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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> In an earlier version of this story, the role of graduate students from the UC Berkeley Goldman School of Public Policy and Mills College was erroneously characterized. The students will be paid by Alameda County. The story has been updated.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">Alameda County Reparations Commission was stalled before\u003c/a>, the commission now has the vehicle to address racial inequities and harm in neutral and is trying to push it down the road itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, the 15-member body was supposed to complete its review of anti-Black policy throughout Alameda County’s county history and design an action plan to remedy the harm by July 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the county extended the group’s mandate for two years last week and followed with a budget grant. The group will receive \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_9_26_24/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/Item_28_1_Reparations_Miley_Marquez.pdf\">$92,340.10\u003c/a> over the two years, less than 2% of the $5 million that was requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money includes a $50-per-meeting stipend for the commissioners, the commission’s clerk, the room rental and printing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just enough for us to meet and keep the door open,” Debra Gore-Mann, the commission chair, said at a meeting on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission asked for $5 million to fund community surveys on residents’ experiences of discrimination and their visions for what meaningful repair could look like. The $5 million would have also funded researchers to collect records on discriminatory policy and data on its impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Board of Supervisors meeting on Sept. 17, Shadrick Small, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute who is on the commission, urged the board to grant the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a research body. We’re a deliberative body,” he said during public comment. “We’re meant to aggregate all the data and public thought to create good solutions, but we need resources to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006819 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Miley, who advises the commission along with Supervisor Elisa Márquez, previously warned that county money is in short supply. This past summer, the county managed to close a $68 million hole in its $4.6 billion annual budget by reducing spending and digging into savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Weissinger, a UC Berkeley professor, served on the Berkeley Unified School District Reparations Task Force, which similarly had no funding for research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said white members of the commission, including herself, provided volunteer labor to help move the task force forward. She said, expecting Alameda County’s predominantly Black commission to do the same hits differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have Black unpaid labor trying to figure out how to remedy Black unpaid labor, we have a problem,” Weissinger told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, Weissinger and Dr. Ashley Adams, co-directors of the Black Reparations Project, advised the commission to seek technical assistance from local graduate students and reparations advocacy groups, and to adjust it’s strategy to account for the lack of research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Reparations Task Force, which was budgeted $4.7 million over two years, held a series of community listening sessions, hired a team of economists and researchers and produced a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a>. The report detailed anti-Black policy throughout California’s history and made more than 100 policy recommendations, some of which were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">signed into law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, the BUSD task force heard presentations from experts, conducted a community survey, and, in its \u003ca href=\"https://simbli.eboardsolutions.com/meetings/TempFolder/Meetings/BUSD%20Reparations%20Task%20Force%20Report%20and%20Recommendations%20(Final)_821671ylu0zqgzdowparvivpz0jyfr.pdf\">final report\u003c/a>, made three policy recommendations, including advising the district to hire a consultant to conduct a review of policies and their impact on Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gore-Mann, who is also the president and CEO of The Greenlining Institute, said she is looking for private donations to augment county funding. The commission is now sponsored by the county library system, an arrangement that doesn’t provide funding but allows the group to accept philanthropic donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the commission tried to work with students at UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy last year, but the effort was hampered by county red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, she asked Miley whether the commission would benefit from advocating for their cause with individual supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there is a lack of commitment,” Miley said. “We just have a lot coming at us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials said additional funding could be approved down the line and asked the commission to resubmit a more detailed budget request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustration with the county over the budget allocation was palpable at the meeting, but Commissioner Larry McClendon tried to keep the group positive. He said the group could build awareness about the county’s reparations process by doing outreach in their personal and professional networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a really good position to hit the ground running if we can get some assistance,” McClendon said. “Maybe ‘cause I’m a Raiders fan, I know how to deal with losses and remain positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> In an earlier version of this story, the role of graduate students from the UC Berkeley Goldman School of Public Policy and Mills College was erroneously characterized. The students will be paid by Alameda County. The story has been updated.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">Alameda County Reparations Commission was stalled before\u003c/a>, the commission now has the vehicle to address racial inequities and harm in neutral and is trying to push it down the road itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, the 15-member body was supposed to complete its review of anti-Black policy throughout Alameda County’s county history and design an action plan to remedy the harm by July 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the county extended the group’s mandate for two years last week and followed with a budget grant. The group will receive \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_9_26_24/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/Item_28_1_Reparations_Miley_Marquez.pdf\">$92,340.10\u003c/a> over the two years, less than 2% of the $5 million that was requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money includes a $50-per-meeting stipend for the commissioners, the commission’s clerk, the room rental and printing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just enough for us to meet and keep the door open,” Debra Gore-Mann, the commission chair, said at a meeting on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission asked for $5 million to fund community surveys on residents’ experiences of discrimination and their visions for what meaningful repair could look like. The $5 million would have also funded researchers to collect records on discriminatory policy and data on its impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Board of Supervisors meeting on Sept. 17, Shadrick Small, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute who is on the commission, urged the board to grant the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a research body. We’re a deliberative body,” he said during public comment. “We’re meant to aggregate all the data and public thought to create good solutions, but we need resources to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Miley, who advises the commission along with Supervisor Elisa Márquez, previously warned that county money is in short supply. This past summer, the county managed to close a $68 million hole in its $4.6 billion annual budget by reducing spending and digging into savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Weissinger, a UC Berkeley professor, served on the Berkeley Unified School District Reparations Task Force, which similarly had no funding for research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said white members of the commission, including herself, provided volunteer labor to help move the task force forward. She said, expecting Alameda County’s predominantly Black commission to do the same hits differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have Black unpaid labor trying to figure out how to remedy Black unpaid labor, we have a problem,” Weissinger told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, Weissinger and Dr. Ashley Adams, co-directors of the Black Reparations Project, advised the commission to seek technical assistance from local graduate students and reparations advocacy groups, and to adjust it’s strategy to account for the lack of research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Reparations Task Force, which was budgeted $4.7 million over two years, held a series of community listening sessions, hired a team of economists and researchers and produced a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a>. The report detailed anti-Black policy throughout California’s history and made more than 100 policy recommendations, some of which were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">signed into law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, the BUSD task force heard presentations from experts, conducted a community survey, and, in its \u003ca href=\"https://simbli.eboardsolutions.com/meetings/TempFolder/Meetings/BUSD%20Reparations%20Task%20Force%20Report%20and%20Recommendations%20(Final)_821671ylu0zqgzdowparvivpz0jyfr.pdf\">final report\u003c/a>, made three policy recommendations, including advising the district to hire a consultant to conduct a review of policies and their impact on Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gore-Mann, who is also the president and CEO of The Greenlining Institute, said she is looking for private donations to augment county funding. The commission is now sponsored by the county library system, an arrangement that doesn’t provide funding but allows the group to accept philanthropic donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the commission tried to work with students at UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy last year, but the effort was hampered by county red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, she asked Miley whether the commission would benefit from advocating for their cause with individual supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there is a lack of commitment,” Miley said. “We just have a lot coming at us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials said additional funding could be approved down the line and asked the commission to resubmit a more detailed budget request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustration with the county over the budget allocation was palpable at the meeting, but Commissioner Larry McClendon tried to keep the group positive. He said the group could build awareness about the county’s reparations process by doing outreach in their personal and professional networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a really good position to hit the ground running if we can get some assistance,” McClendon said. “Maybe ‘cause I’m a Raiders fan, I know how to deal with losses and remain positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills",
"title": "California to Issue Apology for Slavery as Newsom Signs Reparations Bills",
