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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated Wednesday, Sept. 11, 5 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers on Wednesday moved to cap annual rent increases statewide for most tenants, a major victory for tenants as limited housing supply in the country’s most populous state continues to drive up the cost of living while pushing more people to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after its approval by the state Senate, members of the Assembly voted 46-22 in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 1482\u003c/a> , which caps rent increases at 5% each year, plus inflation, for the next decade while banning landlords from evicting tenants without just cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom has said he supports the measures and is expected to sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s largest cities, including Los Angeles, Oakland and San Francisco, have some form of rent control that has been in place for decades, but a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2018/01/5-things-californian-know-now-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state law\u003c/a> passed in 1995 has restricted any new municipal rent control laws since that year. In most places, landlords can raise rents at any time and for any reason as long as they give advance notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California voters overwhelmingly rejected a statewide ballot initiative to overturn the 1995 law last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pomona, about 30 miles east of Los Angeles, Yesenia Miranda Meza said her rent has jumped 20% in the past two years. On Monday, she marched with other tenants through the halls of the state Capitol chanting, “Once I’ve paid my rent, all my money’s spent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a rent increase away from eviction, and that’s with me having two jobs,” she said. “So if this (bill) doesn’t go through and I get another rent increase, I really don’t know what I’m going to do. I’m either going to be homeless or I’ll have to cram into a room with a whole bunch of other people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have likened the proposal to rent control — a more restrictive set of limitations on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jared Martin, president of the California Association of Realtors, said the group’s 200,000 members strongly oppose the bill because it will “reduce the supply and quality of rental housing.” It’s an argument echoed by state Sen. Jeff Stone, R-Temecula, who said developers would have no reason to build new housing if they can’t make money off their investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see even a greater housing crisis because of the low supply of housing,” Stone said. “Either this will force our constituents to join a 60,000 homeless population that we see in the LA area, or they will simply just move to another state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say the bill includes lots safeguards to prevent that from happening. The rent caps don’t apply to housing built within the last 15 years — a provision that prompted the California Building Industry Association to drop its opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/DavidChiu/status/1171513633743851521\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, the caps don’t apply to single-family homes, except those owned by corporations or real estate investment trusts. And duplexes where owners live in one of the units are also exempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would sunset in 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all desperately want to build more housing. It was a very important aspect of this bill,” said Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu of San Francisco, who introduced the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Senate Leader Toni Atkins, a San Diego Democrat, said the high cost of rent is hurting working people throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where I grew up, if I had a career as a nurse or teacher, that would have been making it in life,” she said. So how do you have a good career and you’re making it and you can’t afford the rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even some Democrats who voted for the bill noted that they had serious reservations about it. Sen. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated Wednesday, Sept. 11, 5 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers on Wednesday moved to cap annual rent increases statewide for most tenants, a major victory for tenants as limited housing supply in the country’s most populous state continues to drive up the cost of living while pushing more people to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day after its approval by the state Senate, members of the Assembly voted 46-22 in favor of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 1482\u003c/a> , which caps rent increases at 5% each year, plus inflation, for the next decade while banning landlords from evicting tenants without just cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom has said he supports the measures and is expected to sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s largest cities, including Los Angeles, Oakland and San Francisco, have some form of rent control that has been in place for decades, but a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2018/01/5-things-californian-know-now-rent-control/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">state law\u003c/a> passed in 1995 has restricted any new municipal rent control laws since that year. In most places, landlords can raise rents at any time and for any reason as long as they give advance notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>What happened to all that talk about rent control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than four months after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/proposition-10-rent-control-defeated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an initiative\u003c/a> to allow cities to expand rent control failed overwhelmingly at the ballot box, and less than four months after then-incoming Gov. Gavin Newsom talked about brokering a compromise between tenant and landlord groups, no new legislation from lawmakers or specific proposals from the Newsom administration have been introduced to cap how much rents can rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Spurred by Possible Sale, Tenants of Vulcan Arts Lofts Rally for Rent Control\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/arts/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2019/02/VulcanHall-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 52-unit East Oakland live-work complex, currently housing some 200 artists, is being marketed as a rare, rent-control exempt investment opportunity.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators who have backed rent control expansions in the past say they’re working on proposals to help tenants stay in their homes. Newsom, in his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsom-state-of-the-state-annotated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">State of the State\u003c/a> address earlier this month, called on the Legislature to send him tenant protections he could sign into law, although he didn’t offer any specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is on the table,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco, who co-authored a failed rent control bill last year. “”From topics like just cause eviction to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-VSxw3xUShU\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Costa Hawkins\u003c/a> and other protections, everything is being considered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One possible compromise: A bill to ban “rent gouging,” similar to one poised to take effect in Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.wweek.com/news/state/2019/01/16/democrats-are-confident-they-will-pass-the-nations-first-statewide-rent-controls-and-a-ban-on-no-cause-evictions/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">That measure\u003c/a>, expected to be signed by Gov. Kate Brown in the next few weeks, would make Oregon the nation’s first state to enact anti-gouging provisions covering the vast majority of rental properties within its borders. While often characterized as statewide “rent control,” in reality it focuses on the most flagrant rent hikes—typically 10 percent or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was surprising to see (Oregon) with that type of success. It was heartening,” said Chiu. “As California policymakers we like to think we’re leading, but in this instance, hats off to our Oregon counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu stresses that any rent-gouging bill would need to be part of more comprehensive tenant protections, and that other more stringent rent control measures are still a possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC Berkeley housing think tank released an anti-gouging \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/finding-common-ground-rent-control\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> last year after consulting with both landlord and tenant groups. A Bay Area regional housing plan popular with state legislators from the area offers a \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">similar solution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what exactly would an anti-gouging law in California actually look like? And how many people would it actually help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one can say yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s the difference between a gouging cap and rent control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over a dozen California cities have some form of rent control, including major population centers such as Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Jose. In rent-controlled units in those cities, landlords can raise rents typically from 3 to 5 percent per year, depending on the city and factors such as inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MAP: San Francisco Loses Old Affordable Housing Units Almost as Fast as It Builds New Ones\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/kansasstreet2016-1180x888.