a pragmatic and thoughtful way, we want to be mindful of labor concerns and community concerns, we want to be mindful of trends and we want to be mindful of the unknown, meaning there are proposals to roll back some of our criminal justice reforms that could have significant impact on the census and population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California cities fight prison closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, Newsom closed the Deuel Vocational Institution in Tracy in 2021 and the California Correctional Center in Susanville in 2023. He ended a lease with a privately run prison called the California City Correctional Facility, and the corrections department is shutting down Chuckwalla Valley State Prison near the Arizona border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom at Friday’s budget press conference said he would accelerate the proposed March 2025 closure of Chuckwalla prison in Blythe to November, although his office hasn’t yet provided details on how much money that would save the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That news surprised leaders in Blythe, where city officials had attempted to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">save the prison\u003c/a> as one of the community’s major employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This news is disheartening to say the least,” said Blythe Interim City Manager Mallory Crecelius. “Expediting the closure was not discussed with the city prior to it being included in the May (revised budget), and we learned about it with everyone else. Our hearts are heavy for the employees and inmates at (Chuckwalla Valley State Prison) whose lives will be directly impacted as this prison is shuttered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the declining inmate headcount, California can close \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">up to five more of its 33 prisons\u003c/a> and eight yards within operating prisons while still complying with a federal court order that caps the system’s capacity, the Legislative Analyst’s Office found last year. The report estimated the potential savings at $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\">costs of incarcerating prisoners\u003c/a>, meanwhile, is more than ever, rising to $132,860 per inmate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those numbers have prompted Democratic lawmakers over the past several years to press for more closures, particularly as they try to protect social services from budget cuts or to put money into inmate rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the people you’re serving in the department continues to go down, why is the cost going up?” Democratic Assemblymeber James Ramos of San Bernardino asked corrections department officials at an April budget hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prison union sees safety risks in closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Amber-Rose Howard, executive director of Californians United for a Responsible Budget, which advocates for reducing the number of prisons and cutting the prison population, said Newsom’s proposal to close yards instead of whole prisons misses an opportunity for bigger savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11985798,news_11985798,news_11981977\"]“The truth is, it doesn’t go far enough,” Howard said. “When only a single yard is closed, then that means that there’s still tens of millions of dollars being spent on operational costs (and) administrative staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She noted that the state still has 15,000 empty prison beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These yard deactivation will save $80 million annually,” she said, “and that’s not even equal to the cost savings of one prison closing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has previously said he wanted to maintain some capacity in the prisons to provide more space for rehabilitation efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union representing prison guards, has argued that shuttering prisons puts guards and inmates in danger. It’s a heavyweight in the Capitol, and it has supported Newsom. It contributed $1.75 million to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article253144638.html\">Newsom defeat a recall campaign\u003c/a> in 2021, and it gave $1 million to back \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2024/03/proposition-1-gavin-newsom-2/\">Newsom’s mental health ballot measure\u003c/a> that voters approved in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2178\">a bill that would limit the number of empty beds\u003c/a> the prison system can maintain, the union said prisons are still holding more inmates than they were designed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Higher densities of inmates pose substantial risks to CCPOA’s membership, as well as other staff and inmates. The denser the population, the greater the risk of assaults and other acts of violence,” the union wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> faces a huge deficit this spring, and he has one especially big money-saving option that he’s not using.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s rapidly falling inmate population could allow Newsom to close as many as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/02/how-many-prisons-does-california-need/\">five more prisons\u003c/a>, analysts say, saving $1 billion a year at a moment when he’s pulling from reserves to bring the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-budget/\">state budget\u003c/a> into the black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom wants to take a more cautious approach to trimming prison beds. His new budget proposal calls on the corrections department to close 46 housing blocks inside 13 state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison yard closures save money and decrease the need for staffing, but not to the extent of a prison shutdown. Newsom’s proposal would save about $80 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saying his administration had been “scrutinizing” the prisons budget, Newsom said “We’re mindful of the direction we’re going as it relates to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the inmate population’s peak in 2006, California locked up 165,000 people in state prisons. Today, after a decade of sentencing changes, federal court intervention and a surge of releases tied to COVID-19, California’s prisons house about 93,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of that trend, Newsom has already moved to close four prisons over the course of his administration. He projects that those shutdowns will save the state $3.4 billion by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He suggested on Friday that the forces fighting prison closures — labor unions representing prison employees, the communities dependent on prison jobs, legislation and litigation intended to slow or stop the closures — forced him to take smaller steps than shuttering entire facilities while he crafted his plan to close a projected \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom-may-proposal/\">$27.6 billion deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prison housing unit deactivations can happen much sooner than prison closures and provide us more flexibility,” Newsom said. “Legislative leaders have asked me, are we considering collectively reducing the larger footprint in the state? The answer is yes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we want to do it in a pragmatic and thoughtful way, we want to be mindful of labor concerns and community concerns, we want to be mindful of trends and we want to be mindful of the unknown, meaning there are proposals to roll back some of our criminal justice reforms that could have significant impact on the census and population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California cities fight prison closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far, Newsom closed the Deuel Vocational Institution in Tracy in 2021 and the California Correctional Center in Susanville in 2023. He ended a lease with a privately run prison called the California City Correctional Facility, and the corrections department is shutting down Chuckwalla Valley State Prison near the Arizona border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom at Friday’s budget press conference said he would accelerate the proposed March 2025 closure of Chuckwalla prison in Blythe to November, although his office hasn’t yet provided details on how much money that would save the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That news surprised leaders in Blythe, where city officials had attempted to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">save the prison\u003c/a> as one of the community’s major employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This news is disheartening to say the least,” said Blythe Interim City Manager Mallory Crecelius. “Expediting the closure was not discussed with the city prior to it being included in the May (revised budget), and we learned about it with everyone else. Our hearts are heavy for the employees and inmates at (Chuckwalla Valley State Prison) whose lives will be directly impacted as this prison is shuttered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the declining inmate headcount, California can close \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2023/05/california-state-prison-closure/\">up to five more of its 33 prisons\u003c/a> and eight yards within operating prisons while still complying with a federal court order that caps the system’s capacity, the Legislative Analyst’s Office found last year. The report estimated the potential savings at $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2024/01/california-prison-cost-per-inmate/\">costs of incarcerating prisoners\u003c/a>, meanwhile, is more than ever, rising to $132,860 per inmate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those numbers have prompted Democratic lawmakers over the past several years to press for more closures, particularly as they try to protect social services from budget cuts or to put money into inmate rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the people you’re serving in the department continues to go down, why is the cost going up?” Democratic Assemblymeber James Ramos of San Bernardino asked corrections department officials at an April budget hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prison union sees safety risks in closures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Amber-Rose Howard, executive director of Californians United for a Responsible Budget, which advocates for reducing the number of prisons and cutting the prison population, said Newsom’s proposal to close yards instead of whole prisons misses an opportunity for bigger savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The truth is, it doesn’t go far enough,” Howard said. “When only a single yard is closed, then that means that there’s still tens of millions of dollars being spent on operational costs (and) administrative staffing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She noted that the state still has 15,000 empty prison beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These yard deactivation will save $80 million annually,” she said, “and that’s not even equal to the cost savings of one prison closing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has previously said he wanted to maintain some capacity in the prisons to provide more space for rehabilitation efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the union representing prison guards, has argued that shuttering prisons puts guards and inmates in danger. It’s a heavyweight in the Capitol, and it has supported Newsom. It contributed $1.75 million to help \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article253144638.html\">Newsom defeat a recall campaign\u003c/a> in 2021, and it gave $1 million to back \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2024/03/proposition-1-gavin-newsom-2/\">Newsom’s mental health ballot measure\u003c/a> that voters approved in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Writing in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2178\">a bill that would limit the number of empty beds\u003c/a> the prison system can maintain, the union said prisons are still holding more inmates than they were designed to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Higher densities of inmates pose substantial risks to CCPOA’s membership, as well as other staff and inmates. The denser the population, the greater the risk of assaults and other acts of violence,” the union wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Impact of California Fast Food Worker Wage Increase Still Too Early to Gauge",
