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"content": "\u003cp>Finding child care in California can be tough for everyone. It’s even more difficult for families living paycheck to paycheck — families who make too much for welfare, but not enough to pay for care comfortably. Many of those families apply to receive subsidized child care through the state. But the slots are limited and the wait can last for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between her two younger children, Jacquelyne Gettone has been waiting to receive state-subsidized child care for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More on affordable child care\" tag=\"child-care\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday morning, Gettone is up at 5:30 a.m., preparing for the day. This morning I’m following her on her commute. She quickly irons the blazer she’ll wear to work and the shirt her 2-year-old son, Matthew, will wear to day care. When she hears Matthew crying in the bedroom, she goes to scoop him out of bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within a few minutes, Matthew is dressed and ready for school. The toddler is still sleepy and a bit fussy. But Gettone is on a tight schedule and there’s little time to ease Matthew into the day. They need to be out the front door by 6 a.m. Without a car, they face a complex commute, one that involves Uber rides and BART trips. Gettone said it can take up to 2.5 hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Depending on if an Uber is three minutes away or 20 minutes away. It’s like a gamble,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today they’re in luck: An Uber is just a couple of minutes away. Gettone grabs her bags and Matthew’s things, including his large, toddler-sized car seat, and heads out the door. From her home in Antioch, she’ll head to Pittsburg to drop her son at a day care she can afford without state subsidies, and then on to Oakland, where she has a job with the city. In the Uber, Matthew vies for her attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mom … mom … Mom.. mom,” he says repeatedly, as Gettone tries to make small talk with her driver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though she works hard to stay positive, this is not how Gettone wants to spend her mornings and evenings. Her commute costs her time with Matthew and her three older children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I come home I’m tired and I’ve missed the whole day,” she said. “Usually I’d be able to come home, cook and talk to them, and ask them how their day was. By the time I get home, everybody’s getting ready for bed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she doesn’t have a lot of options. Gettone has applied for state-subsidized child care for Matthew but has been on the waiting list for over a year. If she got it, the state would cover most — if not all — of her child care costs. It would also free up some of her money for other things, like a car, and possibly allow her to afford a more convenient child care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the number of state-subsidized child care slots is incredibly limited. \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Kristin-Schumacher_ChildCare-Webinar_02.25.2019.pdf\">The California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that of the roughly 2 million kids that qualify for some kind of subsidized care, just 228,100 are actually enrolled in programs that operate on more than a part-time basis. An additional 96,700 kids are enrolled in part-day preschool. A mix of high program demand, high child care costs, a lack of child care facilities and a low-paid workforce combine to make providing enough affordable care difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745452\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"583\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of affordable care for Matthew has already taken a steep toll on Gettone. When he was born, she was just beginning to run her own hair salon. At first she was optimistic she’d get some help from the state for his child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I figured, you know, maybe some time soon I’ll get a call or something,” she said. “And I even called and stressed to them that I’m at risk for losing my business. They’re like, oh well, call back, just call back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her name never came up. Gettone made too much money while running her salon to qualify for state welfare, which would give her automatic access to care. So after a couple of months of waiting and struggling to maintain her business and pay for child care without help, she made the hard decision to close her shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to sacrifice either my dreams or have my son pursue his dreams,” she said. “And my kids’ dreams are more important because I want to see them make it. And that’s what I did. I let go of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She finds herself in a similar position now. She still qualifies for child care subsidies, even though she’s employed with the city of Oakland. And Matthew remains on the waiting list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has made some progress in expanding access to care since it was slashed during the Great Recession. At one point, California cut more than $1 billion in funding. Now, spending has largely been restored to pre-recession levels, about $3.6 billion last year, for child care and preschool. Gettone and other advocates are supportive of \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB194\">Assembly Bill 194\u003c/a>, which would allocate an additional $1 billion for state-subsidized care. In his May budget revision, Gov. Gavin Newsom is proposing to spend $80.5 million on additional child care slots. Another $54.2 million would go to CalWORKs stage 1 child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745453\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"582\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic.jpg 961w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on her commute, after a short Uber ride from her home to the BART station, Gettone is hurrying to catch her train. Little Matthew has chosen this harried moment to have a meltdown, as 2-year-olds do. So Gettone picks him up while I grab the bulky car seat and we sprint down the stairs to the train. We make it, but as we settle in, I keep thinking: She usually does this alone?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short ride later and we transfer to another BART that will drop us off in Pittsburg. From there she takes an Uber to drop Matthew at day care and quickly returns to the BART station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone knows her son is in good hands. The same teacher also looked after her 12-year-old daughter, Margeaux, who has never received subsidized care, even though she’s been on the waiting list since she was a baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone would like things to be a bit easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to be closer to my job so I wouldn’t have to commute so far and I would like to have affordable transportation to get there,” she said. “That would alleviate a lot of stress. As well as the funding for child care would help, too. That would help a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now she’s trying to make it work. Back at the BART station, Gettone boards the train for the final leg of her trip. Roughly 40 minutes later, around 8 a.m., the train pulls into downtown Oakland. Gettone steps off, ready to begin her day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Finding child care in California can be tough for everyone. It’s even more difficult for families living paycheck to paycheck — families who make too much for welfare, but not enough to pay for care comfortably. Many of those families apply to receive subsidized child care through the state. But the slots are limited and the wait can last for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between her two younger children, Jacquelyne Gettone has been waiting to receive state-subsidized child care for over a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent Tuesday morning, Gettone is up at 5:30 a.m., preparing for the day. This morning I’m following her on her commute. She quickly irons the blazer she’ll wear to work and the shirt her 2-year-old son, Matthew, will wear to day care. When she hears Matthew crying in the bedroom, she goes to scoop him out of bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within a few minutes, Matthew is dressed and ready for school. The toddler is still sleepy and a bit fussy. But Gettone is on a tight schedule and there’s little time to ease Matthew into the day. They need to be out the front door by 6 a.m. Without a car, they face a complex commute, one that involves Uber rides and BART trips. Gettone said it can take up to 2.5 hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Depending on if an Uber is three minutes away or 20 minutes away. It’s like a gamble,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today they’re in luck: An Uber is just a couple of minutes away. Gettone grabs her bags and Matthew’s things, including his large, toddler-sized car seat, and heads out the door. From her home in Antioch, she’ll head to Pittsburg to drop her son at a day care she can afford without state subsidies, and then