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city's report also found that less than 18 percent of all new units created in the last 10 years were affordable.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Anti-gouging proposals would give landlords a lot more wiggle room than traditional rent control. The Oregon plan would allow landlords to raise rents up to 7 percent annually plus inflation—had it been in effect last year, rent hikes would have been capped at about 10 percent. In Portland, that means the landlord charging the average rate of of $1,120 for a one-bedroom apartment could still increase the rent $100 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This policy is much different than rent control,” said Mike Wilkerson, an economist with ECONorthwest, an economic consulting firm that analyzed the Oregon plan. “This isn’t going to be reducing anyone’s rent immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oregon plan also would allow landlords to raise rent beyond the cap once a tenant decides to leave—a provision sacrosanct to landlords and known in wonkish circles as “vacancy decontrol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key California question: What units would fall under a potential gouging cap?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1995 state law known colloquially in housing circles as “Costa-Hawkins” bans any form of rent control from being applied to units built after 1995, as well as to single- family home rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation recently estimated how many California rentals not currently covered by rent control could be covered by a gouging cap if freed from the constraints of Costa Hawkins. Their conclusion: an additional 4.9 million units—a huge chunk of the state’s rental stock. Nearly 40 percent would be single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How many renters would a rent-gouging cap protect?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>How did Oregon determine that around 10 percent was the “right” cap? And how many Oregonian renters stand to benefit when the plan takes effect?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the (Oregon rent cap law) was particularly rigorous in the sense of data-informed,” says Wilkerson. “My guess is in talks with the development community, I think they kind of tested the water, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson’s analysis found that in the last 18 years, only in two of those years did more than 20 percent of one-bedroom units in Portland see rent increases over 10 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal UC Berkeley researchers issued last year suggested even tighter rent increase caps—5 percent plus regional inflation, which in California averaged out to about 8 percent last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proposal was based off a state law that prohibits increasing the price of any consumer good more than 10 percent after a natural disaster. It had nothing to do with how many renters would actually benefit from a rent-gouging cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need better data about rent levels,” said Hayley Raetz, a Terner Center researcher who is tapping private rental data to try to answer these questions. “And it’s hard to get that data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers can’t rely on average rent increases in a neighborhood or city to tell how many people might benefit from a cap. Such averages mask the possibility that some units in a region are experiencing major rent hikes, while other units remain stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson, who had access to a private database of Portland rentals, does point out one important insight—that before the new Oregon proposal, most of the largest rent increases were on lower-cost apartments rented by lower-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not be good news for low-income renters now, but it does mean that any rent cap may benefit lower-income Californians more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really what this is doing is protecting lower-rent units, where we’re consistently seeing rents going up,” said Wilkerson. “And the benefit is preserving more units to be naturally affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As California lawmakers seek to remedy its high rents, they're eyeing a possible rent cap to prevent gouging. But how many tenants would qualify?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>What happened to all that talk about rent control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than four months after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/proposition-10-rent-control-defeated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an initiative\u003c/a> to allow cities to expand rent control failed overwhelmingly at the ballot box, and less than four months after then-incoming Gov. Gavin Newsom talked about brokering a compromise between tenant and landlord groups, no new legislation from lawmakers or specific proposals from the Newsom administration have been introduced to cap how much rents can rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Spurred by Possible Sale, Tenants of Vulcan Arts Lofts Rally for Rent Control\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/arts/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2019/02/VulcanHall-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 52-unit East Oakland live-work complex, currently housing some 200 artists, is being marketed as a rare, rent-control exempt investment opportunity.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators who have backed rent control expansions in the past say they’re working on proposals to help tenants stay in their homes. Newsom, in his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsom-state-of-the-state-annotated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">State of the State\u003c/a> address earlier this month, called on the Legislature to send him tenant protections he could sign into law, although he didn’t offer any specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is on the table,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco, who co-authored a failed rent control bill last year. “”From topics like just cause eviction to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-VSxw3xUShU\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Costa Hawkins\u003c/a> and other protections, everything is being considered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One possible compromise: A bill to ban “rent gouging,” similar to one poised to take effect in Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.wweek.com/news/state/2019/01/16/democrats-are-confident-they-will-pass-the-nations-first-statewide-rent-controls-and-a-ban-on-no-cause-evictions/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">That measure\u003c/a>, expected to be signed by Gov. Kate Brown in the next few weeks, would make Oregon the nation’s first state to enact anti-gouging provisions covering the vast majority of rental properties within its borders. While often characterized as statewide “rent control,” in reality it focuses on the most flagrant rent hikes—typically 10 percent or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was surprising to see (Oregon) with that type of success. It was heartening,” said Chiu. “As California policymakers we like to think we’re leading, but in this instance, hats off to our Oregon counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu stresses that any rent-gouging bill would need to be part of more comprehensive tenant protections, and that other more stringent rent control measures are still a possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC Berkeley housing think tank released an anti-gouging \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/finding-common-ground-rent-control\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> last year after consulting with both landlord and tenant groups. A Bay Area regional housing plan popular with state legislators from the area offers a \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">similar solution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what exactly would an anti-gouging law in California actually look like? And how many people would it actually help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one can say yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s the difference between a gouging cap and rent control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over a dozen California cities have some form of rent control, including major population centers such as Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Jose. In rent-controlled units in those cities, landlords can raise rents typically from 3 to 5 percent per year, depending on the city and factors such as inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MAP: San Francisco Loses Old Affordable Housing Units Almost as Fast as It Builds New Ones\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/kansasstreet2016-1180x888.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city's report also found that less than 18 percent of all new units created in the last 10 years were affordable.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Anti-gouging proposals would give landlords a lot more wiggle room than traditional rent control. The Oregon plan would allow landlords to raise rents up to 7 percent annually plus inflation—had it been in effect last year, rent hikes would have been capped at about 10 percent. In Portland, that means the landlord charging the average rate of of $1,120 for a one-bedroom apartment could still increase the rent $100 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This policy is much different than rent control,” said Mike Wilkerson, an economist with ECONorthwest, an economic consulting firm that analyzed the Oregon plan. “This isn’t going to be reducing anyone’s rent immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oregon plan also would allow landlords to raise rent beyond the cap once a tenant decides to leave—a provision sacrosanct to landlords and known in wonkish circles as “vacancy decontrol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key California question: What units would fall under a potential gouging cap?