"headTitle": "Impact of California Fast Food Worker Wage Increase Still Too Early to Gauge | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When Karina Ceballos received her first paycheck reflecting California’s new minimum wage for fast-food workers, she felt a big wave of relief. The single mom said she earned about $400 extra last month, which made it much easier to pay bills and rent for her family’s apartment in Castro Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ceballos’ fridge is now packed with green vegetables, fresh mangoes and other fruits — healthier foods for her kids that she couldn’t buy much of before, she said, even as she worked more than 60 hours weekly holding two fast food jobs at a Jack in the Box and a TOGO’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can really feel the change,” said Ceballos, 43, one of the many workers who has marched and advocated for the wage increase in recent years as state lawmakers weighed the issue. “I feel less stressed out. Before, it was really tight financially. Now, I might be able to even save some money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month after California began requiring most fast food employers to pay their workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Fast-Food-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=Starting%20April%201%2C%202024%2C%20all,Yes.\">at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, as compared to the state’s $16 general minimum wage, economists said it’s still too early to determine the wage hike’s broader impact on the industry, particularly in light of changing inflation rates and other economic trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some fast food workers, like Ceballos, have reported quality-of-life improvements because of the increase, others said they’ve had their hours cut and actually lost income as quick-service restaurants adjust to more expensive payrolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Aguilar Perez said her employer at a Taco Bell in downtown Los Angeles cut her hours from about full-time to half-time last month, a drastic drop in overall earnings that left her scrambling to support her 7-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984987\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view of a Jack in the Box restaurant.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Jack in the Box restaurant in Castro Valley on May 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been struggling,” said Aguilar Perez, 28, who is now looking for a second job. “It’s hard to pay bills. It’s hard to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Aguilar Perez notes the long lines at the Taco Bell where she works and said she believes the industry will stabilize in the coming months, prompting employers to restore staffing hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bosses right now are mad,” she said. “But eventually, they are going to have to give in, and they are going to have to give us our hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of California’s roughly half a million fast food workers are women of color, most of whom previously made close to the state’s $16 an hour minimum wage, according to\u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/fast-recovery-act-will-raise-labor-standards-and-open-new-opportunities-for-fast-food-worker-organizing-in-california/\"> the UC Berkeley Labor Center\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"more on California's fast food industry\" tag=\"fast-food-workers\"]The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1228\">state law\u003c/a> that instituted the $20 hourly minimum wage, which went into effect last month, also created a first-in-the-nation \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/AB1228/AB1228.html\">Fast Food Council\u003c/a>, made up of worker and employer representatives, that can keep raising the minimum wage by about 3.5% each year through 2029. The law resulted from a compromise between the industry and labor groups and applies only to large chains with more than 60 establishments nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fast food restaurants in the state are franchises, meaning that small business owners pay fees to corporations like McDonald’s to represent their brand. Almost none of the franchisees at the handful of Bay Area fast food restaurants that KQED visited responded to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Hom, who owns two San José Vitality Bowls franchise restaurants that sell acai bowls and salads — and the one franchisee who did respond to KQED — said he does not foresee increasing staff hours any time soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address higher labor costs, Hom, 66, reduced the morning and late afternoon shifts at one of his restaurants from three to two employees and increased menu prices. He sees the new wage requirement as another challenge for his business, which is navigating higher food costs and expensive Silicon Valley rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m happy for my employees getting the $20 minimum wage. But they know that if we can’t continue having good sales because of price increases, they may not have a job,” said Hom, a former IBM employee who opened his first restaurant seven years ago. “I’ve talked to my wife. … If things get really bad, we’ll just close the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He won’t know if his sales have dropped until a bookkeeper’s report comes later this month, he said. But some customers have told him that the new prices — including $13.99 for a popular acai, strawberry and banana bowl — are getting too high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the California Restaurant Association, which represents some franchise owners, pointed to recent headlines chronicling \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/business/hospitality/california-fast-food-chains-are-now-serving-sticker-shock-64009282\">higher fast food prices\u003c/a> and reduced working hours, which she attributed to the minimum wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Feedback from our members suggests this has become a breaking point for many small restaurant businesses,” Megan Gamble, a spokesperson for the association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, economist Michael Reich said it’s still too soon to tell how the wage hike will impact employment or menu prices. Reliable data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and other sources will start becoming available in about a month, offering more evidence, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984991\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman wearing glasses and a black short-sleeve shirt stands in front of a kitchen stove cooking eggs. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Karina Ceballos cooks chorizo with eggs in her home in Castro Valley on May 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More data — as opposed to anecdotal reports — is also needed to determine the cause of fast food industry shifts, Reich said, particularly amid rising inflation rates and as more restaurants use self-order kiosks and other technologies to save on labor costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of food has gone up by 20-something percent in the last three years, so that’s another reason that prices have been going up. It doesn’t mean the minimum wage has caused the price increase,” said Reich, who chairs UC Berkeley’s Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fast food industry has absorbed past state and local minimum wage hikes by moderately raising prices at levels that didn’t scare customers away, he said. Reich’s research on the impact of California’s previous minimum wage increase found no statistically significant cutbacks in hours or jobs in the fast food industry. But a study he’s conducting on the new fast-food minimum wage could yield different results, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fast Food is the biggest user of low-wage workers, and a minimum wage does what it’s intended to do — to raise their living standards. And it does so, at least at the levels we’ve been studying, without causing job loss,” Reich said. “I’ll be very interested to see what happens with $20.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A month after most California fast food workers started earning at least $20 an hour, economists say it’s too early to determine industry impact. While some workers report improved quality of life, others see cuts in work hours and less income as employers adjust to more expensive payroll.",
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"description": "A month after most California fast food workers started earning at least $20 an hour, economists say it’s too early to determine industry impact. While some workers report improved quality of life, others see cuts in work hours and less income as employers adjust to more expensive payroll.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Karina Ceballos received her first paycheck reflecting California’s new minimum wage for fast-food workers, she felt a big wave of relief. The single mom said she earned about $400 extra last month, which made it much easier to pay bills and rent for her family’s apartment in Castro Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ceballos’ fridge is now packed with green vegetables, fresh mangoes and other fruits — healthier foods for her kids that she couldn’t buy much of before, she said, even as she worked more than 60 hours weekly holding two fast food jobs at a Jack in the Box and a TOGO’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can really feel the change,” said Ceballos, 43, one of the many workers who has marched and advocated for the wage increase in recent years as state lawmakers weighed the issue. “I feel less stressed out. Before, it was really tight financially. Now, I might be able to even save some money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a month after California began requiring most fast food employers to pay their workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Fast-Food-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=Starting%20April%201%2C%202024%2C%20all,Yes.\">at least $20 an hour\u003c/a>, as compared to the state’s $16 general minimum wage, economists said it’s still too early to determine the wage hike’s broader impact on the industry, particularly in light of changing inflation rates and other economic trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some fast food workers, like Ceballos, have reported quality-of-life improvements because of the increase, others said they’ve had their hours cut and actually lost income as quick-service restaurants adjust to more expensive payrolls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejandra Aguilar Perez said her employer at a Taco Bell in downtown Los Angeles cut her hours from about full-time to half-time last month, a drastic drop in overall earnings that left her scrambling to support her 7-year-old daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984987\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"An outside view of a Jack in the Box restaurant.