on to Oakland, where she has a job with the city. In the Uber, Matthew vies for her attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mom … mom … Mom.. mom,” he says repeatedly, as Gettone tries to make small talk with her driver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though she works hard to stay positive, this is not how Gettone wants to spend her mornings and evenings. Her commute costs her time with Matthew and her three older children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I come home I’m tired and I’ve missed the whole day,” she said. “Usually I’d be able to come home, cook and talk to them, and ask them how their day was. By the time I get home, everybody’s getting ready for bed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she doesn’t have a lot of options. Gettone has applied for state-subsidized child care for Matthew but has been on the waiting list for over a year. If she got it, the state would cover most — if not all — of her child care costs. It would also free up some of her money for other things, like a car, and possibly allow her to afford a more convenient child care program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the number of state-subsidized child care slots is incredibly limited. \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Kristin-Schumacher_ChildCare-Webinar_02.25.2019.pdf\">The California Budget and Policy Center\u003c/a> found that of the roughly 2 million kids that qualify for some kind of subsidized care, just 228,100 are actually enrolled in programs that operate on more than a part-time basis. An additional 96,700 kids are enrolled in part-day preschool. A mix of high program demand, high child care costs, a lack of child care facilities and a low-paid workforce combine to make providing enough affordable care difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745452\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"583\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-800x583.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Eligibile-Graphic.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of affordable care for Matthew has already taken a steep toll on Gettone. When he was born, she was just beginning to run her own hair salon. At first she was optimistic she’d get some help from the state for his child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I figured, you know, maybe some time soon I’ll get a call or something,” she said. “And I even called and stressed to them that I’m at risk for losing my business. They’re like, oh well, call back, just call back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her name never came up. Gettone made too much money while running her salon to qualify for state welfare, which would give her automatic access to care. So after a couple of months of waiting and struggling to maintain her business and pay for child care without help, she made the hard decision to close her shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to sacrifice either my dreams or have my son pursue his dreams,” she said. “And my kids’ dreams are more important because I want to see them make it. And that’s what I did. I let go of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She finds herself in a similar position now. She still qualifies for child care subsidies, even though she’s employed with the city of Oakland. And Matthew remains on the waiting list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has made some progress in expanding access to care since it was slashed during the Great Recession. At one point, California cut more than $1 billion in funding. Now, spending has largely been restored to pre-recession levels, about $3.6 billion last year, for child care and preschool. Gettone and other advocates are supportive of \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB194\">Assembly Bill 194\u003c/a>, which would allocate an additional $1 billion for state-subsidized care. In his May budget revision, Gov. Gavin Newsom is proposing to spend $80.5 million on additional child care slots. Another $54.2 million would go to CalWORKs stage 1 child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11745453\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"582\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-800x582.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/Spending-Graphic.jpg 961w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back on her commute, after a short Uber ride from her home to the BART station, Gettone is hurrying to catch her train. Little Matthew has chosen this harried moment to have a meltdown, as 2-year-olds do. So Gettone picks him up while I grab the bulky car seat and we sprint down the stairs to the train. We make it, but as we settle in, I keep thinking: She usually does this alone?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short ride later and we transfer to another BART that will drop us off in Pittsburg. From there she takes an Uber to drop Matthew at day care and quickly returns to the BART station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone knows her son is in good hands. The same teacher also looked after her 12-year-old daughter, Margeaux, who has never received subsidized care, even though she’s been on the waiting list since she was a baby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gettone would like things to be a bit easier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to be closer to my job so I wouldn’t have to commute so far and I would like to have affordable transportation to get there,” she said. “That would alleviate a lot of stress. As well as the funding for child care would help, too. That would help a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now she’s trying to make it work. Back at the BART station, Gettone boards the train for the final leg of her trip. Roughly 40 minutes later, around 8 a.m., the train pulls into downtown Oakland. Gettone steps off, ready to begin her day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Women in the state Legislature have been trying for years to eliminate California's sales taxes on diapers, tampons and other hygiene products, but were thwarted by former Gov. Jerry Brown, who twice vetoed such proposals, citing budgetary concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related\" tag=\"tampon-tax\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there's a new captain at the helm — and he's throwing his full weight behind the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting with the Legislative Women's Caucus, Gov. Gavin Newsom on Tuesday announced plans to include the parent-friendly sales tax exemptions in his budget proposal for the coming fiscal year. The move would cost the state upward of $56 million a year in lost tax revenue, according to previous estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor's office argued that giving working families financial breathing room, particularly on items they have little choice but to purchase, is worth it. Newsom has four young kids of his own, and often mentions the influence of personal experience in his policymaking decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As anyone who takes care of kids can tell you — these costs add up,\" Newsom said in a written statement in advance of his announcement. \"From diapers to childcare, raising kids is expensive wherever you live. But when you factor in the cost of living here in California, it is close to impossible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most food and medicine, tampons and diapers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737907/beyond-the-tampon-tax-how-far-will-california-go-to-end-menstrual-inequity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">not exempt\u003c/a> from California sales tax because they are technically considered luxuries, not necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, 10 other states, including New York, Florida, Connecticut and, most recently, Nevada, have banned sales taxes on period products. Across the globe, Canada, India and Australia have long since eliminated the tax, and a battle is currently underway to end it in the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's office said the tax exemptions were part of his \"parents agenda\" aimed at making things easier for families in the Golden State. Other proposals he unveiled Tuesday include increasing a tax credit for low-income families, expanding the number of families that qualify for it and increasing funding for \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/CalWORKS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalWORKS\u003c/a>, which provides child care assistance for parents participating in California's welfare-to-work program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new proposals will be included in Newsom's updated 2019-20 budget proposal that he plans to unveil Thursday. They are in addition to a series of family-friendly policies Newsom already unveiled in his first budget proposal in January, such as increasing paid family leave by two weeks and expanding state-subsidized child care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As anyone who takes care of kids can tell you — these costs add up,\" Newsom said in a written statement in advance of his announcement. \"From diapers to childcare, raising kids is expensive wherever you live. But when you factor in the cost of living here in California, it is close to impossible.