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"headTitle": "California to Issue Apology for Slavery as Newsom Signs Reparations Bills | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will offer a formal apology for the state government’s role in advancing slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a handful of bills on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">seeking to make amends for the treatment\u003c/a> of African Americans in the state. The ambitious effort to provide reparations for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a> emanated from a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">2023 report\u003c/a> by the California Reparations Task Force on the state’s role in advancing slavery and inflicting harm on Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Together with Gov. Newsom, we are sending a powerful message that California is leading the way in repairing harm done to Black communities,” Lori Wilson (D-Suisun City) said. “Today marks a victory, but only the first in the continued fight for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, though, the first year of reparations proposals failed to live up to the expectations of many reparations supporters. The bill that many reparations advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">considered the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to repair harm\u003c/a> endured by Black Californians failed to reach Newsom’s desk. SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the legislative session, Wilson and the leadership of the California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized achievability over ambition. The caucus pursued meaningful and realizable measures, not controversial and potentially transformative ideas like direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson, representing the 11th District, is also the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Success, Wilson said in the spring, would mean winning approval for all 14 of the CLBC’s original reparations bills in the Legislature. Nine bills ultimately passed the Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed six into law, including AB 3089, an official apology for state officials who promoted and advanced slavery in California’s earliest days and for “perpetuating the harms African Americans have faced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” Newsom said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California entered the nation as a free state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">many of the state’s early leaders supported chattel slavery and passed laws\u003c/a> to help slave owners recapture free Black people in the state. Multiple enslavers even served in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a suite sits next to a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), author of AB 3089, during an interview on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Sept. 7, 2023 in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Healing can only begin with an apology,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), who served on the reparations task force, in a statement. “The State of California acknowledges its past actions and is taking this bold step to correct them, recognizing its role in hindering the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness for Black individuals through racially motivated punitive laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom signed AB 1815, which expands the definition of race in some state laws to include traits associated with race, such as hairstyles, to widen protections against discrimination. SB 1089 will require supermarkets and pharmacies to provide advanced notice of closures to employees and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1986 gives the state’s Office of the Inspector General the power to publish a list of books banned in state prisons. But the bill, like others in the CLBC’s reparations package, was watered down before reaching Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier versions of AB 1986 would have given the Inspector General the ability to reverse prison book bans, an idea met with resistance by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Notification requirements in SB 1089 were narrowed as the bill moved through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to advance reparations work failed to pass the Assembly. SB 1403 had the support of advocates who believed an agency that would determine eligibility was necessary to establish a viable reparations program. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403\u003c/a> divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two other reparations proposals. One would have required Medi-Cal to cover food interventions, such as grocery boxes or nutrition education, an idea Newsom argued was too expensive. He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">rejected a bill that would have created a state process\u003c/a> for reviewing claims of racist land-takings because the bill relied on the creation of the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last word on this year’s reparations proposals will go to California voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">Proposition 6, placed on the ballot by the Legislature\u003c/a>, would remove California’s allowance of involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime by banning state prisons from punishing inmates who refuse to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates say California's first-year reparations plan for Black residents fell short of expectations, but voters will decide its future in November.",
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"title": "California to Issue Apology for Slavery as Newsom Signs Reparations Bills | KQED",
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"headline": "California to Issue Apology for Slavery as Newsom Signs Reparations Bills",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will offer a formal apology for the state government’s role in advancing slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a handful of bills on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">seeking to make amends for the treatment\u003c/a> of African Americans in the state. The ambitious effort to provide reparations for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a> emanated from a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">2023 report\u003c/a> by the California Reparations Task Force on the state’s role in advancing slavery and inflicting harm on Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Together with Gov. Newsom, we are sending a powerful message that California is leading the way in repairing harm done to Black communities,” Lori Wilson (D-Suisun City) said. “Today marks a victory, but only the first in the continued fight for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, though, the first year of reparations proposals failed to live up to the expectations of many reparations supporters. The bill that many reparations advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">considered the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to repair harm\u003c/a> endured by Black Californians failed to reach Newsom’s desk. SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the legislative session, Wilson and the leadership of the California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized achievability over ambition. The caucus pursued meaningful and realizable measures, not controversial and potentially transformative ideas like direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson, representing the 11th District, is also the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Success, Wilson said in the spring, would mean winning approval for all 14 of the CLBC’s original reparations bills in the Legislature. Nine bills ultimately passed the Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed six into law, including AB 3089, an official apology for state officials who promoted and advanced slavery in California’s earliest days and for “perpetuating the harms African Americans have faced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” Newsom said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California entered the nation as a free state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">many of the state’s early leaders supported chattel slavery and passed laws\u003c/a> to help slave owners recapture free Black people in the state. Multiple enslavers even served in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a suite sits next to a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), author of AB 3089, during an interview on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Sept. 7, 2023 in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Healing can only begin with an apology,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), who served on the reparations task force, in a statement. “The State of California acknowledges its past actions and is taking this bold step to correct them, recognizing its role in hindering the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness for Black individuals through racially motivated punitive laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom signed AB 1815, which expands the definition of race in some state laws to include traits associated with race, such as hairstyles, to widen protections against discrimination. SB 1089 will require supermarkets and pharmacies to provide advanced notice of closures to employees and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1986 gives the state’s Office of the Inspector General the power to publish a list of books banned in state prisons. But the bill, like others in the CLBC’s reparations package, was watered down before reaching Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier versions of AB 1986 would have given the Inspector General the ability to reverse prison book bans, an idea met with resistance by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Notification requirements in SB 1089 were narrowed as the bill moved through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to advance reparations work failed to pass the Assembly. SB 1403 had the support of advocates who believed an agency that would determine eligibility was necessary to establish a viable reparations program. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403\u003c/a> divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two other reparations proposals. One would have required Medi-Cal to cover food interventions, such as grocery boxes or nutrition education, an idea Newsom argued was too expensive. He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">rejected a bill that would have created a state process\u003c/a> for reviewing claims of racist land-takings because the bill relied on the creation of the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last word on this year’s reparations proposals will go to California voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">Proposition 6, placed on the ballot by the Legislature\u003c/a>, would remove California’s allowance of involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime by banning state prisons from punishing inmates who refuse to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk",
"title": "California Reparations Bill for Racist Land Seizures Vetoed by Newsom",
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"headTitle": "California Reparations Bill for Racist Land Seizures Vetoed by Newsom | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 26\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations in California? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Learn more here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 1050, a bill that would’ve created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe they lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of the bill, authored by state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), arrived on Newsom’s desk after passing both houses in the state Legislature without opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message on Wednesday. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to reclaim land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, most notably with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890613/california-moves-to-return-stolen-land-to-heirs-of-couple-who-built-socal-black-beach-resort-in-early-1900s\">2021 return of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> in Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885839/why-the-history-of-chavez-ravine-still-haunts-dodger-stadium\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Palm Springs\u003c/a> have launched campaigns for the return of land — or fair compensation for properties they believe were improperly razed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1050 would have created a standardized state process to review claims. However, the bill was dependent on the passage of SB 1403 and SB 1331, neither of which made it through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 sought to establish the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to implement the recommendations of the state task force. The agency would, among other duties, determine how an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person would be confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was considered the centerpiece of this year’s reparations bills. Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to make amendments divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to Bradford, a member of the state’s reparations task force and author of SB 1403 and SB 1331, in addition to SB 1050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bradford told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">SB 1403’s failure was a “great disappointment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed, and you dust yourself off, and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 21, Newsom vetoed a state bill that would have established a task force to study reparations for families forced out of Chavez Ravine in the 1950s to make room for Dodger Stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The movement to return land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, but Gov. Gavin Newsom's vetoed the creation of a state process for reviewing claims.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 26\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations in California? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Learn more here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 1050, a bill that would’ve created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe they lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of the bill, authored by state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), arrived on Newsom’s desk after passing both houses in the state Legislature without opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message on Wednesday. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to reclaim land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, most notably with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890613/california-moves-to-return-stolen-land-to-heirs-of-couple-who-built-socal-black-beach-resort-in-early-1900s\">2021 return of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> in Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885839/why-the-history-of-chavez-ravine-still-haunts-dodger-stadium\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Palm Springs\u003c/a> have launched campaigns for the return of land — or fair compensation for properties they believe were improperly razed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1050 would have created a standardized state process to review claims. However, the bill was dependent on the passage of SB 1403 and SB 1331, neither of which made it through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 sought to establish the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to implement the recommendations of the state task force. The agency would, among other duties, determine how an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person would be confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was considered the centerpiece of this year’s reparations bills. Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to make amendments divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to Bradford, a member of the state’s reparations task force and author of SB 1403 and SB 1331, in addition to SB 1050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bradford told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">SB 1403’s failure was a “great disappointment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed, and you dust yourself off, and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 21, Newsom vetoed a state bill that would have established a task force to study reparations for families forced out of Chavez Ravine in the 1950s to make room for Dodger Stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story is part of KQED’s coverage of reparations in California. For more information on the project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">click here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auttrianna Ward was walking around Fisherman’s Wharf with her father when she picked up a map of the city. Ward, then 8, couldn’t find Hunters Point, the neighborhood her family had lived in for generations, on the map.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was left off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At first, I was confused,” Ward, a 35-year-old artist and curator, recently told KQED. “This is the city I grew up in, but the neighborhood I lived in wasn’t on the tourist map. I realized in moments like that that they didn’t want us to be seen by other parts of San Francisco or by tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t want us to be a reflection of the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The omission of Hunters Point, once a predominantly Black neighborhood, stuck with Ward, who was raised around activism. A new art exhibition taps into that spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations Volume 1.1: Too Much Like Right\u003c/em>, an art exhibition in support of San Francisco’s African American Reparations Advisory Committee and curated by Ward, with Malik Seneferu, opened Saturday. The exhibition seeks to spark dialogue about reparations, as well as highlight the history, displacement and trauma of the city’s Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Too Much Like Right\u003c/em> is the title of Ward’s experimental film that takes on the systemic injustices incurred by Black families in San Francisco through family interviews, archival footage and more. \u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity\u003c/em> is associated with the Museum of the African Diaspora’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13965269/the-bay-areas-first-ever-black-art-week-is-coming\">“Nexus: SF/Bay Area Black Art Week,” which begins Oct. 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make reparations irresistible,” Ward said. “Art is a way to make those ideas accessible and to open up the imagination to what reparations can look like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ZEAL, a creative arts alliance and social impact studio, produced the exhibition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity\u003c/em> is a growing collection of exhibitions, scenes, photo text essays, short artistic films that give a contemporary, fresh look at the reparations movement today,” ZEAL’s co-founder, Allen Kwabena-Frimpong, said. “We’re seeing the opportunity for people to be able to grapple with that process, hopefully from a space of joy rather than a space of burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005669\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005669\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"568\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week.png 568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-160x214.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 568px) 100vw, 568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Allen Kwabena Frimpong (left), ZEAL co-founder and principal cultural design and executive producer of “The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations,” stands next to Auttrianna Ward, an artist and exhibition curator. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Anya GTA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ward, a fourth-generation San Franciscan, is a descendant of the Rogers family — a family of activists, community leaders and artists. Her great-uncle, Adam Rogers, was a street activist who was credited with helping to ease tensions during the Hunters Point racial uprising of 1966. His son, Terrell Rogers, was an anti-violence activist and founder of the Peacekeepers, a nonprofit group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rogers family was part of the Great Migration. Seeking relief from racial segregation, discrimination and lynchings, the totems of Jim Crow-era laws and racial terror, an estimated six million Black Americans left the south for more hospitable treatment in other regions from about 1910-1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Black people relocated to California, settling in Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, securing wartime jobs and building communities. In San Francisco, Black people and other racial minorities were segregated in neighborhoods like the Fillmore, the Western Addition and Hunters Point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fillmore became known as the “Harlem of the West” because of the large number of Black businesses and entertainment venues in the area. Black people thrived for decades in the Fillmore until the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency embarked on one of the largest projects of urban renewal on the West Coast. More than 13,000 residents were displaced, leading to the loss in homeownership and household wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">The theft of land, displacement and erasure has tormented Black people since emancipation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artist and exhibition curator, Auttrianna Ward’s “We, too, sing, San Francisco 2024.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy ZEAL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since the early 1970s, much of San Francisco’s Black population has been heavily concentrated in the Western Addition and Bayview-Hunters Point. Black residents became more isolated, because restrictive housing covenants denied them the right to own homes in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People didn’t know that we existed,” Ward said. “This is a story many Black natives know, but it is not a part of the story told about San Francisco nationally or globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California launched the first statewide task force to study reparations for Black people, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, had over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing, a curated list to test the limits of the state Legislature’s commitment to racial justice. None of the introduced bills included cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The centerpiece was a bill that would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs, which faced little opposition from lawmakers. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">Last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s staff to change the bill divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Board of Supervisors formally apologized to Black people and their descendants for the city’s role in perpetuating racism and discrimination in February. But that is the only recommendation, from more than 100 proposals made by the city’s African American Reparations Advisory Committee, that has won approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005673\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12005673\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-800x1000.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1020x1274.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1639x2048.jpg 1639w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1920x2399.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Derricotte’s “How I Crossed Over” will be featured in “The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations Volume 1.1 Too Much Like Right,” an exhibition that opened at Swim Gallery on Sept. 21. \u003ccite>(Courtesy ZEAL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity\u003c/em> kicked off Saturday at the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts with Ward’s film and a panel discussion moderated by Eric McDonnell, chair of the city’s reparations committee. A group show featuring visual artists also opened at the Swim Gallery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, ZEAL will host a reparations summit at Yerba Buena, including a panel titled “On the Issue of Compensation: Our Cultural Value in the Creative Economy.” The panel, moderated by Anshantia Oso, senior director of Media 2070 and a ZEAL co-founder, will feature Ward and Frimpong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They will be joined on the panel by Monetta White, executive director and CEO of MoAD, and Otis R. Taylor Jr., KQED’s managing editor of the news and enterprise, and the editor of “The Road to Reparations,” the organization’s project chronicling the reparations effort in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity’s \u003c/em>programming includes collages created by youth from the Alice Griffith housing redevelopment project in the Bayview that will be projected in the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project will close on Oct. 20 with a healing day at Adam Rogers Park in the Bayview. The park is named after Ward’s great-uncle, who was referred to as the Mayor of Bayview by some residents. Dr. Cheryl Grills, a member of the California Reparations Task Force, will lead the conversation in the context of the film \u003cem>Pathologizing the Black Family\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Ward’s household, as well as other Black homes in the city, “too much like right” was a common expression, she said. It refers to the most logical or obvious course of action — like an opportunity to address or repair harm — not taken. The koan inspired the project’s title, which Ward offered as both an invitation and a challenge to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why wouldn’t we want a better version of our community? Will San Francisco do what is right or would that be too much like right?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>For more information on “The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations Volume 1.1: Too Much Like Right,” visit \u003ca href=\"http://TheRemedyisSolidarity.com\">TheRemedyisSolidarity.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> This story is part of KQED’s coverage of reparations in California. For more information on the project, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">click here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Auttrianna Ward was walking around Fisherman’s Wharf with her father when she picked up a map of the city. Ward, then 8, couldn’t find Hunters Point, the neighborhood her family had lived in for generations, on the map.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was left off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At first, I was confused,” Ward, a 35-year-old artist and curator, recently told KQED. “This is the city I grew up in, but the neighborhood I lived in wasn’t on the tourist map. I realized in moments like that that they didn’t want us to be seen by other parts of San Francisco or by tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t want us to be a reflection of the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The omission of Hunters Point, once a predominantly Black neighborhood, stuck with Ward, who was raised around activism. A new art exhibition taps into that spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations Volume 1.1: Too Much Like Right\u003c/em>, an art exhibition in support of San Francisco’s African American Reparations Advisory Committee and curated by Ward, with Malik Seneferu, opened Saturday. The exhibition seeks to spark dialogue about reparations, as well as highlight the history, displacement and trauma of the city’s Black community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Too Much Like Right\u003c/em> is the title of Ward’s experimental film that takes on the systemic injustices incurred by Black families in San Francisco through family interviews, archival footage and more. \u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity\u003c/em> is associated with the Museum of the African Diaspora’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13965269/the-bay-areas-first-ever-black-art-week-is-coming\">“Nexus: SF/Bay Area Black Art Week,” which begins Oct. 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make reparations irresistible,” Ward said. “Art is a way to make those ideas accessible and to open up the imagination to what reparations can look like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ZEAL, a creative arts alliance and social impact studio, produced the exhibition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity\u003c/em> is a growing collection of exhibitions, scenes, photo text essays, short artistic films that give a contemporary, fresh look at the reparations movement today,” ZEAL’s co-founder, Allen Kwabena-Frimpong, said. “We’re seeing the opportunity for people to be able to grapple with that process, hopefully from a space of joy rather than a space of burden.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005669\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005669\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"568\" height=\"758\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week.png 568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-160x214.