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-04-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Jack in the Box restaurant in Castro Valley on May 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been struggling,” said Aguilar Perez, 28, who is now looking for a second job. “It’s hard to pay bills. It’s hard to pay rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Aguilar Perez notes the long lines at the Taco Bell where she works and said she believes the industry will stabilize in the coming months, prompting employers to restore staffing hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bosses right now are mad,” she said. “But eventually, they are going to have to give in, and they are going to have to give us our hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of California’s roughly half a million fast food workers are women of color, most of whom previously made close to the state’s $16 an hour minimum wage, according to\u003ca href=\"https://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/fast-recovery-act-will-raise-labor-standards-and-open-new-opportunities-for-fast-food-worker-organizing-in-california/\"> the UC Berkeley Labor Center\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1228\">state law\u003c/a> that instituted the $20 hourly minimum wage, which went into effect last month, also created a first-in-the-nation \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/AB1228/AB1228.html\">Fast Food Council\u003c/a>, made up of worker and employer representatives, that can keep raising the minimum wage by about 3.5% each year through 2029. The law resulted from a compromise between the industry and labor groups and applies only to large chains with more than 60 establishments nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most fast food restaurants in the state are franchises, meaning that small business owners pay fees to corporations like McDonald’s to represent their brand. Almost none of the franchisees at the handful of Bay Area fast food restaurants that KQED visited responded to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Hom, who owns two San José Vitality Bowls franchise restaurants that sell acai bowls and salads — and the one franchisee who did respond to KQED — said he does not foresee increasing staff hours any time soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address higher labor costs, Hom, 66, reduced the morning and late afternoon shifts at one of his restaurants from three to two employees and increased menu prices. He sees the new wage requirement as another challenge for his business, which is navigating higher food costs and expensive Silicon Valley rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m happy for my employees getting the $20 minimum wage. But they know that if we can’t continue having good sales because of price increases, they may not have a job,” said Hom, a former IBM employee who opened his first restaurant seven years ago. “I’ve talked to my wife. … If things get really bad, we’ll just close the business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He won’t know if his sales have dropped until a bookkeeper’s report comes later this month, he said. But some customers have told him that the new prices — including $13.99 for a popular acai, strawberry and banana bowl — are getting too high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the California Restaurant Association, which represents some franchise owners, pointed to recent headlines chronicling \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/business/hospitality/california-fast-food-chains-are-now-serving-sticker-shock-64009282\">higher fast food prices\u003c/a> and reduced working hours, which she attributed to the minimum wage increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Feedback from our members suggests this has become a breaking point for many small restaurant businesses,” Megan Gamble, a spokesperson for the association, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, economist Michael Reich said it’s still too soon to tell how the wage hike will impact employment or menu prices. Reliable data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and other sources will start becoming available in about a month, offering more evidence, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984991\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984991\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman wearing glasses and a black short-sleeve shirt stands in front of a kitchen stove cooking eggs. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240501-FAST-FOOD-MIN-WAGE-HIKE-MD-02-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Karina Ceballos cooks chorizo with eggs in her home in Castro Valley on May 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More data — as opposed to anecdotal reports — is also needed to determine the cause of fast food industry shifts, Reich said, particularly amid rising inflation rates and as more restaurants use self-order kiosks and other technologies to save on labor costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of food has gone up by 20-something percent in the last three years, so that’s another reason that prices have been going up. It doesn’t mean the minimum wage has caused the price increase,” said Reich, who chairs UC Berkeley’s Center on Wage and Employment Dynamics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fast food industry has absorbed past state and local minimum wage hikes by moderately raising prices at levels that didn’t scare customers away, he said. Reich’s research on the impact of California’s previous minimum wage increase found no statistically significant cutbacks in hours or jobs in the fast food industry. But a study he’s conducting on the new fast-food minimum wage could yield different results, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fast Food is the biggest user of low-wage workers, and a minimum wage does what it’s intended to do — to raise their living standards. And it does so, at least at the levels we’ve been studying, without causing job loss,” Reich said. “I’ll be very interested to see what happens with $20.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you had asked Walter Wilson to tell you whether Santa Clara County does a good job of spreading its many lucrative contracts out to a diverse set of businesses, he’d have given you a short and simple answer: No.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a huge crisis,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a co-founder of the Minority Business Consortium and longtime civil rights advocate, said he’s been pushing the county to diversify its contracting base for more than a decade, even taking on an analysis of their procurement strategies in the past to help highlight the problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://countyofsantaclaradisparitystudy.com/\">a recently completed study,\u003c/a> more than two years in the making, shows what Wilson said he and many others already knew: Santa Clara County only awards a small sliver of its contracts to businesses owned by people of diverse backgrounds and women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $500,000 study, by consultant MGT, examined $2.4 billion worth of contracts the county awarded from July 2016 through June 2021 in various industries, such as construction, information technology, laundry, landscaping and equipment purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 15% of those contracts went to what the county calls diverse business enterprises, which are firms owned and controlled by Black people/African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, Native Americans or nonminority women, the study showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overwhelming majority of contracts — roughly 85% and worth about $2 billion — went to firms owned by nonminority men or to firms MGT could not confirm as being a diverse business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This racism is so obvious, it’s just sickening, really,” said Wilson, who identifies as African/African Ancestry. “At the end of the day, this is systemic racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the study period, the county spent about $365 million with diverse businesses, though the largest chunk, about $172 million, accounting for about 7% of the contracts, went to Asian American-owned businesses. Nonminority women-owned businesses took in about $168 million, just under 7% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hispanic American-owned firms, meanwhile, took in nearly $16 million, and African American-owned firms collected nearly $7 million, together accounting for only 0.93% of the contracts. Native American-owned firms received just over $3 million, or just 0.13% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study report indicated the county could have nearly doubled its spending with those various categories of businesses, noting there was 28% availability overall of diverse businesses willing and able to do the work the county contracted for in that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Williams, the county’s CEO, said at a recent board meeting where the study results were being presented that the study was long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s to no one’s surprise that there’s very, very significant disparities in our contracting relative to the availability of minority and disadvantaged businesses in our community,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams and other leaders said this is the first time the county has studied its contracting for disparities, and though there are some severe limitations on the data — including the exclusion of any COVID-19-related expenditures — the county needed a baseline of information to begin addressing the issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Ellenberg, president of the county Board of Supervisors, said she doesn’t feel the county ever intended to be exclusionary in its contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I think that’s a very common justification, for many examples beyond the county, of unintended consequences being so ingrained into the system that at some point you have to say, ‘Is it really unintended, or was it actively not prevented?’,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have not sufficiently actively prevented that kind of disparity, and I think it’s our obligation to do significantly better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Otto Lee said the report was upsetting to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This underutilization of diverse business entities is disappointing, especially in light of the fact that our county has this constant refrain of how progressive we are, how we support our diverse communities,” Lee said. “This report shows that we are clearly not putting the money where our mouth is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s authors also said the current county systems and software could “preclude both staff and vendors from participating in a transformative procurement culture” and noted that the county does not collect demographic data on its vendors or subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though the study said the county does well in outreach and has well-attended informational events, it hasn’t translated into more equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we can document many, many outreach efforts over decades to more deeply engage our minority business community, if the impact has not been more contracts, then to some extent, our outreach efforts are, I don’t want to call them meaningless, but are not significant,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county