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike most food and medicine, tampons and diapers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11737907/beyond-the-tampon-tax-how-far-will-california-go-to-end-menstrual-inequity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">not exempt\u003c/a> from California sales tax because they are technically considered luxuries, not necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To date, 10 other states, including New York, Florida, Connecticut and, most recently, Nevada, have banned sales taxes on period products. Across the globe, Canada, India and Australia have long since eliminated the tax, and a battle is currently underway to end it in the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom's office said the tax exemptions were part of his \"parents agenda\" aimed at making things easier for families in the Golden State. Other proposals he unveiled Tuesday include increasing a tax credit for low-income families, expanding the number of families that qualify for it and increasing funding for \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/CalWORKS\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CalWORKS\u003c/a>, which provides child care assistance for parents participating in California's welfare-to-work program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new proposals will be included in Newsom's updated 2019-20 budget proposal that he plans to unveil Thursday. They are in addition to a series of family-friendly policies Newsom already unveiled in his first budget proposal in January, such as increasing paid family leave by two weeks and expanding state-subsidized child care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has blown through its firefighting budget in seven of the past 10 years. Now, some state leaders are proposing a novel way to pay for those overruns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara and state Sen. Bill Dodd unveiled legislation Thursday that would pave the way for California to take out an insurance policy for disasters, including the devastating wildfires that have ripped through numerous communities in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It works just like your home insurance but for our actual state. You pay a premium each year, and we are protected,” Lara said. “If a disaster strikes, once you cover the deductible, the plan pays you back for your losses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd noted that California spent $947 million fighting wildfires over the fiscal year that ended last July — $450 million more than state leaders budgeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He argued that letting an insurance company carry more risk could free up state resources for preventing wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rising wildfire suppression costs can strain California’s financial resources and threaten cuts to critical programs,” said Sen. Dodd, D-Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As climate change continues to contribute to devastating infernos, we need a strategy to reduce the pressure on state and community coffers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11726439 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara and State Sen. Bill Dodd hold a press conference on Thursday, Feb. 14, 2019. \" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-1200x781.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara, right, and state Sen. Bill Dodd hold a press conference on Thursday, Feb. 14, 2019. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal wouldn’t require the state to take out an insurance policy, but would authorize the governor, insurance commissioner and treasurer to explore the possibility. Similar programs have been embraced by the state of Oregon and the Federal Emergency Management Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one large insurance group said it would back the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insurers understand the need for new products and strategies to finance the mitigation and recovery from these unprecedented wildfires,” Armand Feliciano, vice president for the American Property Casualty Insurance Association, said in a written statement. “We look forward to working with the legislature and statewide elected officials to consider and develop innovative ways to prevent and fight future wildfires. “\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California has blown through its firefighting budget in seven of the past 10 years. Now, some state leaders are proposing a novel way to pay for those overruns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara and state Sen. Bill Dodd unveiled legislation Thursday that would pave the way for California to take out an insurance policy for disasters, including the devastating wildfires that have ripped through numerous communities in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It works just like your home insurance but for our actual state. You pay a premium each year, and we are protected,” Lara said. “If a disaster strikes, once you cover the deductible, the plan pays you back for your losses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd noted that California spent $947 million fighting wildfires over the fiscal year that ended last July — $450 million more than state leaders budgeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He argued that letting an insurance company carry more risk could free up state resources for preventing wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rising wildfire suppression costs can strain California’s financial resources and threaten cuts to critical programs,” said Sen. Dodd, D-Napa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As climate change continues to contribute to devastating infernos, we need a strategy to reduce the pressure on state and community coffers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726439\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11726439 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-800x520.jpg\" alt=\"Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara and State Sen. Bill Dodd hold a press conference on Thursday, Feb. 14, 2019. \" width=\"800\" height=\"520\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-800x520.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara-1200x781.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/DoddLara.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara, right, and state Sen. Bill Dodd hold a press conference on Thursday, Feb. 14, 2019. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal wouldn’t require the state to take out an insurance policy, but would authorize the governor, insurance commissioner and treasurer to explore the possibility. Similar programs have been embraced by the state of Oregon and the Federal Emergency Management Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one large insurance group said it would back the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insurers understand the need for new products and strategies to finance the mitigation and recovery from these unprecedented wildfires,” Armand Feliciano, vice president for the American Property Casualty Insurance Association, said in a written statement. “We look forward to working with the legislature and statewide elected officials to consider and develop innovative ways to prevent and fight future wildfires. “\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "In Style and Substance, Gavin Newsom Goes His Own Way",
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"content": "\u003cp>One month ago today, Gavin Newsom succeeded Jerry Brown as California governor. And anyone doubting the start of a new era in the California governor’s office need only watch Newsom’s January state budget presentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I, unlike the previous administration, may spend a little bit more time on this than you want,” Newsom said, sporting his trademark grin. “So just warning you, full disclosure: This is something I really enjoy!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom then talked about \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/01/10/newsom-proposes-144-billion-california-budget-with-focus-on-education-building-reserves/\">his budget\u003c/a> for the next two hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s right — two hours. An hour-long presentation followed by an hour of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Brown would propose his budgets in the state Capitol’s media room, with giant blue poster board charts, Newsom invited a couple hundred people to a much larger auditorium, with Powerpoint slides that he said “will punctuate some of the fundamental points we want to advance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/embed/SrWC9XnKPKI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both men are Bay Area Democrats. And both come from politically connected families. But in style — and in substance — Gavin Newsom is proving to be a very different California governor than Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least, the second Governor Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'That’s not management. That’s helter-skelter.'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t just how the two governors presented their spending plans. It was how they wanted to spend money as well. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jerry Brown proposed a budget and he only wanted a few things,” Senate President pro Tem Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) noted at \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/event/a-conversation-with-californias-legislative-leadership-2019/\">a recent Public Policy Institute of California event\u003c/a>. “Gavin’s thrown everything out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Newman, a senior campaign aide to both governors, said that’s a fundamental difference between the two men.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Jerry Brown proposed a budget and he only wanted a few things. Gavin's thrown everything out there'\u003ccite>Toni Atkins, Senate president pro tem\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown “was more willing to let certain subjects wait for another day or another governor,” Newman said, while Newsom “tends to swing at every pitch. He is genetically unable to say, something is too hard or too politically fraught.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so Newsom packed ideas from his campaign’s 30 policy teams into his very first budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s rote and cliché to say it’s a reflection of our values,” he said near the start of his two-hour budget presentation, “but it is a reflection of our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, Brown bristled at a question in our \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/12/11/jerry-browns-exit-interview-dont-say-he-didnt-warn-you/\">Capital Public Radio exit interview\u003c/a> last December when I asked him about issues he chose to avoid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The basis of your questioning is that I should be on every topic all the time,” Brown said. “And that's not management. That's helter-skelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'As different as their respective hair styles'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“They’re about as different as their respective hair styles,” said Bill Whalen, a fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution who used to write speeches for former Republican Gov. Pete Wilson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is 80 and bald. Newsom is 51 and has a full head of slicked-back hair. And, Whalen said, Newsom is more “visibly energetic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not suggesting in the least that Jerry Brown sat in his office and did nothing but play Fortnite,” Whalen said. “He was a very busy governor — but doing a lot of things behind the scenes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or, as Brown quipped to the Sacramento Press Club last December: “One of the things I’ve worked hard to avoid is overexposure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Gavin Newsom fits more the profile of the modern politician. He’s out there. He’s aggressive. He’s reaching out to the ‘people,’ if you will.'\u003ccite>Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, USC political analyst\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Newsom, Whalen pointed out, has already held public events throughout the state. The governor met with unpaid TSA workers at the Sacramento airport, held a housing roundtable in San Jose, took his cabinet on a road trip to the Central Valley to discuss clean drinking water, and flew down to San Diego last week to discuss the border crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He enjoys being in front of the cameras,” Whalen said. “He enjoys being visible. And that’s going to be his style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a moment at his San Diego news conference last week exemplified Newsom’s comfort in front of a crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the middle of his remarks, the room suddenly went dark. Instead of ending the event, he turned the moment to his advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the lights go out in other parts of the country,” Newsom said, pausing to savor the moment as the crowd chuckled, “here in California, we turn them back on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USC political analyst Sherry Bebitch Jeffe agreed that Brown’s governing style was more “under the radar” than Newsom’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does his thing, he’s thoughtful about it, but you don’t get a press release from him every two seconds,” Bebitch Jeffe said. “Gavin Newsom fits more the profile of the modern politician. He’s out there. He’s aggressive. He’s reaching out to the ‘people,’ if you will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Latin proverbs vs. 'Bay Area cool-speak'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Another difference between California’s 39th and 40th governors: They speak very differently — although neither of them sound particularly like “normal people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\">Gavin Newsom Looks to Spend and Save in First Budget Proposal\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/NewsomBudget-1020x678.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown had his \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/01/04/from-latin-to-literature-here-are-our-favorite-jerry-brownisms/\">Latin proverbs\u003c/a> and his obscure literary and historical references.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has his own verbal tics. To Whalan, they’re “sort of Bay Area cool-speak” and “the kind of thing that most Californians don’t necessarily understand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad strokes of land use fiscalization,” Newsom said amid a \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/news/insight/2018/10/11/californias-next-governor-interview-democratic-candidate-gavin-newsom-dives-into-childhood-challenges-defends-his-business-career-and-campaign-promises/\">campaign interview with Capital Public Radio\u003c/a> last fall. “Quite LIT-rally, not figuratively,” he said at another point — punctuating, as he often does, the first syllable of “literally.” And later: “I'm basically giving a sense of the sincerity to which we have laid out detailed prescriptive ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some voters are noticing the differences. At last month’s presidential campaign kickoff rally for California Sen. Kamala Harris, Shay Rogers of Alameda saw another distinction between two men she voted for and believes share the same core values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that Gavin is just a little bit younger, a little bit not as ‘old boys club,’” she said. “Jerry Brown still had a little bit of that in him. I don’t really see it much in Gavin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'They tend to do what they want to do'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"700\" height=\"2192\" class=\"alignright size-full wp-image-11724334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic.jpg 700w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic-160x501.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic-383x1200.jpg 383w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking for similarities? Start with their intelligence, said Dan Newman, the campaign strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a room, they are both absurdly, clearly well-read and just obnoxiously prepared,” he said. “They’re almost always the most informed proverbial smartest person in virtually any room on any policy subject, but also on politics — which is great, but can also be frustrating for those of us who like to pretend to be important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both listen and ask questions, Newman added, “but then they tend to do what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the most intriguing similarity might be to compare Newsom to Brown during his first governorship, in the 1970s and 80s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s grasping, as Jerry Brown 1.0 did — and Jerry Brown 2.0 did not do — he’s grasping big issues,” Bebitch Jeffe said of Newsom. “He has a very heavy, broad agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown governed differently his second time around, saying he’d learned to be more focused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is well aware of that — yet appears unafraid to go his own way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jerry Brown was the right person at the right time,” Newsom said on the campaign trail last fall. “We’re at a different time in our state’s history, different time in our nation’s history. And I think we’re very well equipped to take the baton and build on that legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which points to another character trait that both governors share: confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg%0Ahttps://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One month ago today, Gavin Newsom succeeded Jerry Brown as California governor. And anyone doubting the start of a new era in the California governor’s office need only watch Newsom’s January state budget presentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I, unlike the previous administration, may spend a little bit more time on this than you want,” Newsom said, sporting his trademark grin. “So just warning you, full disclosure: This is something I really enjoy!