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1995 state law known colloquially in housing circles as “Costa-Hawkins” bans any form of rent control from being applied to units built after 1995, as well as to single- family home rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation recently estimated how many California rentals not currently covered by rent control could be covered by a gouging cap if freed from the constraints of Costa Hawkins. Their conclusion: an additional 4.9 million units—a huge chunk of the state’s rental stock. Nearly 40 percent would be single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How many renters would a rent-gouging cap protect?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>How did Oregon determine that around 10 percent was the “right” cap? And how many Oregonian renters stand to benefit when the plan takes effect?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the (Oregon rent cap law) was particularly rigorous in the sense of data-informed,” says Wilkerson. “My guess is in talks with the development community, I think they kind of tested the water, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson’s analysis found that in the last 18 years, only in two of those years did more than 20 percent of one-bedroom units in Portland see rent increases over 10 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal UC Berkeley researchers issued last year suggested even tighter rent increase caps—5 percent plus regional inflation, which in California averaged out to about 8 percent last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proposal was based off a state law that prohibits increasing the price of any consumer good more than 10 percent after a natural disaster. It had nothing to do with how many renters would actually benefit from a rent-gouging cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need better data about rent levels,” said Hayley Raetz, a Terner Center researcher who is tapping private rental data to try to answer these questions. “And it’s hard to get that data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers can’t rely on average rent increases in a neighborhood or city to tell how many people might benefit from a cap. Such averages mask the possibility that some units in a region are experiencing major rent hikes, while other units remain stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson, who had access to a private database of Portland rentals, does point out one important insight—that before the new Oregon proposal, most of the largest rent increases were on lower-cost apartments rented by lower-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not be good news for low-income renters now, but it does mean that any rent cap may benefit lower-income Californians more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really what this is doing is protecting lower-rent units, where we’re consistently seeing rents going up,” said Wilkerson. “And the benefit is preserving more units to be naturally affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-is-californias-rent-control-initiative-tanking-so-badly",
"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"title": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly? | KQED",
"description": "We break down the reasons Prop. 10 appears to be failing, and what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.",
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"headline": "Why is California’s Rent Control Initiative Tanking so Badly?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A California initiative to allow more rent control appears to be \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-october-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failing\u003c/a> overwhelmingly, despite the state’s exploding housing costs and ever-rising rents, and its sponsors are already talking about trying again in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant-rights groups and other backers of Prop. 10 always knew they had an uphill fight. Landlords, developers, realtors and a handful of Wall Street real estate investors have predictably poured tens of millions of dollars into defeating the measure. As of five days before the election, the No on 10 side had raised upward of $75 million and the Yes side, $26 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 point out the obvious: A disparity like that is hard to overcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What the opposition has done with the money they’re using gouging renters is to confuse people,” said Damien Goodmon, director of the Yes on 10 campaign. “They can only win by using their money to confuse voters, and there’s a lot of confusion out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a two-bedroom apartment in California has increased more than 20 percent over the past \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">five years\u003c/a>. A recent USC Dornsife/Los Angeles Times \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-residents-housing-polling-20181021-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> found that “lack of rent control” was the No. 1 reason people believed housing had become unaffordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you’re running a ‘yes’ campaign, you have the burden of proof to show both the problem and that the solution will help the problem,” said one veteran manager of initiative campaigns, who is unaffiliated with Prop. 10 but requested anonymity because of concerns over publicly criticizing professional colleagues at election time. “Here everyone already agreed on the problem, which is helpful for the Yes side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703565\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1149\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-800x1149.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-160x230.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1020x1465.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-835x1200.jpg 835w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1920x2758.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-1180x1695.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-960x1379.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-240x345.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-375x539.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-oct-ppic-520x747.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a further breakdown, including what lies ahead for the rent control movement. It’s not all about the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Even if the “blue wave” turns into a blue tsunami, Prop. 10 is still in trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some corners of the rent control movement, supporters argue that the polls don’t consider the possibility of a “blue wave” bigger than predicted, one including many left-leaning renters or Democrats sympathetic to the cause. They say national polls weren’t accurate in the 2016 presidential election—why should we assume they’re right today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent poll by the Public Policy Institute of California, a nonprofit research organization, used a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-polls-right-or-wrong/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">model\u003c/a> for who is likely to vote that seems to tilt heavily against renters: About two-thirds of their sample is homeowners. But that’s roughly the same percentage of registered voters who are homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Policy Institute of California research associate Dean Bonner says he can’t remember any initiative polling as low as Prop. 10 this close to an election that actually ended up winning, even if the electorate looked wildly different from what was predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonner says that if turnout looks like it did in 2016, a presidential election year in which California went overwhelmingly for a Democratic candidate, the Yes side could get more votes than predicted. But that would likely just trim the margin of defeat, not make Prop. 10 a winner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several other credible polling outlets also have the initiative trailing by double digits, with the brightest spot a Los Angeles Times/USC Dornsife poll with approval at 41 percent. Much of that polling preceded the avalanche of negative advertising that the No on 10 side unleashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Confusing ballot language\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prop. 10’s ballot title and summary apparently confuse voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would repeal a state law called Costa-Hawkins, passed in 1995. That law bars local governments from expanding rent control in several ways: No rent control is allowed for units built after 1995, nor for single-family homes, and landlords have the right to raise rents after a tenant leaves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/propositions/10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The text\u003c/a> on the ballot is complicated, and it invokes the prospect of state and local revenue losses of tens of millions of dollars a year. That’s actually not much in the grand scheme of things, but it sounds like a lot to the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because this repeals existing law and has the word repeal, there was a lot of confusion….Was this repealing rent control or was this actually rent control?” said Joe Trippi, a media consultant for Yes on 10 and a veteran of many high-profile campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a PPIC survey in September found that 52 percent of likely voters said rent control was a good thing, though only 36 percent planned to vote yes on Prop 10. That gap was even higher for surveyed renters: 67 percent liked rent control, but less than half favored Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s uncertainty about what cities would be allowed to do if Prop. 10 passed. They could apply it to new construction, which would dilute the incentive to build more houses. They could conceivably apply it to single-family home rentals. The latter uncertainty has aided the No campaign, which targets homeowners with advertising about diminished property values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignright size-medium wp-image-11703561\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-800x1219.