plans to take several steps to address the inequities, including updating its procurement systems to collect vendor demographic data and creating a one-stop online dashboard for contracts and procurements, which would show a forecast of upcoming bid opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county wants to strengthen its outreach strategy “to municipal and ethnic chambers of commerce and local business advocacy organizations” and develop a small and local business enterprise program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11983323,news_11958124,news_11983231\"]Officials said programs encouraging more small business participation in contracting would help support greater diversity without running afoul of Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, which prohibits quotas or preference in contracts based on race, gender or ethnicity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States Small Business Administration Office of Advocacy estimated that in 2022, racial minorities owned 27.3% of all small businesses in California, the report said, and that women owned 43.1% of small businesses in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county administration plans to bring specific policy recommendations to the Board of Supervisors’ Finance and Government Operations Committee for discussion in August, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Sylvia Arenas said she hopes to see quick action to address the disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been going on for a really long time. So either we do something about it now, or we’re going to study this away, and our small businesses are going to continue to disappear,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said he hopes to see aggressive action from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has got to be an earnest, honest effort to really address this, and it’s got to happen immediately,” Wilson said. “Now that the facts are known, there are no more excuses, none.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you had asked Walter Wilson to tell you whether Santa Clara County does a good job of spreading its many lucrative contracts out to a diverse set of businesses, he’d have given you a short and simple answer: No.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a huge crisis,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a co-founder of the Minority Business Consortium and longtime civil rights advocate, said he’s been pushing the county to diversify its contracting base for more than a decade, even taking on an analysis of their procurement strategies in the past to help highlight the problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://countyofsantaclaradisparitystudy.com/\">a recently completed study,\u003c/a> more than two years in the making, shows what Wilson said he and many others already knew: Santa Clara County only awards a small sliver of its contracts to businesses owned by people of diverse backgrounds and women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $500,000 study, by consultant MGT, examined $2.4 billion worth of contracts the county awarded from July 2016 through June 2021 in various industries, such as construction, information technology, laundry, landscaping and equipment purchases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just over 15% of those contracts went to what the county calls diverse business enterprises, which are firms owned and controlled by Black people/African Americans, Asian Americans, Hispanic Americans, Native Americans or nonminority women, the study showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The overwhelming majority of contracts — roughly 85% and worth about $2 billion — went to firms owned by nonminority men or to firms MGT could not confirm as being a diverse business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This racism is so obvious, it’s just sickening, really,” said Wilson, who identifies as African/African Ancestry. “At the end of the day, this is systemic racism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the study period, the county spent about $365 million with diverse businesses, though the largest chunk, about $172 million, accounting for about 7% of the contracts, went to Asian American-owned businesses. Nonminority women-owned businesses took in about $168 million, just under 7% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hispanic American-owned firms, meanwhile, took in nearly $16 million, and African American-owned firms collected nearly $7 million, together accounting for only 0.93% of the contracts. Native American-owned firms received just over $3 million, or just 0.13% of contracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study report indicated the county could have nearly doubled its spending with those various categories of businesses, noting there was 28% availability overall of diverse businesses willing and able to do the work the county contracted for in that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Williams, the county’s CEO, said at a recent board meeting where the study results were being presented that the study was long overdue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s to no one’s surprise that there’s very, very significant disparities in our contracting relative to the availability of minority and disadvantaged businesses in our community,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams and other leaders said this is the first time the county has studied its contracting for disparities, and though there are some severe limitations on the data — including the exclusion of any COVID-19-related expenditures — the county needed a baseline of information to begin addressing the issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Ellenberg, president of the county Board of Supervisors, said she doesn’t feel the county ever intended to be exclusionary in its contracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I think that’s a very common justification, for many examples beyond the county, of unintended consequences being so ingrained into the system that at some point you have to say, ‘Is it really unintended, or was it actively not prevented?’,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have not sufficiently actively prevented that kind of disparity, and I think it’s our obligation to do significantly better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Otto Lee said the report was upsetting to read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This underutilization of diverse business entities is disappointing, especially in light of the fact that our county has this constant refrain of how progressive we are, how we support our diverse communities,” Lee said. “This report shows that we are clearly not putting the money where our mouth is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s authors also said the current county systems and software could “preclude both staff and vendors from participating in a transformative procurement culture” and noted that the county does not collect demographic data on its vendors or subcontractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though the study said the county does well in outreach and has well-attended informational events, it hasn’t translated into more equity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we can document many, many outreach efforts over decades to more deeply engage our minority business community, if the impact has not been more contracts, then to some extent, our outreach efforts are, I don’t want to call them meaningless, but are not significant,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county plans to take several steps to address the inequities, including updating its procurement systems to collect vendor demographic data and creating a one-stop online dashboard for contracts and procurements, which would show a forecast of upcoming bid opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county wants to strengthen its outreach strategy “to municipal and ethnic chambers of commerce and local business advocacy organizations” and develop a small and local business enterprise program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Officials said programs encouraging more small business participation in contracting would help support greater diversity without running afoul of Proposition 209, California’s ban on affirmative action, which prohibits quotas or preference in contracts based on race, gender or ethnicity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States Small Business Administration Office of Advocacy estimated that in 2022, racial minorities owned 27.3% of all small businesses in California, the report said, and that women owned 43.1% of small businesses in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county administration plans to bring specific policy recommendations to the Board of Supervisors’ Finance and Government Operations Committee for discussion in August, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Sylvia Arenas said she hopes to see quick action to address the disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has been going on for a really long time. So either we do something about it now, or we’re going to study this away, and our small businesses are going to continue to disappear,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said he hopes to see aggressive action from the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There has got to be an earnest, honest effort to really address this, and it’s got to happen immediately,” Wilson said. “Now that the facts are known, there are no more excuses, none.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Requires Solar Panels on New Homes. Should Wildfire Victims Get a Break?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of homes in Joe Patterson’s Northern California Assembly district burned to the ground in the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/08/california-wildfires-caldor-fire-lake-tahoe/\">Caldor Fire\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the three years since that devastating summer, many of those rebuilding homeowners have ended up on the hook for tens of thousands of dollars, thanks to state laws that require solar panels on new homes — even on those that didn’t have them before they burned down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trust me when I say this: $25,000 to build solar onto a house where people do not have solar is 100% an impediment to rebuilding,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/joe-patterson-133512\">Patterson, a Republican from Rocklin\u003c/a>, told the Assembly Natural Resources Committee earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patterson’s \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2787?slug=CA_202320240AB2787\">Assembly Bill 2787\u003c/a>, which passed the committee unanimously, would give some of those poorly-insured, low- and middle-income homeowners rebuilding after a natural disaster a break from the state’s solar-panel building requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would exempt homeowners at or below the median income for their county from the state’s building codes that require new solar on homes if they’re damaged or destroyed in a natural disaster. The legislation, which would expire in 2028, also would limit the benefit to those who don’t have an insurance plan that would cover the costs of the upgrade to new solar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now moves to the Assembly Appropriations Committee, where it faces an uncertain future. Last year, that committee killed a similar bill by Republican Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/jim-patterson-119\">Jim Patterson\u003c/a> of Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Patterson, no relation, told CalMatters he expects his bill, which is coauthored by the Fresno Republican, to make it through the committee this time since it doesn’t contain funding for a study like last year’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Joe Patterson (R-Rocklin)\"]‘$25,000 to build solar onto a house where people do not have solar is 100% an impediment to rebuilding.’