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom then talked about \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/01/10/newsom-proposes-144-billion-california-budget-with-focus-on-education-building-reserves/\">his budget\u003c/a> for the next two hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s right — two hours. An hour-long presentation followed by an hour of questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Brown would propose his budgets in the state Capitol’s media room, with giant blue poster board charts, Newsom invited a couple hundred people to a much larger auditorium, with Powerpoint slides that he said “will punctuate some of the fundamental points we want to advance.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/SrWC9XnKPKI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/SrWC9XnKPKI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Both men are Bay Area Democrats. And both come from politically connected families. But in style — and in substance — Gavin Newsom is proving to be a very different California governor than Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least, the second Governor Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'That’s not management. That’s helter-skelter.'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t just how the two governors presented their spending plans. It was how they wanted to spend money as well. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jerry Brown proposed a budget and he only wanted a few things,” Senate President pro Tem Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) noted at \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/event/a-conversation-with-californias-legislative-leadership-2019/\">a recent Public Policy Institute of California event\u003c/a>. “Gavin’s thrown everything out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Newman, a senior campaign aide to both governors, said that’s a fundamental difference between the two men.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Jerry Brown proposed a budget and he only wanted a few things. Gavin's thrown everything out there'\u003ccite>Toni Atkins, Senate president pro tem\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown “was more willing to let certain subjects wait for another day or another governor,” Newman said, while Newsom “tends to swing at every pitch. He is genetically unable to say, something is too hard or too politically fraught.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so Newsom packed ideas from his campaign’s 30 policy teams into his very first budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s rote and cliché to say it’s a reflection of our values,” he said near the start of his two-hour budget presentation, “but it is a reflection of our values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, Brown bristled at a question in our \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/12/11/jerry-browns-exit-interview-dont-say-he-didnt-warn-you/\">Capital Public Radio exit interview\u003c/a> last December when I asked him about issues he chose to avoid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The basis of your questioning is that I should be on every topic all the time,” Brown said. “And that's not management. That's helter-skelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'As different as their respective hair styles'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“They’re about as different as their respective hair styles,” said Bill Whalen, a fellow at Stanford’s Hoover Institution who used to write speeches for former Republican Gov. Pete Wilson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is 80 and bald. Newsom is 51 and has a full head of slicked-back hair. And, Whalen said, Newsom is more “visibly energetic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not suggesting in the least that Jerry Brown sat in his office and did nothing but play Fortnite,” Whalen said. “He was a very busy governor — but doing a lot of things behind the scenes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or, as Brown quipped to the Sacramento Press Club last December: “One of the things I’ve worked hard to avoid is overexposure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Gavin Newsom fits more the profile of the modern politician. He’s out there. He’s aggressive. He’s reaching out to the ‘people,’ if you will.'\u003ccite>Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, USC political analyst\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Newsom, Whalen pointed out, has already held public events throughout the state. The governor met with unpaid TSA workers at the Sacramento airport, held a housing roundtable in San Jose, took his cabinet on a road trip to the Central Valley to discuss clean drinking water, and flew down to San Diego last week to discuss the border crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He enjoys being in front of the cameras,” Whalen said. “He enjoys being visible. And that’s going to be his style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, a moment at his San Diego news conference last week exemplified Newsom’s comfort in front of a crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the middle of his remarks, the room suddenly went dark. Instead of ending the event, he turned the moment to his advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the lights go out in other parts of the country,” Newsom said, pausing to savor the moment as the crowd chuckled, “here in California, we turn them back on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>USC political analyst Sherry Bebitch Jeffe agreed that Brown’s governing style was more “under the radar” than Newsom’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does his thing, he’s thoughtful about it, but you don’t get a press release from him every two seconds,” Bebitch Jeffe said. “Gavin Newsom fits more the profile of the modern politician. He’s out there. He’s aggressive. He’s reaching out to the ‘people,’ if you will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Latin proverbs vs. 'Bay Area cool-speak'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Another difference between California’s 39th and 40th governors: They speak very differently — although neither of them sound particularly like “normal people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\">Gavin Newsom Looks to Spend and Save in First Budget Proposal\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/NewsomBudget-1020x678.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown had his \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2019/01/04/from-latin-to-literature-here-are-our-favorite-jerry-brownisms/\">Latin proverbs\u003c/a> and his obscure literary and historical references.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has his own verbal tics. To Whalan, they’re “sort of Bay Area cool-speak” and “the kind of thing that most Californians don’t necessarily understand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad strokes of land use fiscalization,” Newsom said amid a \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/news/insight/2018/10/11/californias-next-governor-interview-democratic-candidate-gavin-newsom-dives-into-childhood-challenges-defends-his-business-career-and-campaign-promises/\">campaign interview with Capital Public Radio\u003c/a> last fall. “Quite LIT-rally, not figuratively,” he said at another point — punctuating, as he often does, the first syllable of “literally.” And later: “I'm basically giving a sense of the sincerity to which we have laid out detailed prescriptive ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some voters are noticing the differences. At last month’s presidential campaign kickoff rally for California Sen. Kamala Harris, Shay Rogers of Alameda saw another distinction between two men she voted for and believes share the same core values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just think that Gavin is just a little bit younger, a little bit not as ‘old boys club,’” she said. “Jerry Brown still had a little bit of that in him. I don’t really see it much in Gavin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>'They tend to do what they want to do'\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"700\" height=\"2192\" class=\"alignright size-full wp-image-11724334\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic.jpg 700w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic-160x501.