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-160x244.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1020x1554.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-788x1200.png 788w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1920x2925.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-1180x1798.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-960x1463.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-240x366.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-375x571.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/rent-control-vs-rent-control-520x792.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is flawed in its lack of exemptions for such things as new buildings, said Steve Maviglio, spokesman for the No campaign. “Writing a blank-check initiative is always potentially bad because there’s a million holes you can poke in it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The wrong message?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, allowing cities to do whatever they want with rent control comes with an attractive advantage: telling voters they can have more local control over housing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Yes on 10 campaign has emphasized the allure of local control, the human cost of the state’s housing crisis and Wall Street donations to the No side, anchoring its message in a “Rent is too damn high!” tag line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But two words are conspicuously absent from most Prop. 10 advertisements: “rent control.” Although the phrase “limits on rent increases” is included in some ads, emphasizing “rent control” might have helped, especially with the concept of rent control outpolling Prop. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some strategists have said they would have featured the words “rent control” prominently. Trippi, who joined the Yes on 10 campaign over the summer, said he understood their criticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t necessarily argue with that,” said Trippi. “Once we understood how badly we would be outspent, we made the decision that a lot of the messaging was going towards building a movement or coalition aimed at the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Almost all the money from one organization\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California pollsters and campaign consultants will tell you that if you want your initiative to pass, it better be polling high—at least in the high 50s—well before the election. That’s especially true if your opponent is going to outspend you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Public Policy Institute of California \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">poll\u003c/a> published in September found that only 36 percent of likely voters liked Prop. 10. That poll was conducted mostly before the avalanche of negative advertising began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those early poll numbers may help explain why the vast majority of the money on the Yes side has come from just one source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation has contributed roughly $21 million of the $26 million raised in support of Prop. 10. The nonprofit organization is headed by Michael Weinstein, a fiery and divisive Bernie Sanders-style progressive who has spent tens of millions on other state and local ballot initiatives in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11703562\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-800x484.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-160x97.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1020x618.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1200x727.png 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1920x1162.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-1180x714.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-960x581.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-240x145.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-375x227.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/11/copy-prop-10-dollar-520x315.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some powerful labor unions have chipped in on the Yes campaign and provided grassroots help, but few have thrown big money behind it. Amy Schur, state campaign director for the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, a group pushing the measure, said some unions probably had to save resources for other causes on a busy ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did hope we would raise more money,” Schur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The beginning of a stronger movement, or new leverage for landlords?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Backers of Prop. 10 say that even if the initiative loses, they’ve organized and strengthened a social movement that will continue to push the rent control issue forward. And that might come as soon as 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re not successful on Tuesday, legitimate conversations are going to take place around this state…about whether statewide rent control on the 2020 ballot is appropriate,” said the Yes side’s Goodmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a loss on the magnitude of what the polls predict means landlords and their partners can say Californians have rejected an expansion of rent control in decisive fashion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s powerful leverage for any future negotiations on the issue–negotiations that Democratic gubernatorial front-runner Gavin Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article220536525.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pledged\u003c/a> to facilitate if he’s elected governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-rent-control-initiative-proposition-10/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=10]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenant advocates held rallies across the state on Saturday in support of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684346/possible-rent-control-expansion-sets-off-debates-in-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, a statewide ballot initiative that could pave the way for the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an event in Oakland, Sabirah Mustafa wanted to get some tips from an organizer to take the campaign door to door, though it soon became clear she had concerns of her own to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mustafa said she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother. “”She’s elderly and there’s no protections. So it’s real important that we …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Change this,” another volunteer said, as Mustafa trailed off in tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694224\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694224 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) action organizer Anya Svanoe runs through the Proposition 10 door canvassing script with Sabirah Mustafa, who says she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother, not far from her childhood home in Oakland. She says of Proposition 10, “We need this. I’m tired of fighting.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vanessa Riles had an eerily similar story. She rents a place with her mom across the street from the home they used to own. The rental is a single-family home, the kind of property exempt from the state’s 1995 rent control restrictions, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look around my neighborhood, and the kids I used to play with and the people that I knew, they’re gone,” Riles said of her once African-American community. “There’s only one other family that’s still in my neighborhood that was there when I was a kid. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gentrification is one reason that proponents of Proposition 10 want to give cities across California local control when it comes to rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694226\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694226 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eduardo Colon gets neighborhood canvassers ready to set off during a Proposition 10 rally in Oakland.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many landlords, homeowners and developers oppose the proposition. But Jess Ausinheiler says she believes that it’s possible to strike the right balance — making extra money from a shared unit in her home at a price that’s still fair for, say, a teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s kind of like a community agreeing on a shared value system,” Ausinheiler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 supporters say the housing crisis is not just a Bay Area phenomenon, and pressures on renters are increasingly being felt around the state. Rallies were held throughout the Bay Area — in Richmond, San Francisco, San Jose and Sacramento — while statewide rallies included Orange County and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 10 will come down to the voters in November, no one is sure what cities will do with their newfound power to regulate rents, if they get it.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tenant advocates held rallies across the state on Saturday in support of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11684346/possible-rent-control-expansion-sets-off-debates-in-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 10\u003c/a>, a statewide ballot initiative that could pave the way for the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an event in Oakland, Sabirah Mustafa wanted to get some tips from an organizer to take the campaign door to door, though it soon became clear she had concerns of her own to share.