[/pullquote]It’s another matter whether Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign it if the bill is also approved in the Senate and reaches his desk. In 2022, Newsom vetoed a similar bill, citing the need for solar power to reduce greenhouse gases that are a contributing factor for wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2024/01/california-solar-demand-plummets/\">Solar power\u003c/a> is a critical part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/news/2021-03/california-releases-report-charting-path-100-percent-clean-electricity\">state’s ambitious goal\u003c/a> to achieve 90% carbon-free electricity by 2035 and 100% by 2045. Large-scale and rooftop solar is projected to prove more than half of the grid’s power by 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extending this exemption would nullify these positive outcomes and instead would increase homeowner energy costs at a time when many homeowners are facing rising electric rates and bills,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-1078-VETO.pdf?emrc=bded57\">Newsom wrote in his veto message (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about this latest bill, Newsom’s press office responded that the governor doesn’t typically comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Patterson said he hopes Newsom would support this bill, given that it’s more narrow than the one he vetoed in 2022, and because some Caldor Fire victims with poor insurance say they never received \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-03-01/wildfire-survivors-decry-lack-of-fema-aid\">federal disaster relief cash to help them rebuild\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982889\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982889\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"881\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-1536x863.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The sun sets over Valley Ridge Drive in Paradise, Butte County, on Oct. 26, 2023. Empty lots, homes under construction and residences built after the Camp Fire line the street. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the insurance crisis in California’s wildfire country has only gotten worse since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the devastating wildfire seasons of 2017 and 2018, private insurance companies have been dropping policies for hundreds of thousands of Californians, forcing many to join the state’s home insurer of last resort known as FAIR plan or risk going uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last month, State Farm announced it wasn’t renewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/state-filing-shows-california-zip-codes-where-state-farm-plans-to-drop-policy-holders\">72,000 California home and apartment policies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257724?t=1381&f=e9a00eed954ce559cf08ecd40c56158e\">testimony before the Natural Resources Committee\u003c/a>, Patterson said his district has seen skyrocketing numbers of constituents on the FAIR Plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"science_1991404,science_1985611\"]“In 2019, we had roughly 8,100 households covered by the FAIR Plan in my district,” Joe Patterson told the committee. “Now, in 2023, we have 41,000 people covered by the FAIR Plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the FAIR plan, at most, will only pay 10% of the costs to upgrade a destroyed home to the most current building codes including mandatory solar panels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that 10% coverage really won’t go very far, especially to cover a solar system that costs about $25,000,” Patterson told the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"cm-leg-card cm-leg-card-padding\">\n\u003cp>As Patterson testified, sitting beside him was El Dorado County Supervisor George Turnboo. His district includes Grizzly Flats, which was torched in the Caldor Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costly burden on the Caldor Fire survivors trying to rebuild their lives is not worth the minimal benefit solar technology provides them in a very high snow and forest region,” Turnboo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their arguments resonated with the 11 members of the Natural Resources Committee, including eight Democrats, who voted to pass the bill over objections from the solar industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the very sympathetic plight that some of these folks are in,” said Kim Stone, a lobbyist for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/926\">the California Solar and Storage Association\u003c/a>. “But we don’t exempt them from other building code upgrade requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of homes in Joe Patterson’s Northern California Assembly district burned to the ground in the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2021/08/california-wildfires-caldor-fire-lake-tahoe/\">Caldor Fire\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the three years since that devastating summer, many of those rebuilding homeowners have ended up on the hook for tens of thousands of dollars, thanks to state laws that require solar panels on new homes — even on those that didn’t have them before they burned down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trust me when I say this: $25,000 to build solar onto a house where people do not have solar is 100% an impediment to rebuilding,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/joe-patterson-133512\">Patterson, a Republican from Rocklin\u003c/a>, told the Assembly Natural Resources Committee earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patterson’s \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2787?slug=CA_202320240AB2787\">Assembly Bill 2787\u003c/a>, which passed the committee unanimously, would give some of those poorly-insured, low- and middle-income homeowners rebuilding after a natural disaster a break from the state’s solar-panel building requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would exempt homeowners at or below the median income for their county from the state’s building codes that require new solar on homes if they’re damaged or destroyed in a natural disaster. The legislation, which would expire in 2028, also would limit the benefit to those who don’t have an insurance plan that would cover the costs of the upgrade to new solar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill now moves to the Assembly Appropriations Committee, where it faces an uncertain future. Last year, that committee killed a similar bill by Republican Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/jim-patterson-119\">Jim Patterson\u003c/a> of Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Patterson, no relation, told CalMatters he expects his bill, which is coauthored by the Fresno Republican, to make it through the committee this time since it doesn’t contain funding for a study like last year’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘$25,000 to build solar onto a house where people do not have solar is 100% an impediment to rebuilding.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s another matter whether Gov. Gavin Newsom will sign it if the bill is also approved in the Senate and reaches his desk. In 2022, Newsom vetoed a similar bill, citing the need for solar power to reduce greenhouse gases that are a contributing factor for wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2024/01/california-solar-demand-plummets/\">Solar power\u003c/a> is a critical part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/news/2021-03/california-releases-report-charting-path-100-percent-clean-electricity\">state’s ambitious goal\u003c/a> to achieve 90% carbon-free electricity by 2035 and 100% by 2045. Large-scale and rooftop solar is projected to prove more than half of the grid’s power by 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extending this exemption would nullify these positive outcomes and instead would increase homeowner energy costs at a time when many homeowners are facing rising electric rates and bills,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-1078-VETO.pdf?emrc=bded57\">Newsom wrote in his veto message (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about this latest bill, Newsom’s press office responded that the governor doesn’t typically comment on pending legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Patterson said he hopes Newsom would support this bill, given that it’s more narrow than the one he vetoed in 2022, and because some Caldor Fire victims with poor insurance say they never received \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-03-01/wildfire-survivors-decry-lack-of-fema-aid\">federal disaster relief cash to help them rebuild\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982889\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982889\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"881\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/102523-Paradise-Rebuild-AP-CM-02-copy-1536x863.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The sun sets over Valley Ridge Drive in Paradise, Butte County, on Oct. 26, 2023. Empty lots, homes under construction and residences built after the Camp Fire line the street. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the insurance crisis in California’s wildfire country has only gotten worse since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the devastating wildfire seasons of 2017 and 2018, private insurance companies have been dropping policies for hundreds of thousands of Californians, forcing many to join the state’s home insurer of last resort known as FAIR plan or risk going uninsured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just last month, State Farm announced it wasn’t renewing \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/state-filing-shows-california-zip-codes-where-state-farm-plans-to-drop-policy-holders\">72,000 California home and apartment policies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257724?t=1381&f=e9a00eed954ce559cf08ecd40c56158e\">testimony before the Natural Resources Committee\u003c/a>, Patterson said his district has seen skyrocketing numbers of constituents on the FAIR Plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“In 2019, we had roughly 8,100 households covered by the FAIR Plan in my district,” Joe Patterson told the committee. “Now, in 2023, we have 41,000 people covered by the FAIR Plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the FAIR plan, at most, will only pay 10% of the costs to upgrade a destroyed home to the most current building codes including mandatory solar panels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that 10% coverage really won’t go very far, especially to cover a solar system that costs about $25,000,” Patterson told the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"cm-leg-card cm-leg-card-padding\">\n\u003cp>As Patterson testified, sitting beside him was El Dorado County Supervisor George Turnboo. His district includes Grizzly Flats, which was torched in the Caldor Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The costly burden on the Caldor Fire survivors trying to rebuild their lives is not worth the minimal benefit solar technology provides them in a very high snow and forest region,” Turnboo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their arguments resonated with the 11 members of the Natural Resources Committee, including eight Democrats, who voted to pass the bill over objections from the solar industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the very sympathetic plight that some of these folks are in,” said Kim Stone, a lobbyist for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/926\">the California Solar and Storage Association\u003c/a>. “But we don’t exempt them from other building code upgrade requirements.