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 568px) 100vw, 568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Allen Kwabena Frimpong (left), ZEAL co-founder and principal cultural design and executive producer of “The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations,” stands next to Auttrianna Ward, an artist and exhibition curator. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Anya GTA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ward, a fourth-generation San Franciscan, is a descendant of the Rogers family — a family of activists, community leaders and artists. Her great-uncle, Adam Rogers, was a street activist who was credited with helping to ease tensions during the Hunters Point racial uprising of 1966. His son, Terrell Rogers, was an anti-violence activist and founder of the Peacekeepers, a nonprofit group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rogers family was part of the Great Migration. Seeking relief from racial segregation, discrimination and lynchings, the totems of Jim Crow-era laws and racial terror, an estimated six million Black Americans left the south for more hospitable treatment in other regions from about 1910-1970.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of thousands of Black people relocated to California, settling in Los Angeles, San Francisco and Oakland, securing wartime jobs and building communities. In San Francisco, Black people and other racial minorities were segregated in neighborhoods like the Fillmore, the Western Addition and Hunters Point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fillmore became known as the “Harlem of the West” because of the large number of Black businesses and entertainment venues in the area. Black people thrived for decades in the Fillmore until the San Francisco Redevelopment Agency embarked on one of the largest projects of urban renewal on the West Coast. More than 13,000 residents were displaced, leading to the loss in homeownership and household wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11956963/how-black-californians-had-their-land-stolen\">The theft of land, displacement and erasure has tormented Black people since emancipation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Auttrianna-Ward-We-too-sing-San-Francisco-2024-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Artist and exhibition curator, Auttrianna Ward’s “We, too, sing, San Francisco 2024.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy ZEAL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since the early 1970s, much of San Francisco’s Black population has been heavily concentrated in the Western Addition and Bayview-Hunters Point. Black residents became more isolated, because restrictive housing covenants denied them the right to own homes in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People didn’t know that we existed,” Ward said. “This is a story many Black natives know, but it is not a part of the story told about San Francisco nationally or globally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California launched the first statewide task force to study reparations for Black people, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, had over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing, a curated list to test the limits of the state Legislature’s commitment to racial justice. None of the introduced bills included cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The centerpiece was a bill that would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs, which faced little opposition from lawmakers. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">Last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s staff to change the bill divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Board of Supervisors formally apologized to Black people and their descendants for the city’s role in perpetuating racism and discrimination in February. But that is the only recommendation, from more than 100 proposals made by the city’s African American Reparations Advisory Committee, that has won approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005673\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12005673\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-800x1000.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1020x1274.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1639x2048.jpg 1639w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2-1920x2399.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Black-Art-Week-Cheryl-Derricotte2.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Derricotte’s “How I Crossed Over” will be featured in “The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations Volume 1.1 Too Much Like Right,” an exhibition that opened at Swim Gallery on Sept. 21. \u003ccite>(Courtesy ZEAL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity\u003c/em> kicked off Saturday at the Yerba Buena Center for the Arts with Ward’s film and a panel discussion moderated by Eric McDonnell, chair of the city’s reparations committee. A group show featuring visual artists also opened at the Swim Gallery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, ZEAL will host a reparations summit at Yerba Buena, including a panel titled “On the Issue of Compensation: Our Cultural Value in the Creative Economy.” The panel, moderated by Anshantia Oso, senior director of Media 2070 and a ZEAL co-founder, will feature Ward and Frimpong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They will be joined on the panel by Monetta White, executive director and CEO of MoAD, and Otis R. Taylor Jr., KQED’s managing editor of the news and enterprise, and the editor of “The Road to Reparations,” the organization’s project chronicling the reparations effort in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The Remedy is Solidarity’s \u003c/em>programming includes collages created by youth from the Alice Griffith housing redevelopment project in the Bayview that will be projected in the Hunters Point Naval Shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project will close on Oct. 20 with a healing day at Adam Rogers Park in the Bayview. The park is named after Ward’s great-uncle, who was referred to as the Mayor of Bayview by some residents. Dr. Cheryl Grills, a member of the California Reparations Task Force, will lead the conversation in the context of the film \u003cem>Pathologizing the Black Family\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Ward’s household, as well as other Black homes in the city, “too much like right” was a common expression, she said. It refers to the most logical or obvious course of action — like an opportunity to address or repair harm — not taken. The koan inspired the project’s title, which Ward offered as both an invitation and a challenge to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why wouldn’t we want a better version of our community? Will San Francisco do what is right or would that be too much like right?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>For more information on “The Remedy is Solidarity: A Global Multimedia Anthology on Reparations Volume 1.1: Too Much Like Right,” visit \u003ca href=\"http://TheRemedyisSolidarity.com\">TheRemedyisSolidarity.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Kamala Harris Embraced Reparations 5 Years Ago. Her SF Pastor Says Criticism Is Unjust",
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"headTitle": "Kamala Harris Embraced Reparations 5 Years Ago. Her SF Pastor Says Criticism Is Unjust | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ince the whirlwind start of her presidential campaign less than two months ago, Kamala Harris has pushed hard to be viewed as someone who, as she said in her Democratic National Convention speech, can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">“chart a new way forward” for Americans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Harris presidency would represent several firsts — the first woman, the first Black woman and the first Asian American — for the country. If elected, civil rights leaders and activists are hopeful she will also become the first president to push for establishing a national commission to study reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, during her initial run as a presidential candidate, Harris, then a U.S. senator, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theroot.com/exclusive-kamala-harris-calls-for-decriminalization-of-1832883951\">called\u003c/a> for “some form of reparations.” As a senator, she supported congressional legislation that, for decades, has sought to create a national commission to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001528\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001528\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black suit stands in front of a podium with a flag in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vice President Kamala Harris, the 2024 Democratic presidential nominee, speaks on the last day of the Democratic National Convention at the United Center in Chicago, Illinois, on Aug. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California, Harris’ home state, was the first to establish a statewide commission to study reparations. The California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>, published its final report in June 2023. It included over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976617/state-lawmakers-propose-14-bills-to-provide-reparations-for-black-californians\">California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized 14 bills\u003c/a> that were drawn from the work of the task force, including a centerpiece bill to create a state agency to implement task force recommendations and determine eligibility. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">Last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom derailed the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This evening, Harris will participate in the only scheduled presidential debate. Conservative media personalities have assailed her position on reparations as extremist and zeroed in on Harris’ relationship with her pastor, Rev. Amos C. Brown of San Francisco’s Third Baptist Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who led the closing prayer at the Democratic National Convention on the night Harris accepted the nomination, was a member of the California Reparations Task Force. Days after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003327/san-francisco-man-charged-with-hate-crime-after-brutal-attack-on-chef\">brutal attack on a Black woman in the Financial District on Sept. 1\u003c/a>, Brown, who does not shy away from bringing politics into the pulpit, invited law enforcement and city officials to Third Baptist to address the spate of anti-Black hate crimes in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the gravelly, Southern drawl that reveals his Mississippi roots, Brown told the small crowd in the pews that the failure of legislators to support reparations was another form of violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must do something. The time is now for us to stop talking, to stop analyzing. We don’t need to make it a paralysis of an analysis,” Brown, who was also on San Francisco’s reparations commission, told KQED on Thursday. “We have the facts. We got a report on the diagnosis. Now let’s give some sensible, safe prognosis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative outlet the\u003ci> Washington Free Beacon\u003c/i> has published \u003ca href=\"https://freebeacon.com/elections/kamala-harris-taps-her-radical-pastor-for-dnc-convention-prayer/\">multiple stories\u003c/a> about Harris’ association with Brown, suggesting they share anti-American views. The stories replicate the controversy incited over former President Barack Obama’s connection with Rev. Jeremiah Wright, Obama’s former pastor who was critical of the United States immediately after 9/11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have supported state terrorism against the Palestinians and Black South Africans, and now we are indignant because the stuff we have done overseas is now brought right back into our own front yards. America’s chickens are coming home to roost,” Wright said to his congregation in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a memorial service for 9/11 victims, Brown, who knows Wright from their time studying at United Theological Seminary, said, “America, is there anything you did to set up this climate? What did you do, either intentionally or unintentionally?