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mustafa said she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother. “”She’s elderly and there’s no protections. So it’s real important that we …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Change this,” another volunteer said, as Mustafa trailed off in tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694224\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694224 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6815-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE) action organizer Anya Svanoe runs through the Proposition 10 door canvassing script with Sabirah Mustafa, who says she struggles to manage rent increases in the Section 8 home she rents with her mother, not far from her childhood home in Oakland. She says of Proposition 10, “We need this. I’m tired of fighting.”\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vanessa Riles had an eerily similar story. She rents a place with her mom across the street from the home they used to own. The rental is a single-family home, the kind of property exempt from the state’s 1995 rent control restrictions, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I look around my neighborhood, and the kids I used to play with and the people that I knew, they’re gone,” Riles said of her once African-American community. “There’s only one other family that’s still in my neighborhood that was there when I was a kid. ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gentrification is one reason that proponents of Proposition 10 want to give cities across California local control when it comes to rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11694226\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11694226 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/IMG_6820-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Eduardo Colon gets neighborhood canvassers ready to set off during a Proposition 10 rally in Oakland.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many landlords, homeowners and developers oppose the proposition. But Jess Ausinheiler says she believes that it’s possible to strike the right balance — making extra money from a shared unit in her home at a price that’s still fair for, say, a teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s kind of like a community agreeing on a shared value system,” Ausinheiler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 supporters say the housing crisis is not just a Bay Area phenomenon, and pressures on renters are increasingly being felt around the state. Rallies were held throughout the Bay Area — in Richmond, San Francisco, San Jose and Sacramento — while statewide rallies included Orange County and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 10 will come down to the voters in November, no one is sure what cities will do with their newfound power to regulate rents, if they get it.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Rent control: It’s one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\">most polarizing topics around\u003c/a>, especially in a housing market like the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some call it the “golden handcuffs” that keep them living in an increasingly expensive place. Others see it as unsuccessfully meddling in the free market. But how does it work, and who does it \u003cem>actually\u003c/em> help? And which cities have rent control? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a>‘s Jessica Placzek and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>‘s Matt Levin explored common questions and myths, and answered audience questions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/KQED/videos/10155332005456191/\">this recent conversation on Facebook Live\u003c/a>. Watch below:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2FKQED%2Fvideos%2F10155332005456191%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want more on rent control, including the ballot measure you can vote on in November? \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406?mt=2&i=1000414837063\">Hear\u003c/a> the Bay Curious podcast: \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406?mt=2&i=1000414837063\">“Is Rent Control Working and Should We Have More or Less of It” \u003c/a>— or read more \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Facebook Live production by Carly Severn, Vivian Morales, Lina Blanco and Janelle Hessig. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Rent control: It’s one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\">most polarizing topics around\u003c/a>, especially in a housing market like the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some call it the “golden handcuffs” that keep them living in an increasingly expensive place. Others see it as unsuccessfully meddling in the free market. But how does it work, and who does it \u003cem>actually\u003c/em> help? And which cities have rent control? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a>‘s Jessica Placzek and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>‘s Matt Levin explored common questions and myths, and answered audience questions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/KQED/videos/10155332005456191/\">this recent conversation on Facebook Live\u003c/a>. Watch below:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2FKQED%2Fvideos%2F10155332005456191%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want more on rent control, including the ballot measure you can vote on in November? \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406?mt=2&i=1000414837063\">Hear\u003c/a> the Bay Curious podcast: \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406?mt=2&i=1000414837063\">“Is Rent Control Working and Should We Have More or Less of It” \u003c/a>— or read more \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Facebook Live production by Carly Severn, Vivian Morales, Lina Blanco and Janelle Hessig. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Democratic leaders have endorsed Proposition 10, which would allow California cities to increase the use of rent control. Board members overwhelmingly voted on Sunday to endorse the proposition for the November elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 seeks to repeal Costa-Hawkins, a state law that prevents many cities from applying \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rent control\u003c/a> to units built after 1995. Costa-Hawkins also allows landlords to raise the price on rent-controlled units when a tenant moves out.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Related Reading\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Is Rent Control Working and Should We Have More or Less of It?\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 10 say cities need to have the power to regulate their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s much easier for us to have a voice with our local electeds versus trying to get the big party and wait and wait and wait to get something done with housing,” said Mary Ann Mancuso, a board member from Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say the measure punishes landlords and prevents them from earning enough money to make necessary repairs to their units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s really no ability for us to have a lot of control over our profit margins,” said Robert Thomas, a landlord who showed up to the meeting to oppose Prop 10. “Those profit margins can erode and that can also cause an inability to properly maintain buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Democratic leaders have endorsed Proposition 10, which would allow California cities to increase the use of rent control. Board members overwhelmingly voted on Sunday to endorse the proposition for the November elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 10 seeks to repeal Costa-Hawkins, a state law that prevents many cities from applying \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">rent control\u003c/a> to units built after 1995. Costa-Hawkins also allows landlords to raise the price on rent-controlled units when a tenant moves out.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>Related Reading\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677380/is-rent-control-working-and-should-we-have-more-or-less-of-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Is Rent Control Working and Should We Have More or Less of It?\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 10 say cities need to have the power to regulate their housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s much easier for us to have a voice with our local electeds versus trying to get the big party and wait and wait and wait to get something done with housing,” said Mary Ann Mancuso, a board member from Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents say the measure punishes landlords and prevents them from earning enough money to make necessary repairs to their units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>We all know the refrain: “The rent is too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment is more than $3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some living in rent-controlled apartments pay \u003cem>way less\u003c/em> than that. That’s because their landlords are limited in how much they can raise rental prices each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s housing crisis continues to roar on, some wonder if expanding rent control could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how exactly does it work? And is it effective?