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>During her annual State of the City address Thursday, San Francisco Mayor London Breed unveiled a new plan to revitalize the city’s struggling downtown area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s goal with the 30 by 30 initiative is to attract 30,000 residents and students downtown by 2030.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘We are recruiting new businesses and continuing to see new leases signed led by AI, which alone is projected to add 12 million square feet of office space by 2030.’[/pullquote]“Downtown has always been the economic engine that funds the services we care about, and its post-pandemic difficulties are the driving reason for the deficit we now face,” Breed said from Pier 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed acknowledged the city’s economic reliance on industries operating from downtown offices. That dependence was made clear at the onset of the pandemic, with a persistent downtown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955554/could-empty-offices-in-san-francisco-be-converted-to-homes\">office vacancy rate exceeding 30% due to the shift to remote work.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Breed also indicated that she believes technology companies still have a large role to play in fueling that economic engine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are recruiting new businesses and continuing to see new leases signed led by AI, which alone is projected to add 12 million square feet of office space by 2030,” Breed said. “And it won’t be AI alone. This is one of the most beautiful urban environments in the world, with an unrivaled pool of talent, of builders and dreamers, and the largest collection of deployable capital in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet this new goal, Breed said she hopes to work with state Sen. Scott Wiener to \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/20240216-senator-wiener-introduces-bill-revitalize-downtown-san-francisco\">change state laws\u003c/a> to provide regulatory and tax exemptions for building conversions and spur housing production downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Breed committed to vetoing any new piece of legislation that she deemed to be anti-housing.[aside label='More on London Breed' tag='london-breed']\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-and-research/plans-and-reports\">A state report released last October\u003c/a> criticized city rules for making new housing production slower and costlier. Even if some of those local rules are changed — obstacles remain — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839409/5-reasons-its-so-expensive-to-build-housing-in-california\">high construction costs.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements come as Breed seems poised to score several victories in Tuesday’s election, including the likely passage of propositions C, E and F, which she sponsored. Though not all votes have been counted, all three measures were leading by more than five percentage points as of \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/results/20240305w/index.html\">Thursday afternoon\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, if passed, would provide the new owners of converted office buildings with a one-time exemption from the city’s real estate transfer tax. As of this writing, it currently leads with nearly 54% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition F would require residents who receive city benefits to submit to drug screenings and treatment programs if they are suspected of having a dependence on illegal drugs or risk losing their benefits. Critics say coerced participation is not likely to lead to successful treatment — and vulnerable people could lose their housing if cut off from assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her speech, the mayor thanked residents for their support of those propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will roll out 400 automated license plate cameras at 100 intersections across the city this month. Thanks to the voters for approving Proposition E on Tuesday,” Breed said. “We will be installing new public safety cameras in high-crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break-ins and other crimes.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘We will roll out 400 automated license plate cameras at 100 intersections across the city this month. … We will be installing new public safety cameras in high-crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break-ins and other crimes.’[/pullquote] Along with giving police greater access to surveillance technology and reducing officer requirements for use-of-force reporting, Proposition E would allow police to engage in vehicle pursuits more often.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor seemed to take Tuesday’s election results as a mandate to continue her efforts to ramp up police crackdowns in the city, vowing to support arrests of drug dealers and even drug users “who are a danger to themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, offering people services is critical, but frankly, we must compel some people into treatment,” Breed said, adding that she also hopes to expand treatment options for those suffering from substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s test of true public support, though, will come in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when residents will decide whether to re-elect Breed and give her the time to enact these plans or vote in one of her challengers instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco Mayor London Breed delivered her State of the City address at Pier 27, unveiling the ‘30 by 30’ initiative. The plan seeks to revive the city's downtown by drawing in 30,000 residents and students by 2030.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Downtown has always been the economic engine that funds the services we care about, and its post-pandemic difficulties are the driving reason for the deficit we now face,” Breed said from Pier 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed acknowledged the city’s economic reliance on industries operating from downtown offices. That dependence was made clear at the onset of the pandemic, with a persistent downtown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11955554/could-empty-offices-in-san-francisco-be-converted-to-homes\">office vacancy rate exceeding 30% due to the shift to remote work.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Breed also indicated that she believes technology companies still have a large role to play in fueling that economic engine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are recruiting new businesses and continuing to see new leases signed led by AI, which alone is projected to add 12 million square feet of office space by 2030,” Breed said. “And it won’t be AI alone. This is one of the most beautiful urban environments in the world, with an unrivaled pool of talent, of builders and dreamers, and the largest collection of deployable capital in the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To meet this new goal, Breed said she hopes to work with state Sen. Scott Wiener to \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/20240216-senator-wiener-introduces-bill-revitalize-downtown-san-francisco\">change state laws\u003c/a> to provide regulatory and tax exemptions for building conversions and spur housing production downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Breed committed to vetoing any new piece of legislation that she deemed to be anti-housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-and-research/plans-and-reports\">A state report released last October\u003c/a> criticized city rules for making new housing production slower and costlier. Even if some of those local rules are changed — obstacles remain — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11839409/5-reasons-its-so-expensive-to-build-housing-in-california\">high construction costs.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcements come as Breed seems poised to score several victories in Tuesday’s election, including the likely passage of propositions C, E and F, which she sponsored. Though not all votes have been counted, all three measures were leading by more than five percentage points as of \u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.org/results/20240305w/index.html\">Thursday afternoon\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, if passed, would provide the new owners of converted office buildings with a one-time exemption from the city’s real estate transfer tax. As of this writing, it currently leads with nearly 54% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition F would require residents who receive city benefits to submit to drug screenings and treatment programs if they are suspected of having a dependence on illegal drugs or risk losing their benefits. Critics say coerced participation is not likely to lead to successful treatment — and vulnerable people could lose their housing if cut off from assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her speech, the mayor thanked residents for their support of those propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will roll out 400 automated license plate cameras at 100 intersections across the city this month. Thanks to the voters for approving Proposition E on Tuesday,” Breed said. “We will be installing new public safety cameras in high-crime areas, deploying drones for auto theft, car break-ins and other crimes.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Along with giving police greater access to surveillance technology and reducing officer requirements for use-of-force reporting, Proposition E would allow police to engage in vehicle pursuits more often.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor seemed to take Tuesday’s election results as a mandate to continue her efforts to ramp up police crackdowns in the city, vowing to support arrests of drug dealers and even drug users “who are a danger to themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes, offering people services is critical, but frankly, we must compel some people into treatment,” Breed said, adding that she also hopes to expand treatment options for those suffering from substance use disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s test of true public support, though, will come in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when residents will decide whether to re-elect Breed and give her the time to enact these plans or vote in one of her challengers instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Pandemic-era inflation has fallen from its peak two years ago, but the costs of many goods and services continue to rise and are still higher than before the onset of COVID-19, a couple of closely watched economic indicators show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prices have grown about 20% overall since 2020, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/766\">analysis\u003c/a> by the California Legislative Analyst’s Office based on the most recent consumer price index data. Over the past couple of months, prices in California appear to have risen slightly more than the country as a whole, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continued rising prices are why many Californians are struggling in an economy that’s widely considered to be doing OK because the nation has avoided a recession, experts said.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Steven Hamburg, chief scientist, Environmental Defense Fund\"]‘When you go to the grocery store, your total bill is still much higher overall than a few years ago.’