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/jerry-brown-v-gavin-newsom-graphic-383x1200.jpg 383w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 700px) 100vw, 700px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking for similarities? Start with their intelligence, said Dan Newman, the campaign strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a room, they are both absurdly, clearly well-read and just obnoxiously prepared,” he said. “They’re almost always the most informed proverbial smartest person in virtually any room on any policy subject, but also on politics — which is great, but can also be frustrating for those of us who like to pretend to be important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both listen and ask questions, Newman added, “but then they tend to do what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the most intriguing similarity might be to compare Newsom to Brown during his first governorship, in the 1970s and 80s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s grasping, as Jerry Brown 1.0 did — and Jerry Brown 2.0 did not do — he’s grasping big issues,” Bebitch Jeffe said of Newsom. “He has a very heavy, broad agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown governed differently his second time around, saying he’d learned to be more focused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is well aware of that — yet appears unafraid to go his own way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jerry Brown was the right person at the right time,” Newsom said on the campaign trail last fall. “We’re at a different time in our state’s history, different time in our nation’s history. And I think we’re very well equipped to take the baton and build on that legacy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which points to another character trait that both governors share: confidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg%0Ahttps://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When voters legalized recreational marijuana in California through Proposition 64, many expected a windfall of tax revenue. That hasn’t quite panned out yet, but some more money could start flowing into the state budget next fiscal year — and the wrangling over how to spend it is already beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=RTC§ionNum=34019\">new cannabis law\u003c/a> offers some flexibility in\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/handouts/crimjust/2017/Proposition-64-Revenues-021617.pdf\"> how tax revenues can be used\u003c/a>. First the state must pay for administering the law. Then the law sets aside money for cannabis research. Of the remaining amount, 60 percent must be designated for programs geared toward \"Youth Education, Prevention, Early Intervention and Treatment.\" That leaves a lot of leeway for the governor and legislature. And that is where the horse-trading will come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Gabel with\u003ca href=\"http://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\"> First Five California\u003c/a>, an independent state commission that promotes early childhood development, said there are a number of areas that could qualify for that funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Early education, child care investments, prenatal care, and after school programs,\" she listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Finance said it's likely funding for such programs will be available next year. And Gabel notes most align with Governor-elect Gavin Newsom’s policy priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"(Newsom) was very outspoken about the importance of investing in early prevention and investing in our youth,\" she said. \"And based off of his very strong campaign positions on investing early around children and their families, (we anticipate) that we will see an echo of that in what he hopes to do with the Prop 64 fund.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not yet known how much money there will be to go around. Helen Kerstein is with the non-partisan Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a relatively new area of state regulation,\" Kerstein said. \"And so it's unclear what the long term revenues are going to be,\" she said. \"It's a very difficult thing to project into forecast because there isn't that revenue history for this program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Kerstein said if \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/326\">revenues continue to grow\u003c/a> at their current rate, they could total as much as $410 million for the 2018-2019 fiscal year. But that's still well below the $630 million the state had projected.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When voters legalized recreational marijuana in California through Proposition 64, many expected a windfall of tax revenue. That hasn’t quite panned out yet, but some more money could start flowing into the state budget next fiscal year — and the wrangling over how to spend it is already beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=RTC§ionNum=34019\">new cannabis law\u003c/a> offers some flexibility in\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/handouts/crimjust/2017/Proposition-64-Revenues-021617.pdf\"> how tax revenues can be used\u003c/a>. First the state must pay for administering the law. Then the law sets aside money for cannabis research. Of the remaining amount, 60 percent must be designated for programs geared toward \"Youth Education, Prevention, Early Intervention and Treatment.\" That leaves a lot of leeway for the governor and legislature. And that is where the horse-trading will come in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erin Gabel with\u003ca href=\"http://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\"> First Five California\u003c/a>, an independent state commission that promotes early childhood development, said there are a number of areas that could qualify for that funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Early education, child care investments, prenatal care, and after school programs,\" she listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Finance said it's likely funding for such programs will be available next year. And Gabel notes most align with Governor-elect Gavin Newsom’s policy priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"(Newsom) was very outspoken about the importance of investing in early prevention and investing in our youth,\" she said. \"And based off of his very strong campaign positions on investing early around children and their families, (we anticipate) that we will see an echo of that in what he hopes to do with the Prop 64 fund.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s not yet known how much money there will be to go around. Helen Kerstein is with the non-partisan Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a relatively new area of state regulation,\" Kerstein said. \"And so it's unclear what the long term revenues are going to be,\" she said. \"It's a very difficult thing to project into forecast because there isn't that revenue history for this program.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, Kerstein said if \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/326\">revenues continue to grow\u003c/a> at their current rate, they could total as much as $410 million for the 2018-2019 fiscal year. But that's still well below the $630 million the state had projected.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Big City Mayors Welcome State Money For Homeless Services",
"title": "Big City Mayors Welcome State Money For Homeless Services",
"headTitle": "SF Homeless Project | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The recently signed California state budget includes \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-state-budget-deal-20180608-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$500 million\u003c/a> in one-time money to help cities address homelessness. The money will be split between local organizations that help the homeless as well as cities with more than 330,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sacramento \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofsacramento.org/mayor/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mayor Darrell Steinberg\u003c/a> serves as \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CABig11/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chairman of the Big 11 Mayors,\u003c/a> a coalition representing the state's largest cities. He said the money will be crucial for programs to fight homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every major California city has seen these dramatic increases [in homelessness],\" he said. \"And while at the local level we are all putting together resources, either through ballot measures, our cities' general fund, [or] our work with our respective counties, the fact of the matter is we need more capacity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678085/sacramento-mayor-darrell-steinberg-on-his-reforms-to-californias-initiative-system-and-addressing-homelessness-locally\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg on His Reforms to California's Initiative System and Addressing Homelessness Locally\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Steinberg said there's an especially acute need for \u003ca href=\"https://www.shra.org/emergency-housing-and-other-homeless-resources/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emergency housing\u003c/a>, the place people stay between leaving the streets and settling into a permanent home. The money can also be used for early intervention and other steps to prevent homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know in Sacramento we are going to put as much focus on those who are not yet homeless but will be if we don't have a robust rental assistance program,\" he said, \"and if we don't intervene at the right time to help them avoid the shelter and ultimately the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg's goal is to get 2,000 people off the streets in Sacramento. The other cities receiving money include San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, Oakland, Fresno, Bakersfield, Long Beach, Santa Ana, Anaheim and San Jose. It's estimated there are about 135,000 homeless people living in California.