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where You Can Find Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Right now at least 15 cities in California have some form of rent control. Most of them also have rent control laws that limit when landlords can force tenants to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland and Berkeley have had rent control for decades. But even in those cities, not every home is under rent control because there is this law that limits the reach of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the mid-’90s, California was going through an affordable housing crisis. To encourage more housing development, two politicians, Democratic Sen. Jim Costa of Fresno and Republican Assemblyman Phil Hawkins of Bellflower, wanted to curb rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>They drafted\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\"> the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, and in 1995 it passed by one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins shaped rent control across the state in two big ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, it allowed landlords to raise the rent to whatever they want after a tenant moves out of a rent-controlled apartment. This is called vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see apartments all the time, they’re total pieces of crap. And they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it. Every time a person moves out they can reset it,” says Matt Levin, a data reporter for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a> and co-host of the housing podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/category/podcasts/gimme-shelter/\">Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677412\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677412 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1200x1200.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1180x1180.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-960x960.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">March 25, 2016\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before Costa-Hawkins was adopted, some cities had vacancy control, which caps the rent on a unit even after a tenant moves out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Costa-Hawkins barred certain kinds of housing, like most single-family homes and condos, from being rent-controlled. It also doesn’t allow rent control on buildings built after Feb. 1, 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the cities that already had rent control on the books, Costa-Hawkins froze their construction cutoff dates where they stood. In Oakland nothing built after 1983 can have rent control, Berkeley is 1980, and in San Jose and San Francisco it’s 1979.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So anything new and nice-looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it,” says Levin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677426 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-960x609.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-375x238.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-520x330.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Studying Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“There is not as much really great research on the effects of rent control as you might think,” Levin says. “One of the best studies that has been done in my opinion, and in the opinion of a lot of people who research this topic, is a \u003ca href=\"http://conference.nber.org/confer//2017/PEf17/Diamond_McQuade_Qian.pdf\">Stanford University study.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study is by Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade and Franklin Qian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diamond says that many arguments for or against rent control are theoretical, but reality doesn’t always match the theory. Diamond, McQuade and Qian got data showing the address changes of San Franciscans over about 18 years, starting in 1994 when rent control expanded to small multifamily housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We find for the tenants that were living in San Francisco at the time of the law change, [that became covered by rent control,] they benefit dramatically,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who ended up in rent-controlled apartments at the time of the law change saved $7 billion over 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People over 40 saved the most, and saw three times the benefit of younger people — probably because young people can’t stay put in the same way. They need to leave those rent-controlled apartments because of new jobs, marriages and growing families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Rent control] can create big distortions of forcing people to stay in the ‘wrong’ apartment. You can imagine an old lady living in a four- bedroom apartment because it’s so much cheaper than a one bedroom, and on the flip side you can imagine a young person who has kids staying in a studio because they can’t pay super expensive rent elsewhere,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Does Not Benefit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Landlords really, really dislike rent control,” says Diamond. “This is a very costly policy for them. It forces them to provide these subsidies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch5>While the price ceiling of rent control limits earnings, rent control cannot impede landlords’ ability to get a “fair market return” on their property. If landlords who own rent controlled properties want to charge tenants more, they need to present reasoning. For example, if the landlord adds a pool and sauna to an apartment building in Berkeley, that landlord could petition the rent board to increase the rent ceiling.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>With their earnings capped, some landlords decided to leave the rental business altogether by selling or converting their apartments. In 18 years of the study, Diamond found that 15 percent of those newly rent-controlled apartments had been taken off the rental market entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That decreases the supply of rental housing,” Diamond says, creating a new group of people who don’t benefit — other renters. “If supply goes down, prices have to go up for supply to equal demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more people trying to get into fewer apartments, landlords can charge more for those apartments. Diamond’s study found that across the city rent went up by 7 percent and cost $5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meaning newcomers and renters without rent control end up paying more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Get Rid of Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Because our form of rent control can create market distortions and drive costs up for many people, Diamond and her colleagues think it needs to change. They propose that the state find another way to provide cost stability to renters without placing the burden on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many economists believe rent control should be eliminated, because developers would build more and that new housing would reduce demand and lower prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While rent control may worsen affordability in the long term, some say we are in a crisis and low-income renters need these kinds of protections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area Economic Institute — which is not a bastion of socialism but it is more aligned with the business interests of the Bay Area — did a simulation of all these different types of housing policies and what it would do to San Franciscans,” says Levin. “They found if you did away with rent control, that is the worst thing you could do if you wanted to preserve the affordability of the people currently in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The simulation found that getting rid of rent control would mean more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/solving-the-housing-affordability-crisis-san-francisco/\">16,000 households\u003c/a> would find themselves in unaffordable housing overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates say that rent control is important for preserving diversity in cities by protecting vulnerable populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Samara of the advocacy group Urban Habitat says this is a civil rights issue and that rent control is a frontline defense against resegregation in the Bay Area. “When you look at where the impact [of displacement] is most heavy, it’s disproportionately on black and brown communities,” says Samara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Renters are generally lower-income than homeowners, so rent control targets the appropriate demographic,” says Leslie Gordon of Urban Habitat. “That said, all renters regardless of income are deserving of stable rents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Expand Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Samara argues that the problem with rent control causing market rate rents to get more expensive isn’t the result of too much rent control, but not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a city that passes controls on pollution and then the polluting industries pick up and move to the next city, do you blame the regulation against pollution or do you blame the polluter who’s trying to get around the regulation?” Samara asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11159628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11159628\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6 attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6, attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While landlords of rent controlled apartments don’t earn the maximum possible profit, Gordon believes they are making enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a scarcity rent situation landlords can make tons of money simply because they own a property. It’s not because they’re investing in it or providing a better good to their tenants, it’s because they own property in a period where urban land values are rising rapidly,” says Gordon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups are working to expand rent control. A measure to overturn Costa-Hawkins will be on the November ballot in 2018. If passed, it opens the door for cities to expand rent control to every single unit, if they elect to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Potential Consequences of Expansion\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords, developers and their representatives are deeply opposed to the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Developers already face a number of hurdles when building, like nimbyism, environmental restrictions and the soaring costs of land and labor,” says Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\n\u003ch5>Tenant advocates say just building isn’t enough. New luxury housing depreciates too slowly to adequately alleviate the housing burden of low-income people. Some say cities should focus on building low-income housing while preserving and protecting affordable housing that already exists.