[/pullquote]While a slowdown in inflation, or price growth, is “great news, it’s not like those prices are declining,” said Sarah Bohn, economist and director of the Public Policy Institute of California Economic Policy Center. “When you go to the grocery store, your total bill is still much higher overall than a few years ago,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, Bohn said Californians’ wages have not kept up with inflation: “Wages only grew 15% than before the pandemic. On paper, that looks amazing, like a $5-an-hour increase. But after inflation, it feels like a pay cut — I \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/whats-in-store-for-californias-economy/\">calculated\u003c/a> that it’s like a $1.25-an-hour cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a big concern, especially for low- and middle-income families who “have a lot less flexibility in terms of what they’re spending their resources on,” Bohn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, services are mostly responsible for continued inflation, Bureau of Labor Statistics data shows. The prices of goods such as new vehicles and meat, poultry, eggs and fish were unchanged from December to January, while overall food prices were up almost 0.4%, slightly lower than the previous two months. Consumer costs for services such as electricity, rent, medical care, airfares and health and auto insurance all rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, high prices for both goods and services persist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Food banks say the cost of buying food hasn’t gone down — and the demand for their services remains high \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/12/food-insecurity-california/\">as pandemic aid has expired\u003c/a> and inflation remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank hasn’t seen “major” price increases for meat, and produce prices have stabilized, it continues to see high prices for some food, spokesperson Keely Hopkins said. The average price the food bank has paid for eggs has risen by $2.27 a dozen over the past eight months, Hopkins said.[aside postID=news_11953447 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66300_230613-SFMarinFoodPantry-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']High food prices have also been a problem for the Los Angeles Regional Food Bank, which buys 10% of its inventory to supplement donated food: The food bank now serves an average of 900,000 people per month, two and a half times the monthly average pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[That’s] the impact of the end of COVID-era programs such as the SNAP/CalFresh benefit boost and the continued impact of inflation,” said David May, a spokesperson for the food bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the services side, some California residents are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/12/california-car-insurance/\">struggling to get affordable auto insurance\u003c/a>, with premiums rising 17.7% from 2023 to 2024, according to Bankrate.com. Electricity prices have also increased as regulators approve \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/02/utility-rate-hikes-california/\">rate hikes\u003c/a> by major utilities such as PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for rent, “shelter is the major driver of services inflation in the inflation numbers,” said Jerry Nickelsburg, senior economist for the UCLA Anderson Forecast. He added, “We are seeing a slowing in rental rates [negative in some parts of the state], but as leases come due and rent-stabilized units are vacated, average rents increase to today’s market rents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rent in California is 38% higher than the national median, according to real-estate listings company Zillow. This month, the median rent of $2,755 in the state rose $5 from the month before but is $195 less than in March 2023, Zillow data shows.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jerry Nickelsburg, senior economist, UCLA Anderson Forecast\"]‘We are seeing a slowing in rental rates [negative in some parts of the state], but as leases come due and rent-stabilized units are vacated, average rents increase to today’s market rents.’[/pullquote]Meanwhile, the personal consumption expenditures price index, which excludes food and energy costs, rose 0.4% in January from the previous month and 2.8% from the previous year, according to data released by the Commerce Department’s Bureau of Economic Analysis last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Federal Reserve \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/02/29/pce-inflation-january-2023-.html\">is said to focus more on this index\u003c/a> instead of the consumer price index because it more accurately reflects actual consumer spending. Either way, since the Fed’s target inflation rate is 2%, continued inflation is not likely to slash interest rates anytime soon — meaning possible continued \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-09-21/tracking-home-and-rent-prices-in-southern-california\">slowness in home buying, \u003c/a>getting loans to buy big-ticket items such as cars and borrowing by businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nickelsburg said he does not expect the Fed to reduce interest rates in the first half of the year. That’s in line with the expectations of other economists, such as those from Wells Fargo, who said in a report last month that continued inflation means the “road back to 2% inflation likely will have some potholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Pandemic-era inflation has fallen from its peak two years ago, but the costs of many goods and services continue to rise and are still higher than before the onset of COVID-19, a couple of closely watched economic indicators show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prices have grown about 20% overall since 2020, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/766\">analysis\u003c/a> by the California Legislative Analyst’s Office based on the most recent consumer price index data. Over the past couple of months, prices in California appear to have risen slightly more than the country as a whole, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Continued rising prices are why many Californians are struggling in an economy that’s widely considered to be doing OK because the nation has avoided a recession, experts said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While a slowdown in inflation, or price growth, is “great news, it’s not like those prices are declining,” said Sarah Bohn, economist and director of the Public Policy Institute of California Economic Policy Center. “When you go to the grocery store, your total bill is still much higher overall than a few years ago,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, Bohn said Californians’ wages have not kept up with inflation: “Wages only grew 15% than before the pandemic. On paper, that looks amazing, like a $5-an-hour increase. But after inflation, it feels like a pay cut — I \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/whats-in-store-for-californias-economy/\">calculated\u003c/a> that it’s like a $1.25-an-hour cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a big concern, especially for low- and middle-income families who “have a lot less flexibility in terms of what they’re spending their resources on,” Bohn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, services are mostly responsible for continued inflation, Bureau of Labor Statistics data shows. The prices of goods such as new vehicles and meat, poultry, eggs and fish were unchanged from December to January, while overall food prices were up almost 0.4%, slightly lower than the previous two months. Consumer costs for services such as electricity, rent, medical care, airfares and health and auto insurance all rose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in California, high prices for both goods and services persist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Food banks say the cost of buying food hasn’t gone down — and the demand for their services remains high \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/12/food-insecurity-california/\">as pandemic aid has expired\u003c/a> and inflation remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the San Francisco-Marin Food Bank hasn’t seen “major” price increases for meat, and produce prices have stabilized, it continues to see high prices for some food, spokesperson Keely Hopkins said. The average price the food bank has paid for eggs has risen by $2.27 a dozen over the past eight months, Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>High food prices have also been a problem for the Los Angeles Regional Food Bank, which buys 10% of its inventory to supplement donated food: The food bank now serves an average of 900,000 people per month, two and a half times the monthly average pre-pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[That’s] the impact of the end of COVID-era programs such as the SNAP/CalFresh benefit boost and the continued impact of inflation,” said David May, a spokesperson for the food bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the services side, some California residents are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2023/12/california-car-insurance/\">struggling to get affordable auto insurance\u003c/a>, with premiums rising 17.7% from 2023 to 2024, according to Bankrate.com. Electricity prices have also increased as regulators approve \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/02/utility-rate-hikes-california/\">rate hikes\u003c/a> by major utilities such as PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for rent, “shelter is the major driver of services inflation in the inflation numbers,” said Jerry Nickelsburg, senior economist for the UCLA Anderson Forecast. He added, “We are seeing a slowing in rental rates [negative in some parts of the state], but as leases come due and rent-stabilized units are vacated, average rents increase to today’s market rents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rent in California is 38% higher than the national median, according to real-estate listings company Zillow. This month, the median rent of $2,755 in the state rose $5 from the month before but is $195 less than in March 2023, Zillow data shows.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Meanwhile, the personal consumption expenditures price index, which excludes food and energy costs, rose 0.4% in January from the previous month and 2.8% from the previous year, according to data released by the Commerce Department’s Bureau of Economic Analysis last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Federal Reserve \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/02/29/pce-inflation-january-2023-.html\">is said to focus more on this index\u003c/a> instead of the consumer price index because it more accurately reflects actual consumer spending. Either way, since the Fed’s target inflation rate is 2%, continued inflation is not likely to slash interest rates anytime soon — meaning possible continued \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2023-09-21/tracking-home-and-rent-prices-in-southern-california\">slowness in home buying, \u003c/a>getting loans to buy big-ticket items such as cars and borrowing by businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nickelsburg said he does not expect the Fed to reduce interest rates in the first half of the year. That’s in line with the expectations of other economists, such as those from Wells Fargo, who said in a report last month that continued inflation means the “road back to 2% inflation likely will have some potholes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Optometrists' 2-Day Strike Could Delay Hundreds of Patient Appointments",