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Brown, the president of San Francisco’s NAACP chapter, wrote an impassioned defense of Wright in the \u003ci>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not angry; we are not inflammatory; we just tell the truth with passion and enthusiasm. And we will not be silent when persons mischaracterize our witness as anger,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TT_KXUR-zls&t=147s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marne Campbell, a professor at Loyola Marymount University who provided research for California’s Reparations Task Force, said she makes a point of discussing Obama’s 2008 campaign and the Wright controversy with her African American Studies students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t really understand that Black theology is a theology of liberation,” she said. “Language is used in a different kind of way. But in the end, people hear this message and think it’s anti-American. They think, ‘You want to take something away from white people and give it to Black people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nolan Higdon, a professor of history and media studies at UC Santa Cruz, said the strategy of cherry-picking quotes to spread hate is antithetical to democracy. He added that Republicans over the last 50 years have used race-baiting to scare white people into voting for their candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To amplify fear, division and hate, that’s something that all too often politicians do, and it may be good in the short term for their party or election, but it’s really bad in the long term for the country,” Higdon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higdon said the attack on Brown is also an attack on the Black church, which has long been a safe space to discuss politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And even after slavery, living in the Jim Crow era, the Black church is one of the few, if not only, space in a lot of these communities where Blacks could congregate and talk about these issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scrutiny over Harris’ reparations stance has also fed into online conspiracies and bizarre memes questioning the legitimacy of her candidacy. One of the most prominent critics of reparations in Congress disparaged Harris for pushing a divisive racial agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are done with reparations,” Rep. Burgess Owens (R-Utah), who is Black and grew up in the segregated South, said on \u003ci>Fox News\u003c/i> in July. “If you look at Vice President Harris, if she were a white person, she would not be sitting in the place she’s sitting now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In front of a room filled with Black journalists attending the National Association of Black Journalists conference in Chicago on July 31, former President Donald Trump disputed Harris’ heritage and ethnicity in remarks many attendees viewed as racist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember back in 2019, 2020 on Twitter, seeing some of the same actors in that space using that same kind of rhetoric — Kamala Harris isn’t Black. Kamala Harris just became Black. Or Kamala Harris isn’t African American,” King Williams, an Atlanta-based journalist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campbell, who identifies as mixed race, has noticed similar talking points in the reparations argument around Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because her father is Jamaican, people on both sides say, ‘You don’t have the same experience as Black people born in America,’ but she does. And she is a Black person born in America,” Campbell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Trump’s false claims about her identity in her first televised interview as the Democratic nominee, Harris declined to entertain the tirades about her race and gender. “Same old, tired playbook,” she said to CNN’s Dana Bash. “Next question, please.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, her campaign \u003ca href=\"https://kamalaharris.com/issues/\">posted\u003c/a> a list of policy positions, including protecting civil rights and freedoms, but there was no mention of reparations. The DNC platform, which includes support for Congress to study reparations, was built for President Joe Biden’s reelection campaign. Biden has spoken candidly about race, but he backed off of reparations legislation.[aside postID=\"news_12002804,news_11999415,news_11992846\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of reparations has been a politically fraught and risky topic for Democrats for decades, though Republicans have essentially never wavered from their opposition. A 2021 poll by Pew Research Center found that just 38% of voters supported a committee to study reparations. Sixty percent of Democrats supported the formation and almost three-quarters of Republican respondents were opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aamchealthjustice.org/resources/policy/reparations\">AAMC Center for Health Justice\u003c/a> surveyed Americans across the country and found high support among liberals and conservatives for seven of the California Reparations Task Force’s recommendations that would disproportionately benefit communities of color, including prohibiting rent increases on run-down apartments and increasing investment in public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can look at the bottom line and be concerned about how we are going to pay for this, but at the same time, all of the things that [the task force is] recommending are only things that are going to benefit everyone,” Campbell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years ago, Harris said she supported some form of reparations for descendants of enslaved Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at more than 200 years of slavery. We’re looking at almost 100 years of Jim Crow. We’re looking at legalized segregation and, in fact, segregation on so many levels that exist today based on race,” she said \u003ca href=\"https://www.theroot.com/exclusive-kamala-harris-calls-for-decriminalization-of-1832883951\">in a 2019 interview with \u003ci>the Root\u003c/i>.\u003c/a> “And there has not been any kind of intervention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who also served on San Francisco’s reparations commission, said those who seek to use reparations to attack Harris are misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t know history,” Brown told KQED. “Anybody who just cancels out and says no, they don’t respect the humanity of Black people, and they have a deep, deep problem. For we are human, and we deserve the same thing that other human beings have received in terms of repair for harms done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what reparations is all about, repairing the harm that was done to an individual, to a people, to a situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Maria Fernanda Bernal contributed to the story.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Sixteen years after conservative media outlets incited a controversy involving a Black pastor during former President Barack Obama’s first run for the White House, the same has happened to Vice President Kamala Harris. ",
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"headline": "Kamala Harris Embraced Reparations 5 Years Ago. Her SF Pastor Says Criticism Is Unjust",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ince the whirlwind start of her presidential campaign less than two months ago, Kamala Harris has pushed hard to be viewed as someone who, as she said in her Democratic National Convention speech, can \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">“chart a new way forward” for Americans\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Harris presidency would represent several firsts — the first woman, the first Black woman and the first Asian American — for the country. If elected, civil rights leaders and activists are hopeful she will also become the first president to push for establishing a national commission to study reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, during her initial run as a presidential candidate, Harris, then a U.S. senator, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theroot.com/exclusive-kamala-harris-calls-for-decriminalization-of-1832883951\">called\u003c/a> for “some form of reparations.” As a senator, she supported congressional legislation that, for decades, has sought to create a national commission to study and develop reparation proposals for African Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001528\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001528\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black suit stands in front of a podium with a flag in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179651_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vice President Kamala Harris, the 2024 Democratic presidential nominee, speaks on the last day of the Democratic National Convention at the United Center in Chicago, Illinois, on Aug. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California, Harris’ home state, was the first to establish a statewide commission to study reparations. The California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>, published its final report in June 2023. It included over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976617/state-lawmakers-propose-14-bills-to-provide-reparations-for-black-californians\">California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized 14 bills\u003c/a> that were drawn from the work of the task force, including a centerpiece bill to create a state agency to implement task force recommendations and determine eligibility. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">Last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom derailed the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This evening, Harris will participate in the only scheduled presidential debate. Conservative media personalities have assailed her position on reparations as extremist and zeroed in on Harris’ relationship with her pastor, Rev. Amos C. Brown of San Francisco’s Third Baptist Church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who led the closing prayer at the Democratic National Convention on the night Harris accepted the nomination, was a member of the California Reparations Task Force. Days after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003327/san-francisco-man-charged-with-hate-crime-after-brutal-attack-on-chef\">brutal attack on a Black woman in the Financial District on Sept. 1\u003c/a>, Brown, who does not shy away from bringing politics into the pulpit, invited law enforcement and city officials to Third Baptist to address the spate of anti-Black hate crimes in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the gravelly, Southern drawl that reveals his Mississippi roots, Brown told the small crowd in the pews that the failure of legislators to support reparations was another form of violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must do something. The time is now for us to stop talking, to stop analyzing. We don’t need to make it a paralysis of an analysis,” Brown, who was also on San Francisco’s reparations commission, told KQED on Thursday. “We have the facts. We got a report on the diagnosis. Now let’s give some sensible, safe prognosis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservative outlet the\u003ci> Washington Free Beacon\u003c/i> has published \u003ca href=\"https://freebeacon.com/elections/kamala-harris-taps-her-radical-pastor-for-dnc-convention-prayer/\">multiple stories\u003c/a> about Harris’ association with Brown, suggesting they share anti-American views. The stories replicate the controversy incited over former President Barack Obama’s connection with Rev. Jeremiah Wright, Obama’s former pastor who was critical of the United States immediately after 9/11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have supported state terrorism against the Palestinians and Black South Africans, and now we are indignant because the stuff we have done overseas is now brought right back into our own front yards. America’s chickens are coming home to roost,” Wright said to his congregation in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a memorial service for 9/11 victims, Brown, who knows Wright from their time studying at United Theological Seminary, said, “America, is there anything you did to set up this climate? What did you do, either intentionally or unintentionally?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Brown, the president of San Francisco’s NAACP chapter, wrote an impassioned defense of Wright in the \u003ci>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not angry; we are not inflammatory; we just tell the truth with passion and enthusiasm. And we will not be silent when persons mischaracterize our witness as anger,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/TT_KXUR-zls'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/TT_KXUR-zls'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Marne Campbell, a professor at Loyola Marymount University who provided research for California’s Reparations Task Force, said she makes a point of discussing Obama’s 2008 campaign and the Wright controversy with her African American Studies students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People don’t really understand that Black theology is a theology of liberation,” she said. “Language is used in a different kind of way. But in the end, people hear this message and think it’s anti-American. They think, ‘You want to take something away from white people and give it to Black people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nolan Higdon, a professor of history and media studies at UC Santa Cruz, said the strategy of cherry-picking quotes to spread hate is antithetical to democracy. He added that Republicans over the last 50 years have used race-baiting to scare white people into voting for their candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To amplify fear, division and hate, that’s something that all too often politicians do, and it may be good in the short term for their party or election, but it’s really bad in the long term for the country,” Higdon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higdon said the attack on Brown is also an attack on the Black church, which has long been a safe space to discuss politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And even after slavery, living in the Jim Crow era, the Black church is one of the few, if not only, space in a lot of these communities where Blacks could congregate and talk about these issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scrutiny over Harris’ reparations stance has also fed into online conspiracies and bizarre memes questioning the legitimacy of her candidacy. One of the most prominent critics of reparations in Congress disparaged Harris for pushing a divisive racial agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Americans are done with reparations,” Rep. Burgess Owens (R-Utah), who is Black and grew up in the segregated South, said on \u003ci>Fox News\u003c/i> in July. “If you look at Vice President Harris, if she were a white person, she would not be sitting in the place she’s sitting now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In front of a room filled with Black journalists attending the National Association of Black Journalists conference in Chicago on July 31, former President Donald Trump disputed Harris’ heritage and ethnicity in remarks many attendees viewed as racist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember back in 2019, 2020 on Twitter, seeing some of the same actors in that space using that same kind of rhetoric — Kamala Harris isn’t Black. Kamala Harris just became Black. Or Kamala Harris isn’t African American,” King Williams, an Atlanta-based journalist, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campbell, who identifies as mixed race, has noticed similar talking points in the reparations argument around Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because her father is Jamaican, people on both sides say, ‘You don’t have the same experience as Black people born in America,’ but she does. And she is a Black person born in America,” Campbell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Trump’s false claims about her identity in her first televised interview as the Democratic nominee, Harris declined to entertain the tirades about her race and gender. “Same old, tired playbook,” she said to CNN’s Dana Bash. “Next question, please.