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The recently signed California state budget includes \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-state-budget-deal-20180608-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$500 million\u003c/a> in one-time money to help cities address homelessness. The money will be split between local organizations that help the homeless as well as cities with more than 330,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Sacramento \u003ca href=\"http://www.cityofsacramento.org/mayor/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mayor Darrell Steinberg\u003c/a> serves as \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CABig11/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Chairman of the Big 11 Mayors,\u003c/a> a coalition representing the state's largest cities. He said the money will be crucial for programs to fight homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every major California city has seen these dramatic increases [in homelessness],\" he said. \"And while at the local level we are all putting together resources, either through ballot measures, our cities' general fund, [or] our work with our respective counties, the fact of the matter is we need more capacity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11678085/sacramento-mayor-darrell-steinberg-on-his-reforms-to-californias-initiative-system-and-addressing-homelessness-locally\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg on His Reforms to California's Initiative System and Addressing Homelessness Locally\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Steinberg said there's an especially acute need for \u003ca href=\"https://www.shra.org/emergency-housing-and-other-homeless-resources/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emergency housing\u003c/a>, the place people stay between leaving the streets and settling into a permanent home. The money can also be used for early intervention and other steps to prevent homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know in Sacramento we are going to put as much focus on those who are not yet homeless but will be if we don't have a robust rental assistance program,\" he said, \"and if we don't intervene at the right time to help them avoid the shelter and ultimately the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg's goal is to get 2,000 people off the streets in Sacramento. The other cities receiving money include San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, Oakland, Fresno, Bakersfield, Long Beach, Santa Ana, Anaheim and San Jose. It's estimated there are about 135,000 homeless people living in California.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California elected officials are getting a 3 percent pay increase for the sixth straight year, pushing Gov. Jerry Brown's already highest-in-the-nation salary for a governor above $200,000 just before he leaves office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A citizens board approved the pay hikes Tuesday, bumping the governor's annual salary from $196,000 to $202,000 starting in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lieutenant governor will be paid $151,000. Rank-and-file members of the Legislature will get a $3,500 raise to about $110,000, while leaders make more. California lawmakers already were the highest paid in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers also earn a tax-free per diem while the Legislature is in session, currently $192 per day, which was not affected by Tuesday's action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In approving the raise, commissioners noted California's strong budget and thriving economy. Thomas Dalzell, chair of the California Citizens Compensation Commission,\u003cem> \u003c/em>said the panel adopted \"incremental, modest, symbolic increases\" and noted that many state government workers were getting larger increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are plenty of people who are getting more than (the legislators' raises) around the state, and people getting less. I think 3 percent is fine,\" said Dalzell during the commission's annual meeting, according to the Los Angeles Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general, controller, treasurer, secretary of state, superintendent of public instruction and insurance commissioner will also get raises, as will members of the Board of Equalization, a state tax panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown's pay is up $36,000 since 2013, while lawmakers are taking home $20,000 more annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, their pay still hasn't returned to levels before the recession, when the governor's salary peaked at $212,179 and lawmakers' at $116,208.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California elected officials are getting a 3 percent pay increase for the sixth straight year, pushing Gov. Jerry Brown's already highest-in-the-nation salary for a governor above $200,000 just before he leaves office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A citizens board approved the pay hikes Tuesday, bumping the governor's annual salary from $196,000 to $202,000 starting in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lieutenant governor will be paid $151,000. Rank-and-file members of the Legislature will get a $3,500 raise to about $110,000, while leaders make more. California lawmakers already were the highest paid in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers also earn a tax-free per diem while the Legislature is in session, currently $192 per day, which was not affected by Tuesday's action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In approving the raise, commissioners noted California's strong budget and thriving economy. Thomas Dalzell, chair of the California Citizens Compensation Commission,\u003cem> \u003c/em>said the panel adopted \"incremental, modest, symbolic increases\" and noted that many state government workers were getting larger increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are plenty of people who are getting more than (the legislators' raises) around the state, and people getting less. I think 3 percent is fine,\" said Dalzell during the commission's annual meeting, according to the Los Angeles Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general, controller, treasurer, secretary of state, superintendent of public instruction and insurance commissioner will also get raises, as will members of the Board of Equalization, a state tax panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown's pay is up $36,000 since 2013, while lawmakers are taking home $20,000 more annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, their pay still hasn't returned to levels before the recession, when the governor's salary peaked at $212,179 and lawmakers' at $116,208.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It's not the long-term investments in anti-poverty programs that liberal lawmakers have been pushing for, but Gov. Jerry Brown does want to use an unexpected $8 billion in projected revenues to tackle some of California's most intransigent problems, including helping cities combat homelessness and mental illness and investing in crumbling infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A relaxed Brown appeared before reporters Friday morning to unveil his final budget proposal, a revision of his January plan for the fiscal year that begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He repeated a now-familiar refrain, warning that the state's nearly decade-long economic expansion will eventually end -- and making clear that his priorities include growing the state's so-called rainy day fund to a record $13.8 billion and investing extra money in one-time expenditures, not ongoing spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am trying to leave the most responsible budget I can to the next governor, so I am going to be reluctant to embark upon programs that will continue and grow into the future,\" Brown said. \"They all have merit to them, but we are already overextended -- it's hard to believe when we have so much money in the bank, but we are.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown spoke as he stood between familiar charts laying out the history of economic downturns and the massive growth that programs such as public education and Medi-Cal, the state's health insurance for the poor, have enjoyed under his watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As you know we are nearing the longest economic recovery in modern history and as Isaac Newton once observed, what goes up must go down,\" Brown said. \"It's time to save for the future -- as I've said before, and I will say again: Let's not blow it now.