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California’s high costs of building disincentivize developers, and Bannon worries that if rent control expands to new construction, investors might leave the state entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would have a serious reduction in the construction of any new apartments because builders and banks and individuals would not be willing to take the risk,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s housing we really need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to keep up with population growth California needs 180,000 new homes each year. And California has been averaging less than 80,000 new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11677409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-1020x642.jpg\" alt=\"A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017.\" width=\"640\" height=\"403\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-800x504.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-960x604.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" id=\"mv-widget-dFk0bqki2Z8cQ8A86QZvW2Mv7ma\" style=\"width:100%; min-width:280px; height:750px;\" frameborder=\"0\" border=\"none\" src=\"https://api.qzzr.com/widget/poll/dFk0bqki2Z8cQ8A86QZvW2Mv7ma\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Rent control is in at least 15 California cities, but even in those cities there are many limits on what can be rent controlled. A proposition on the November ballot could get rid of those limits, but should it?",
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"description": "Rent control is in at least 15 California cities, but even in those cities there are many limits on what can be rent controlled. A proposition on the November ballot could get rid of those limits, but should it?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We all know the refrain: “The rent is too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the average rent for a one-bedroom apartment is more than $3,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some living in rent-controlled apartments pay \u003cem>way less\u003c/em> than that. That’s because their landlords are limited in how much they can raise rental prices each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California’s housing crisis continues to roar on, some wonder if expanding rent control could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how exactly does it work? And is it effective?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Where You Can Find Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Right now at least 15 cities in California have some form of rent control. Most of them also have rent control laws that limit when landlords can force tenants to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, San Francisco, San Jose, Oakland and Berkeley have had rent control for decades. But even in those cities, not every home is under rent control because there is this law that limits the reach of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In the mid-’90s, California was going through an affordable housing crisis. To encourage more housing development, two politicians, Democratic Sen. Jim Costa of Fresno and Republican Assemblyman Phil Hawkins of Bellflower, wanted to curb rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>They drafted\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\"> the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, and in 1995 it passed by one vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Costa-Hawkins shaped rent control across the state in two big ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, it allowed landlords to raise the rent to whatever they want after a tenant moves out of a rent-controlled apartment. This is called vacancy decontrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see apartments all the time, they’re total pieces of crap. And they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it. Every time a person moves out they can reset it,” says Matt Levin, a data reporter for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a> and co-host of the housing podcast “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/category/podcasts/gimme-shelter/\">Gimme Shelter\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677412\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677412 size-large\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"640\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1200x1200.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-1180x1180.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-960x960.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/FioreBeardoRents-1920x1920-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">March 25, 2016\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before Costa-Hawkins was adopted, some cities had vacancy control, which caps the rent on a unit even after a tenant moves out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, Costa-Hawkins barred certain kinds of housing, like most single-family homes and condos, from being rent-controlled. It also doesn’t allow rent control on buildings built after Feb. 1, 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the cities that already had rent control on the books, Costa-Hawkins froze their construction cutoff dates where they stood. In Oakland nothing built after 1983 can have rent control, Berkeley is 1980, and in San Jose and San Francisco it’s 1979.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So anything new and nice-looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it,” says Levin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677426\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11677426 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-960x609.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-375x238.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/AptForRent-1020x647-520x330.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Studying Rent Control\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“There is not as much really great research on the effects of rent control as you might think,” Levin says. “One of the best studies that has been done in my opinion, and in the opinion of a lot of people who research this topic, is a \u003ca href=\"http://conference.nber.org/confer//2017/PEf17/Diamond_McQuade_Qian.pdf\">Stanford University study.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study is by Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade and Franklin Qian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diamond says that many arguments for or against rent control are theoretical, but reality doesn’t always match the theory. Diamond, McQuade and Qian got data showing the address changes of San Franciscans over about 18 years, starting in 1994 when rent control expanded to small multifamily housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Benefits?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“We find for the tenants that were living in San Francisco at the time of the law change, [that became covered by rent control,] they benefit dramatically,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who ended up in rent-controlled apartments at the time of the law change saved $7 billion over 18 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People over 40 saved the most, and saw three times the benefit of younger people — probably because young people can’t stay put in the same way. They need to leave those rent-controlled apartments because of new jobs, marriages and growing families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Rent control] can create big distortions of forcing people to stay in the ‘wrong’ apartment. You can imagine an old lady living in a four- bedroom apartment because it’s so much cheaper than a one bedroom, and on the flip side you can imagine a young person who has kids staying in a studio because they can’t pay super expensive rent elsewhere,” says Diamond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who Does Not Benefit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“Landlords really, really dislike rent control,” says Diamond. “This is a very costly policy for them. It forces them to provide these subsidies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch5>While the price ceiling of rent control limits earnings, rent control cannot impede landlords’ ability to get a “fair market return” on their property. If landlords who own rent controlled properties want to charge tenants more, they need to present reasoning. For example, if the landlord adds a pool and sauna to an apartment building in Berkeley, that landlord could petition the rent board to increase the rent ceiling.