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the weekend, her campaign \u003ca href=\"https://kamalaharris.com/issues/\">posted\u003c/a> a list of policy positions, including protecting civil rights and freedoms, but there was no mention of reparations. The DNC platform, which includes support for Congress to study reparations, was built for President Joe Biden’s reelection campaign. Biden has spoken candidly about race, but he backed off of reparations legislation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of reparations has been a politically fraught and risky topic for Democrats for decades, though Republicans have essentially never wavered from their opposition. A 2021 poll by Pew Research Center found that just 38% of voters supported a committee to study reparations. Sixty percent of Democrats supported the formation and almost three-quarters of Republican respondents were opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.aamchealthjustice.org/resources/policy/reparations\">AAMC Center for Health Justice\u003c/a> surveyed Americans across the country and found high support among liberals and conservatives for seven of the California Reparations Task Force’s recommendations that would disproportionately benefit communities of color, including prohibiting rent increases on run-down apartments and increasing investment in public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can look at the bottom line and be concerned about how we are going to pay for this, but at the same time, all of the things that [the task force is] recommending are only things that are going to benefit everyone,” Campbell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years ago, Harris said she supported some form of reparations for descendants of enslaved Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at more than 200 years of slavery. We’re looking at almost 100 years of Jim Crow. We’re looking at legalized segregation and, in fact, segregation on so many levels that exist today based on race,” she said \u003ca href=\"https://www.theroot.com/exclusive-kamala-harris-calls-for-decriminalization-of-1832883951\">in a 2019 interview with \u003ci>the Root\u003c/i>.\u003c/a> “And there has not been any kind of intervention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, who also served on San Francisco’s reparations commission, said those who seek to use reparations to attack Harris are misguided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t know history,” Brown told KQED. “Anybody who just cancels out and says no, they don’t respect the humanity of Black people, and they have a deep, deep problem. For we are human, and we deserve the same thing that other human beings have received in terms of repair for harms done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what reparations is all about, repairing the harm that was done to an individual, to a people, to a situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>KQED’s Maria Fernanda Bernal contributed to the story.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why",
"title": "Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom's Late Request. Here's Why",
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"headTitle": "Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom’s Late Request. Here’s Why | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Why did a bill to create a state reparations agency, the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to introduce legislation to repair harm endured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a>, fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs. The bill faced little opposition from lawmakers as it moved through committees earlier in the session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403 divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), the bill’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">14 bills prioritized by the California Legislative Black Caucus\u003c/a> that were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force. The first statewide body to study reparations issued its \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a> in June 2023. KQED has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">following the state’s reparations work\u003c/a> since the task force’s inception, and creating a state agency to house reparations programs was one of the task force’s first policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was the bedrock,” Bradford said. “If you don’t have the agency that stands up all of this, it’s for nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the first year that bills explicitly labeled as part of the reparations effort were introduced. Nine of the CLBC’s priority bills passed, including requiring a formal apology from the state for perpetuating harmful racial prejudice and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 10th bill — a companion measure to a proposal placed on the November ballot that seeks to remove language from the state constitution that allows involuntary servitude as punishment for criminal offenses — has already been signed by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last session, that was like trying to lift an elephant, right?” said Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the CLBC. “This session, it was trying to lift the elephant as well, but we actually got the elephant on the ball. And so, we’ve had wins after wins after wins as it relates to our policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the bills were significantly watered down, and proposals for more direct relief to Black Californians were either shelved or, in the case of direct cash payments, were never formally introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was a late addition to the CLBC’s priority package. It had the support of advocates who believed an agency, which would determine eligibility, was necessary to establish a viable reparations program.\u003cu>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/u>\u003cbr>\n“I don’t know of any other effort for reparations that did not come with some kind of new state or some kind of governmental institution that was set up to do all of the things,” said Chris Lodgson, lead organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, pointing to the creation of the Office of Redress Administration to identify the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">Japanese Americans who were incarcerated during World War II\u003c/a> and eligible for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1331, which would have created a fund to implement reparations policies, found the same fate as SB 1403. SB 1050, which would have developed a state process for reviewing claims of racially motivated uses of eminent domain and providing compensation to eligible former property owners, passed without opposition and is awaiting Newsom’s signature. The fate of the bill, which was reliant on SB 1403 passing, is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Bradford, Newsom was concerned that creating an agency would create a difficult, ongoing financial commitment. California managed to close a roughly $47 billion budget shortfall this year, but according to analysis by the Legislative Analyst’s Office, the General Fund faces a structural deficit in the tens of billions of dollars over the next several fiscal years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cost was not the only barrier. Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled Legislature showed little appetite for measures specifically benefitting Black residents. Bills aimed at targeting state grants toward Black Californians were abandoned, as was a proposal to prioritize Black applicants to state licensing boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes aimed at state prisons also proved challenging. While voters will have a chance to change prison labor rules in November, a bill to ban solitary confinement did not move forward. And Assembly Bill 1986 would have initially given the Office of the Inspector General the power to reverse book bans in state prisons. The bill now lets the Inspector General publicize the bans and voice disapproval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much like this bill, that [reparations] package was designed to be the first step,” said AB 1986’s author Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D-Los Angeles). “We know that reparations, repair for the harm that’s happened across California is going to take many, many years. It didn’t happen overnight and it’s not going to be solved in a single legislative session.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1388\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1536x1066.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1920x1332.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference in Sacramento, on Feb. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attention now turns to Newsom, who has to sign or veto the nine reparations bills on his desk before Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed the bill creating the reparations task force in 2020, and has spoken supportively of the CLBC’s early efforts to turn task force recommendations into the law. Earlier this year, he set aside $12 million in the budget for reparations programs, though the money is currently not designated for any specific fund or program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t read [the Reparations report] — I’ve devoured it,” Newsom said during his Jan. 10 state budget proposal presentation. “I’ve analyzed it. I’ve stress tested [the ideas] against things we’ve done, things we’re doing, things that we’d like to do but can’t do because of constitutional constraints. And I’ve been working closely with the Black Caucus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a UCLA professor of African American studies and sociology, said Newsom’s continued engagement will be a crucial factor in determining the success of reparations efforts in California moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He could have disengaged at the very beginning,” Hunter said. “So now we’re in it to see: How far is he willing to go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said he’ll be watching to see if Newsom uses his national platform and connections with a potential Kamala Harris administration to tout California’s reparations process nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see a push by the governor toward as many things that are possible in a package of reparative justice,” he added. “But also for that push to be a national call on the president to join and lock arms in this and see what is possible across the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reparations advocates, Newsom’s proposal to amend SB 1403 was an indication that his support for reparations had faltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an analysis by the Government Operations Agency, the agency would cost $3 million to $5 million annually to operate. In a letter sent on Aug. 20 to the Black legislative caucus by CJEC, the group advocated for using some of the $12 million to start the agency. SB 1403 was added to the CLBC’s priority list after the $12 million set aside made the agency financially feasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt like at that time, with the early commitment from the governor and the pro tem and the speaker of this house of allocating $12 million to reparations, that we could potentially get it across the finish line,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a yellow dress stands outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the Democratic National Convention, Bradford said he began to hear that the Newsom administration had concerns about the cost of a reparations agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 26, Newsom’s staff asked Bradford to pivot. Instead of creating a reparations agency, Newsom’s staff suggested creating a second study, according to Bradford, who will term out of the Legislature this year and is currently running for lieutenant governor. The study would have further researched the task force recommendations and produced a report designing a process to determine eligibility for state reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office said he does not comment on proposals in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who also authored SB 1331 and SB 1050, rejected Newsom’s amendment request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spent two years of my life studying reparations,” he said. “We didn’t need any more study and it was now time for action. It was now time for implementation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 1403, a genealogy unit within the agency would have established standards for proving eligibility, something the task force recommended. There was concern within the caucus that Newsom might veto SB 1403 if the bill was sent to his desk without the amendments, according to Bradford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was awaiting a final vote in the Assembly, where Bradford is not a member. It was assigned to Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), a CLBC member who served on the state’s reparations task force, to present the bill for a vote.[aside postID=news_11999415 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg']He stalled for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson stressed the importance of continuing the CLBC’s historically collaborative relationship on reparations with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be strategic about it and ensure there are the votes on the floor and that it will be signed by the governor,” she said about SB 1403.