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a nod to legislative Democrats' focus on income inequality, Brown is expanding the state’s Earned Income Tax Credit program to include workers between the ages of 18 and 25, and above 64. The income limits tied to that tax credit are also being increased to reflect the state's minimum wage increase to $12 an hour in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown didn't cave on one of Senate Democrats' big priorities: increasing the grant levels for the state's welfare-to-work recipients. But he said he will \"take a look at what the Legislature proposes\" in the coming month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican leader Brian Dahle agreed more money should go into the state's rainy day fund. He said he'd also like to see some go toward infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And obviously we should give some of it back to the taxpayers,\" Dahle said. \"You know once the government gets a hold of our money, it's really hard for them to let go of it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor is proposing putting about $4 billion of the surplus into one-time expenditures, including $2 billion to help state universities, facilities and courts tackle years of deferred infrastructure maintenance. Some of that money would also go to flood control needs, such as shoring up levees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to send $359 million to local governments to address homelessness, and use $312 million for mental health screenings and the education of mental health professionals. Those are one-time expenditures aimed at bridging a gap until money from a new fee on real estate transactions and other money materializes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that many of the state's biggest-ticket items have grown substantially over his eight years in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spending on K-12 schools and community colleges has ballooned from $47.3 billion in his first year in office to a proposed $78.4 billion next fiscal year. That's an increase of $4,600 in per pupil spending since he took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No state comes close to us on health care and education spending,\" the governor said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It's not the long-term investments in anti-poverty programs that liberal lawmakers have been pushing for, but Gov. Jerry Brown does want to use an unexpected $8 billion in projected revenues to tackle some of California's most intransigent problems, including helping cities combat homelessness and mental illness and investing in crumbling infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A relaxed Brown appeared before reporters Friday morning to unveil his final budget proposal, a revision of his January plan for the fiscal year that begins July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He repeated a now-familiar refrain, warning that the state's nearly decade-long economic expansion will eventually end -- and making clear that his priorities include growing the state's so-called rainy day fund to a record $13.8 billion and investing extra money in one-time expenditures, not ongoing spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am trying to leave the most responsible budget I can to the next governor, so I am going to be reluctant to embark upon programs that will continue and grow into the future,\" Brown said. \"They all have merit to them, but we are already overextended -- it's hard to believe when we have so much money in the bank, but we are.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown spoke as he stood between familiar charts laying out the history of economic downturns and the massive growth that programs such as public education and Medi-Cal, the state's health insurance for the poor, have enjoyed under his watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As you know we are nearing the longest economic recovery in modern history and as Isaac Newton once observed, what goes up must go down,\" Brown said. \"It's time to save for the future -- as I've said before, and I will say again: Let's not blow it now.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a nod to legislative Democrats' focus on income inequality, Brown is expanding the state’s Earned Income Tax Credit program to include workers between the ages of 18 and 25, and above 64. The income limits tied to that tax credit are also being increased to reflect the state's minimum wage increase to $12 an hour in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown didn't cave on one of Senate Democrats' big priorities: increasing the grant levels for the state's welfare-to-work recipients. But he said he will \"take a look at what the Legislature proposes\" in the coming month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican leader Brian Dahle agreed more money should go into the state's rainy day fund. He said he'd also like to see some go toward infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And obviously we should give some of it back to the taxpayers,\" Dahle said. \"You know once the government gets a hold of our money, it's really hard for them to let go of it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor is proposing putting about $4 billion of the surplus into one-time expenditures, including $2 billion to help state universities, facilities and courts tackle years of deferred infrastructure maintenance. Some of that money would also go to flood control needs, such as shoring up levees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor also wants to send $359 million to local governments to address homelessness, and use $312 million for mental health screenings and the education of mental health professionals. Those are one-time expenditures aimed at bridging a gap until money from a new fee on real estate transactions and other money materializes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown noted that many of the state's biggest-ticket items have grown substantially over his eight years in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spending on K-12 schools and community colleges has ballooned from $47.3 billion in his first year in office to a proposed $78.4 billion next fiscal year. That's an increase of $4,600 in per pupil spending since he took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No state comes close to us on health care and education spending,\" the governor said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Increasing the earned income tax credit, expanding Medi-Cal to cover all the uninsured, making early education available to all 4-year-olds. Those are among the\u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/sites/a19.asmdc.org/files/pdf/2018-budget-blueprint.pdf\"> budget priorities\u003c/a> released today by Assembly Budget Committee Chairman Phil Ting (D-San Francisco).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the state is on better financial footing now, but still has years of cuts to make up for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot ignore the fact that not all Californians have benefited from our state’s renewed prosperity,\" Ting says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His committee's budget proposal uses projections from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/3718#Revenues\">Legislative Analyst's Office,\u003c/a> which assumes $7.5 billion in discretionary funds for the 2018-2019 fiscal year. Of that, Ting proposes putting $3.2 billion in a reserve fund and using $4.3 billion to pay down debts and fund various projects. He says many of the priorities listed in his plan could be phased in and out as needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it's now written, Ting says, the federal tax bill being considered in Congress would not directly affect the state budget. But that could change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"BAMMbrTWu47YC3hyl2kEQrx64eXGBxTv\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What the Republicans have said is, based on the increase in tax cuts, they are going to have to cut future spending down the road,\" Ting says. \"They've singled that they are going to start attacking Medicare.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that happens, it could affect the state's bottom line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting says they are preparing for various scenarios based on what action the federal government might take. But he says right now it's too early to tell what might happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is an early step in the budget process. The governor will release his own proposal in January. The Senate budget committee will release its version as well. All three sides must then negotiate and the Legislature must approve a final version by June 15.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Increasing the earned income tax credit, expanding Medi-Cal to cover all the uninsured, making early education available to all 4-year-olds. Those are among the\u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/sites/a19.asmdc.org/files/pdf/2018-budget-blueprint.pdf\"> budget priorities\u003c/a> released today by Assembly Budget Committee Chairman Phil Ting (D-San Francisco).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the state is on better financial footing now, but still has years of cuts to make up for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot ignore the fact that not all Californians have benefited from our state’s renewed prosperity,\" Ting says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His committee's budget proposal uses projections from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/3718#Revenues\">Legislative Analyst's Office,\u003c/a> which assumes $7.5 billion in discretionary funds for the 2018-2019 fiscal year. Of that, Ting proposes putting $3.2 billion in a reserve fund and using $4.3 billion to pay down debts and fund various projects. He says many of the priorities listed in his plan could be phased in and out as needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it's now written, Ting says, the federal tax bill being considered in Congress would not directly affect the state budget. But that could change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"planet-money": {
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
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