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>With their earnings capped, some landlords decided to leave the rental business altogether by selling or converting their apartments. In 18 years of the study, Diamond found that 15 percent of those newly rent-controlled apartments had been taken off the rental market entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That decreases the supply of rental housing,” Diamond says, creating a new group of people who don’t benefit — other renters. “If supply goes down, prices have to go up for supply to equal demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With more people trying to get into fewer apartments, landlords can charge more for those apartments. Diamond’s study found that across the city rent went up by 7 percent and cost $5 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meaning newcomers and renters without rent control end up paying more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Get Rid of Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Because our form of rent control can create market distortions and drive costs up for many people, Diamond and her colleagues think it needs to change. They propose that the state find another way to provide cost stability to renters without placing the burden on landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many economists believe rent control should be eliminated, because developers would build more and that new housing would reduce demand and lower prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">While rent control may worsen affordability in the long term, some say we are in a crisis and low-income renters need these kinds of protections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Bay Area Economic Institute — which is not a bastion of socialism but it is more aligned with the business interests of the Bay Area — did a simulation of all these different types of housing policies and what it would do to San Franciscans,” says Levin. “They found if you did away with rent control, that is the worst thing you could do if you wanted to preserve the affordability of the people currently in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The simulation found that getting rid of rent control would mean more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/solving-the-housing-affordability-crisis-san-francisco/\">16,000 households\u003c/a> would find themselves in unaffordable housing overnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates say that rent control is important for preserving diversity in cities by protecting vulnerable populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Samara of the advocacy group Urban Habitat says this is a civil rights issue and that rent control is a frontline defense against resegregation in the Bay Area. “When you look at where the impact [of displacement] is most heavy, it’s disproportionately on black and brown communities,” says Samara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Renters are generally lower-income than homeowners, so rent control targets the appropriate demographic,” says Leslie Gordon of Urban Habitat. “That said, all renters regardless of income are deserving of stable rents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Should We Expand Rent Control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Samara argues that the problem with rent control causing market rate rents to get more expensive isn’t the result of too much rent control, but not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a city that passes controls on pollution and then the polluting industries pick up and move to the next city, do you blame the regulation against pollution or do you blame the polluter who’s trying to get around the regulation?” Samara asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11159628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11159628\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg\" alt=\"Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6 attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections.\" width=\"640\" height=\"427\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/rent-control-1920a-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Giselle Penuela, 10, and Alexander Penuela, 6, attend an October 2015 vigil in Redwood City outside the City Council chamber calling for rent control and other renter protections. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While landlords of rent controlled apartments don’t earn the maximum possible profit, Gordon believes they are making enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a scarcity rent situation landlords can make tons of money simply because they own a property. It’s not because they’re investing in it or providing a better good to their tenants, it’s because they own property in a period where urban land values are rising rapidly,” says Gordon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups are working to expand rent control. A measure to overturn Costa-Hawkins will be on the November ballot in 2018. If passed, it opens the door for cities to expand rent control to every single unit, if they elect to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Potential Consequences of Expansion\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords, developers and their representatives are deeply opposed to the expansion of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Developers already face a number of hurdles when building, like nimbyism, environmental restrictions and the soaring costs of land and labor,” says Tom Bannon, CEO of the California Apartment Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\n\u003ch5>Tenant advocates say just building isn’t enough. New luxury housing depreciates too slowly to adequately alleviate the housing burden of low-income people. Some say cities should focus on building low-income housing while preserving and protecting affordable housing that already exists.\u003c/h5>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California’s high costs of building disincentivize developers, and Bannon worries that if rent control expands to new construction, investors might leave the state entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would have a serious reduction in the construction of any new apartments because builders and banks and individuals would not be willing to take the risk,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s housing we really need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just to keep up with population growth California needs 180,000 new homes each year. And California has been averaging less than 80,000 new homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11677409\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11677409\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-1020x642.jpg\" alt=\"A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017.\" width=\"640\" height=\"403\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-800x504.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-960x604.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/HousingConstruction-1020x642-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A construction worker builds a home in Petaluma in March, 2017. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Costa Hawkins: The Housing Law That Renters Hate",
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"content": "\u003cp>The debate over rent control is at a new crossroads. Tenant advocates say they’ve collected enough signatures to ask voters in November to repeal Costa Hawkins, a state law that curbs rent control polices in some cities. We ask … what exactly is Costa Hawkins, again?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/Jessicazyp\">Jessica Placzek\u003c/a>, reporter for Bay Curious at KQED\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Subscribe to The Bay\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/Listen_on_Apple_Podcasts_sRGB_US-e1515635079510.png\"> \u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://play.google.com/music/m/I4n2qepiu5z3mcloidj7ajqluoi?t=The_Bay&utm_source=global_co&utm_medium=prtnr&utm_content=Mar2515&utm_campaign=PartBadge&pcampaignid=MKT-Other-global-all-co-prtnr-mu-PartBadge-Mar2515-1\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://play.google.com/intl/en_us/badges-music/images/badges/en_badge_web_music.eps\" alt=\"Listen on Google Play Music\">\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/s?fid=%20177001&refid=stpr\"> \u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://secureimg.stitcher.com/promo.assets/stitcher-banner-88x31.jpg\" alt=\"Listen to Stitcher\" width=\"88\" height=\"31\">\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"description": "The debate over rent control is at a new crossroads. Tenant advocates say they've collected enough signatures to ask voters in November to repeal Costa Hawkins, a state law that curbs rent control polices in some cities. We ask ... what exactly is Costa Hawkins, again? Guest: Jessica Placzek, reporter for Bay Curious at KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tenants rights groups say they're turning in more than enough signatures today to put a measure on the state ballot to repeal a law limiting residential rent control. Organizers for the \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\" target='_\"blank\"'>Affordable Housing Act\u003c/a> say they’ve gathered 588,000 signatures, which still have to be verified by the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they succeed, everyone expects a high-stakes, expensive battle in the runup to the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds rallied in Oakland, Sacramento and Los Angeles today in support of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would repeal the 1995 \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\" target='_\"blank\"'>Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>, which allows landlords to raise the rent to market value when a tenant moves out, exempts single-family homes and condos from rent controls, and prohibits cities from imposing restrictions on units built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Schur, the campaign director for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acceaction.org/#modal\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment\u003c/a>, says more rent control is critical as the affordable housing crisis explodes across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are saying the rents are too damn high and we need to act now to keep rents from skyrocketing and keep families in their homes,” Schur says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the ballot measure say because the current law allows landlords to raise rents to market rate when a tenant leaves or is evicted, previously rent-controlled units are now unaffordable. This has pushed lower-income residents deeper into the suburbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would impact the 15 cities in the state that currently have some sort of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley, Fremont and San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of landlords and developers has already formed an opposition campaign known as \u003ca href=\"http://savecostahawkins.org/\" target='_\"blank\"'>Californians for Responsible Housing.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This ballot measure will pour gasoline on the fire of the housing crisis,” says the group’s spokesman, Steve Maviglio. The result, he says, would freeze construction of new housing and raise costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers have submitted 200,000 more signatures than required.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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