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"content": "\u003cp>Optometrists at University of California campuses started a two-day strike on Tuesday over what they call labor law violations by their employer during negotiations for salaries and benefits. Hundreds of patients with appointments this week may have to reschedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1HhlJjh9pipFhzWpXzBHW3VEY4vUUporQ/view\">work stoppage\u003c/a> comes as UC and the University Professional and Technical Employees, Communication Workers of America Local 9119, have failed over a year to agree on the terms of employment for more than 80 optometrists who joined the union in 2022. Both parties have recently filed unfair labor practice charges against each other with state regulators.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dr. Nicole Mercho, optometrist, UCSF Health\"]‘We love our patients. But it just feels like this strike is the only option that we have left.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives said noncompetitive compensation and lack of career growth opportunities contribute to the recruitment of new talent and retention problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, at UCSF Health, one of the nation’s top-ranked ophthalmology hospitals, some patients wait six to eight months for an appointment, said Dr. Nicole Mercho, 29, who works at the hospital’s Glaucoma Clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF optometrists, who see about 12 to 14 patients daily on a regular schedule, manage a variety of ocular diseases and eye infections in patients often referred to the hospital from as far away as Eureka, Modesto and Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love our patients. But it just feels like this strike is the only option that we have left,” Mercho said. “It’s very frustrating that UC has not really bargained in good faith. They’re kind of dragging their feet. They are not taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for UC told KQED that each location would handle notifications for impacted patients by the work stoppage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January 2023, the union and UC representatives have met nearly a dozen times to work through issues to integrate the newly represented optometrists into an existing contract agreement that covers 6,500 \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/labor/bargaining-units/hx/index.html\">health care professional unit members\u003c/a>. But that process has come to a standstill, according to union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the union took its case to the California Public Employment Relations Board, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1L11KqGzxt-O3EyMGns9lsuOCYjhqiPB5/view\">accusing\u003c/a> the university of violations that include refusing to disclose “essential” data for bargaining on wages and withholding contact information for new unit members for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974804\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth.jpg\" alt=\"The exterior shot of the UCSF Health building in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The outside of UCSF Health, one of the nation’s top-ranked ophthalmology hospitals. \u003ccite>(Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, executive vice president at UPTE CWA Local 9119, said UC’s conduct undermines collective bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have an interest in making sure that large public employers like the University of California are conducting themselves in an appropriate manner under labor law,” Campos told KQED. “And if a public institution like the university, that is subject to oversight, [and a] recipient of a tremendous amount of public resources, thinks that they can get away with committing unfair labor practices at the bargaining table, that should be alarming to every worker in California and every taxpayer in California.”[aside tag=\"uc-strike,union\" label=\"More Related Coverage\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC responded by filing its own unfair labor practice \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24409156/2024-02-02-uc-v-upte-perb.pdf\">charges\u003c/a> against UPTE CWA Local 9119 last week, rejecting the union’s accusations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university argued that it is simply insisting that the terms of a collective bargaining agreement that already applies to healthcare professionals in the unit also apply to optometrists and that this week’s work stoppage represented an “unlawful pre-impasse strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California respects the rights of employees to organize and is committed to good-faith bargaining across our system with unions, including the University Professional and Technical Employees Union (UPTE),” said a UC spokesperson in a statement. “The University believes the planned UPTE action related to this limited group of employees is an unlawful exercise by the union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson added that the two parties had reached tentative agreements on incentive compensation and other issues during the bargaining process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors is scheduled to vote Tuesday on \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6503388&GUID=DC407C91-30E9-4BAA-A937-277B932BD49A\">a resolution\u003c/a>, sponsored by six members, supporting UPTE-CWA Local 9119 optometrists and urging UC’s administration to swiftly reach an agreement that recognizes the issues raised by the employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Optometrists plan to hold a picket line outside UC medical centers in San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego and Davis. San Francisco Supervisors Dean Preston and Hillary Ronen are expected to speak at a strike rally on Wednesday at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Optometrists at University of California campuses started a two-day strike on Tuesday over what they call labor law violations by their employer during negotiations for salaries and benefits. Hundreds of patients with appointments this week may have to reschedule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1HhlJjh9pipFhzWpXzBHW3VEY4vUUporQ/view\">work stoppage\u003c/a> comes as UC and the University Professional and Technical Employees, Communication Workers of America Local 9119, have failed over a year to agree on the terms of employment for more than 80 optometrists who joined the union in 2022. Both parties have recently filed unfair labor practice charges against each other with state regulators.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We love our patients. But it just feels like this strike is the only option that we have left.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union representatives said noncompetitive compensation and lack of career growth opportunities contribute to the recruitment of new talent and retention problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, at UCSF Health, one of the nation’s top-ranked ophthalmology hospitals, some patients wait six to eight months for an appointment, said Dr. Nicole Mercho, 29, who works at the hospital’s Glaucoma Clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF optometrists, who see about 12 to 14 patients daily on a regular schedule, manage a variety of ocular diseases and eye infections in patients often referred to the hospital from as far away as Eureka, Modesto and Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love our patients. But it just feels like this strike is the only option that we have left,” Mercho said. “It’s very frustrating that UC has not really bargained in good faith. They’re kind of dragging their feet. They are not taking it seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for UC told KQED that each location would handle notifications for impacted patients by the work stoppage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since January 2023, the union and UC representatives have met nearly a dozen times to work through issues to integrate the newly represented optometrists into an existing contract agreement that covers 6,500 \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/labor/bargaining-units/hx/index.html\">health care professional unit members\u003c/a>. But that process has come to a standstill, according to union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the union took its case to the California Public Employment Relations Board, \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1L11KqGzxt-O3EyMGns9lsuOCYjhqiPB5/view\">accusing\u003c/a> the university of violations that include refusing to disclose “essential” data for bargaining on wages and withholding contact information for new unit members for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974804\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth.jpg\" alt=\"The exterior shot of the UCSF Health building in San Francisco.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/UCSFHealth-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The outside of UCSF Health, one of the nation’s top-ranked ophthalmology hospitals. \u003ccite>(Smith Collection/Gado/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Matias Campos, executive vice president at UPTE CWA Local 9119, said UC’s conduct undermines collective bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have an interest in making sure that large public employers like the University of California are conducting themselves in an appropriate manner under labor law,” Campos told KQED. “And if a public institution like the university, that is subject to oversight, [and a] recipient of a tremendous amount of public resources, thinks that they can get away with committing unfair labor practices at the bargaining table, that should be alarming to every worker in California and every taxpayer in California.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC responded by filing its own unfair labor practice \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/24409156/2024-02-02-uc-v-upte-perb.pdf\">charges\u003c/a> against UPTE CWA Local 9119 last week, rejecting the union’s accusations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university argued that it is simply insisting that the terms of a collective bargaining agreement that already applies to healthcare professionals in the unit also apply to optometrists and that this week’s work stoppage represented an “unlawful pre-impasse strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California respects the rights of employees to organize and is committed to good-faith bargaining across our system with unions, including the University Professional and Technical Employees Union (UPTE),” said a UC spokesperson in a statement. “The University believes the planned UPTE action related to this limited group of employees is an unlawful exercise by the union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson added that the two parties had reached tentative agreements on incentive compensation and other issues during the bargaining process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Board of Supervisors is scheduled to vote Tuesday on \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6503388&GUID=DC407C91-30E9-4BAA-A937-277B932BD49A\">a resolution\u003c/a>, sponsored by six members, supporting UPTE-CWA Local 9119 optometrists and urging UC’s administration to swiftly reach an agreement that recognizes the issues raised by the employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Optometrists plan to hold a picket line outside UC medical centers in San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego and Davis. San Francisco Supervisors Dean Preston and Hillary Ronen are expected to speak at a strike rally on Wednesday at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"planet-money": {
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
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