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who said it was him against the caucus, disputed the assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor’s administration at no time in meeting with me on this bill ever threatened to veto,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final hours of the session, reparations advocates protested outside the Assembly chambers. And in a surprising move, Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Riverside) attempted to present the bill, prompting a confrontation with Bryan on the Assembly Floor. \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ozprattboxing/status/1830138968785993751\">A video of the interaction\u003c/a> filmed by Essayli has garnered more than 35,000 views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some members of CJEC, who have been active in the state’s reparations process since the inception of the reparations task force, SB 1403’s demise is a worrying indication that, despite Newsom’s statements in support of reparations, he might be hesitant to take the bold steps they believe are required to move reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, the CLBC’s vice chair, called the bill’s failure a “great disappointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed and you dust yourself off and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said, adding he’d received phone calls from legislators across the country wanting to emulate the language of the bill. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Centerpiece Reparations Bill Derailed by Newsom's Late Request. Here's Why | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Why did a bill to create a state reparations agency, the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to introduce legislation to repair harm endured by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a>, fail?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs. The bill faced little opposition from lawmakers as it moved through committees earlier in the session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last-minute pressure from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403 divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), the bill’s author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">14 bills prioritized by the California Legislative Black Caucus\u003c/a> that were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force. The first statewide body to study reparations issued its \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a> in June 2023. KQED has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">following the state’s reparations work\u003c/a> since the task force’s inception, and creating a state agency to house reparations programs was one of the task force’s first policy recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was the bedrock,” Bradford said. “If you don’t have the agency that stands up all of this, it’s for nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was the first year that bills explicitly labeled as part of the reparations effort were introduced. Nine of the CLBC’s priority bills passed, including requiring a formal apology from the state for perpetuating harmful racial prejudice and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 10th bill — a companion measure to a proposal placed on the November ballot that seeks to remove language from the state constitution that allows involuntary servitude as punishment for criminal offenses — has already been signed by Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last session, that was like trying to lift an elephant, right?” said Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the CLBC. “This session, it was trying to lift the elephant as well, but we actually got the elephant on the ball. And so, we’ve had wins after wins after wins as it relates to our policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the bills were significantly watered down, and proposals for more direct relief to Black Californians were either shelved or, in the case of direct cash payments, were never formally introduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was a late addition to the CLBC’s priority package. It had the support of advocates who believed an agency, which would determine eligibility, was necessary to establish a viable reparations program.\u003cu>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/u>\u003cbr>\n“I don’t know of any other effort for reparations that did not come with some kind of new state or some kind of governmental institution that was set up to do all of the things,” said Chris Lodgson, lead organizer with the Coalition for a Just and Equitable California, pointing to the creation of the Office of Redress Administration to identify the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11906015/how-japanese-americans-in-the-bay-area-are-carrying-forward-the-legacy-of-reparations\">Japanese Americans who were incarcerated during World War II\u003c/a> and eligible for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1331, which would have created a fund to implement reparations policies, found the same fate as SB 1403. SB 1050, which would have developed a state process for reviewing claims of racially motivated uses of eminent domain and providing compensation to eligible former property owners, passed without opposition and is awaiting Newsom’s signature. The fate of the bill, which was reliant on SB 1403 passing, is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Bradford, Newsom was concerned that creating an agency would create a difficult, ongoing financial commitment. California managed to close a roughly $47 billion budget shortfall this year, but according to analysis by the Legislative Analyst’s Office, the General Fund faces a structural deficit in the tens of billions of dollars over the next several fiscal years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cost was not the only barrier. Lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled Legislature showed little appetite for measures specifically benefitting Black residents. Bills aimed at targeting state grants toward Black Californians were abandoned, as was a proposal to prioritize Black applicants to state licensing boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changes aimed at state prisons also proved challenging. While voters will have a chance to change prison labor rules in November, a bill to ban solitary confinement did not move forward. And Assembly Bill 1986 would have initially given the Office of the Inspector General the power to reverse book bans in state prisons. The bill now lets the Inspector General publicize the bans and voice disapproval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much like this bill, that [reparations] package was designed to be the first step,” said AB 1986’s author Assemblymember Isaac Bryan (D-Los Angeles). “We know that reparations, repair for the harm that’s happened across California is going to take many, many years. It didn’t happen overnight and it’s not going to be solved in a single legislative session.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997359\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997359\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1388\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-800x555.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1020x708.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1536x1066.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GavinNewsomGetty-1920x1332.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference in Sacramento, on Feb. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Attention now turns to Newsom, who has to sign or veto the nine reparations bills on his desk before Sept. 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed the bill creating the reparations task force in 2020, and has spoken supportively of the CLBC’s early efforts to turn task force recommendations into the law. Earlier this year, he set aside $12 million in the budget for reparations programs, though the money is currently not designated for any specific fund or program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I haven’t read [the Reparations report] — I’ve devoured it,” Newsom said during his Jan. 10 state budget proposal presentation. “I’ve analyzed it. I’ve stress tested [the ideas] against things we’ve done, things we’re doing, things that we’d like to do but can’t do because of constitutional constraints. And I’ve been working closely with the Black Caucus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Marcus Anthony Hunter, a UCLA professor of African American studies and sociology, said Newsom’s continued engagement will be a crucial factor in determining the success of reparations efforts in California moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He could have disengaged at the very beginning,” Hunter said. “So now we’re in it to see: How far is he willing to go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunter said he’ll be watching to see if Newsom uses his national platform and connections with a potential Kamala Harris administration to tout California’s reparations process nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see a push by the governor toward as many things that are possible in a package of reparative justice,” he added. “But also for that push to be a national call on the president to join and lock arms in this and see what is possible across the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To reparations advocates, Newsom’s proposal to amend SB 1403 was an indication that his support for reparations had faltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an analysis by the Government Operations Agency, the agency would cost $3 million to $5 million annually to operate. In a letter sent on Aug. 20 to the Black legislative caucus by CJEC, the group advocated for using some of the $12 million to start the agency. SB 1403 was added to the CLBC’s priority list after the $12 million set aside made the agency financially feasible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We felt like at that time, with the early commitment from the governor and the pro tem and the speaker of this house of allocating $12 million to reparations, that we could potentially get it across the finish line,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909591\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909591\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing glasses and a yellow dress stands outside.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the Democratic National Convention, Bradford said he began to hear that the Newsom administration had concerns about the cost of a reparations agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Aug. 26, Newsom’s staff asked Bradford to pivot. Instead of creating a reparations agency, Newsom’s staff suggested creating a second study, according to Bradford, who will term out of the Legislature this year and is currently running for lieutenant governor. The study would have further researched the task force recommendations and produced a report designing a process to determine eligibility for state reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office said he does not comment on proposals in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who also authored SB 1331 and SB 1050, rejected Newsom’s amendment request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I spent two years of my life studying reparations,” he said. “We didn’t need any more study and it was now time for action. It was now time for implementation,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 1403, a genealogy unit within the agency would have established standards for proving eligibility, something the task force recommended. There was concern within the caucus that Newsom might veto SB 1403 if the bill was sent to his desk without the amendments, according to Bradford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was awaiting a final vote in the Assembly, where Bradford is not a member. It was assigned to Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), a CLBC member who served on the state’s reparations task force, to present the bill for a vote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He stalled for days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson stressed the importance of continuing the CLBC’s historically collaborative relationship on reparations with the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to be strategic about it and ensure there are the votes on the floor and that it will be signed by the governor,” she said about SB 1403.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, who said it was him against the caucus, disputed the assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor’s administration at no time in meeting with me on this bill ever threatened to veto,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the final hours of the session, reparations advocates protested outside the Assembly chambers. And in a surprising move, Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Riverside) attempted to present the bill, prompting a confrontation with Bryan on the Assembly Floor. \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/ozprattboxing/status/1830138968785993751\">A video of the interaction\u003c/a> filmed by Essayli has garnered more than 35,000 views.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some members of CJEC, who have been active in the state’s reparations process since the inception of the reparations task force, SB 1403’s demise is a worrying indication that, despite Newsom’s statements in support of reparations, he might be hesitant to take the bold steps they believe are required to move reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradford, the CLBC’s vice chair, called the bill’s failure a “great disappointment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed and you dust yourself off and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said, adding he’d received phone calls from legislators across the country wanting to emulate the language of the bill. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations bills have passed the state Legislature? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">Check out KQED’s reparations bill tracker\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 1815 now heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk after passing the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill expands California’s civil rights law to include protections based on hair texture or hair styles associated with race, such as locs, braids and twists. In 2019, California became the first state to provide protection from discrimination in schools and employment with the passage of the CROWN Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments. During task force hearings, members emphasized that addressing racism is a requirement of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have changed a harm that has been given to people for generations that stated that beauty only occurs if you look a certain way if your hair is only a certain way,” said Assemblymember Akilah Weber (D-San Diego), the bill’s author, after it passed. “This particular bill repairs that harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 was one of the least controversial in the CLBC’s reparations package. Though the bill was amended a few times, it sailed through the Legislature without notable opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had significant support with the CROWN Act and we felt like we would be able to have significant enough support for this one to be able to get it through the first, one-year legislative cycle,” Weber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 1815. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">visit our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What it wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Prohibit discrimination based on hair texture or hairstyles like braids, locs and twists. When introduced, the bill focused on preventing discrimination in amateur sports leagues and later broadened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is AB 1815 reparations?\u003c/strong> According to a 2023 study by Dove, Black women with coiled or textured hair are twice as likely to experience microaggressions at work compared to those with straight hair. Up until 2017, the United States military did not allow men to wear their hair in dreadlocks, and Black women were required to straighten their hair or wear wigs to comply with military regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why now?\u003c/strong> AB 1815 expands the 2019 California CROWN Act, which outlawed discrimination based on hairstyle in schools and workplaces. The law is part of a nationwide CROWN Act campaign to protect and celebrate natural Black hairstyles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was amended on March 21 to remove the focus on amateur sports leagues and instead changed the definition of “race” used in state civil rights laws to include characteristics associated with race, such as hair textures and stylings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In arguing support of the bill in the Assembly Judiciary Committee on April 2, Weber pointed to cases of hair-based discrimination in \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2019/04/17/wrestler-was-forced-cut-his-dreadlocks-before-match-his-town-is-still-looking-answers/\">New Jersey\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/05/14/softball-hair-beads-discrimination-pyles/\">North Carolina\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hair is a symbol of who we are,” she said. “These cases around the country are exactly why the California Reparations Task Force made this expansion one of their policy recommendations to the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 passed the Assembly Appropriations Committee with unanimous support on April 24. The bill passed the Assembly in a 71–0 vote on May 2. It unanimously passed the Senate Judicial Committee with minor amendments on June 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations bills have passed the state Legislature? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">Check out KQED’s reparations bill tracker\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill 1815 now heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk after passing the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill expands California’s civil rights law to include protections based on hair texture or hair styles associated with race, such as locs, braids and twists. In 2019, California became the first state to provide protection from discrimination in schools and employment with the passage of the CROWN Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments. During task force hearings, members emphasized that addressing racism is a requirement of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have changed a harm that has been given to people for generations that stated that beauty only occurs if you look a certain way if your hair is only a certain way,” said Assemblymember Akilah Weber (D-San Diego), the bill’s author, after it passed. “This particular bill repairs that harm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 was one of the least controversial in the CLBC’s reparations package. Though the bill was amended a few times, it sailed through the Legislature without notable opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had significant support with the CROWN Act and we felt like we would be able to have significant enough support for this one to be able to get it through the first, one-year legislative cycle,” Weber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 1815. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">visit our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What it wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Prohibit discrimination based on hair texture or hairstyles like braids, locs and twists. When introduced, the bill focused on preventing discrimination in amateur sports leagues and later broadened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is AB 1815 reparations?\u003c/strong> According to a 2023 study by Dove, Black women with coiled or textured hair are twice as likely to experience microaggressions at work compared to those with straight hair. Up until 2017, the United States military did not allow men to wear their hair in dreadlocks, and Black women were required to straighten their hair or wear wigs to comply with military regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why now?\u003c/strong> AB 1815 expands the 2019 California CROWN Act, which outlawed discrimination based on hairstyle in schools and workplaces. The law is part of a nationwide CROWN Act campaign to protect and celebrate natural Black hairstyles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was amended on March 21 to remove the focus on amateur sports leagues and instead changed the definition of “race” used in state civil rights laws to include characteristics associated with race, such as hair textures and stylings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In arguing support of the bill in the Assembly Judiciary Committee on April 2, Weber pointed to cases of hair-based discrimination in \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/sports/2019/04/17/wrestler-was-forced-cut-his-dreadlocks-before-match-his-town-is-still-looking-answers/\">New Jersey\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2021/05/14/softball-hair-beads-discrimination-pyles/\">North Carolina\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hair is a symbol of who we are,” she said. “These cases around the country are exactly why the California Reparations Task Force made this expansion one of their policy recommendations to the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1815 passed the Assembly Appropriations Committee with unanimous support on April 24. The bill passed the Assembly in a 71–0 vote on May 2. It unanimously passed the Senate Judicial Committee with minor amendments on June 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On Monday, the communications director of Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) sent a press release with the news that AB 280, a bill that sought to limit the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/solitary-confinement\">solitary confinement\u003c/a> in state prisons, was not moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last year, we decided to leave the bill on the Assembly Floor to allow more time for all of the stakeholders involved to work toward a solution and during that time, new regulations were put forth to address some of the issues related to solitary confinement,” Holden, the bill’s author, said in the press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a doubt, more change is needed, and I believe holding the bill on the Assembly Floor will allow the Legislature and advocates to review the results of these regulations and use new data to implement the most effective plan of action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine reparations bills remain alive, including one requiring the list of books banned inside California prisons to be publicly displayed. And in November, Californians will vote on a measure that seeks to remove language from the state’s constitution allowing involuntary servitude “as punishment to a crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 280. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">please check out our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What AB 280 wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Limit the use of solitary confinement in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How is limiting solitary confinement reparations?\u003c/strong> Black men make up 28% of the state’s prison population and 18.5% of the population in restricted housing. Meanwhile, Black women account for 25.4% of the prison population, and four out of five women in restricted housing are Black, \u003ca href=\"https://law.yale.edu/centers-workshops/arthur-liman-center-public-interest-law/liman-center-publications/time-cell-2021\">according to a 2022 report\u003c/a> by the Correctional Leaders Association and the Arthur Liman Center for Public Interest Law at Yale Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why isn’t AB 280 moving forward?\u003c/strong> Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar proposal in 2022, arguing that the bill’s exclusion of certain groups from segregated housing — such as inmates younger than 26 or older than 59 — was too broad. After vetoing the bill, Newsom ordered state prison officials to “develop regulations that would restrict the use of segregated confinement except in limited situations, such as where the individual has been found to have engaged in violence in the prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While AB 280 was pending in the state Assembly, a spokesperson told KQED that Holden was waiting for advice from the governor’s office about how to amend the bill to avoid a second veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s press release from Holden’s office cited the support for AB 280 as a reason the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation released new solitary confinement guidelines in 2023 because the bill brought heightened awareness to issues with solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislation is there. The language is written. I believe that it is important to move on this with urgency once the new information has been considered,” Holden said. “My hope is that AB 280 is the seed that will sprout into actionable change next session and that with a new fiscal year, this bill can make it to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On Monday, the communications director of Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena) sent a press release with the news that AB 280, a bill that sought to limit the use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/solitary-confinement\">solitary confinement\u003c/a> in state prisons, was not moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Last year, we decided to leave the bill on the Assembly Floor to allow more time for all of the stakeholders involved to work toward a solution and during that time, new regulations were put forth to address some of the issues related to solitary confinement,” Holden, the bill’s author, said in the press release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a doubt, more change is needed, and I believe holding the bill on the Assembly Floor will allow the Legislature and advocates to review the results of these regulations and use new data to implement the most effective plan of action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents. None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine reparations bills remain alive, including one requiring the list of books banned inside California prisons to be publicly displayed. And in November, Californians will vote on a measure that seeks to remove language from the state’s constitution allowing involuntary servitude “as punishment to a crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a brief recap of AB 280. For more information on reparations bills, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">please check out our tracker\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What AB 280 wanted to do:\u003c/strong> Limit the use of solitary confinement in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How is limiting solitary confinement reparations?\u003c/strong> Black men make up 28% of the state’s prison population and 18.5% of the population in restricted housing. Meanwhile, Black women account for 25.4% of the prison population, and four out of five women in restricted housing are Black, \u003ca href=\"https://law.yale.edu/centers-workshops/arthur-liman-center-public-interest-law/liman-center-publications/time-cell-2021\">according to a 2022 report\u003c/a> by the Correctional Leaders Association and the Arthur Liman Center for Public Interest Law at Yale Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why isn’t AB 280 moving forward?\u003c/strong> Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a similar proposal in 2022, arguing that the bill’s exclusion of certain groups from segregated housing — such as inmates younger than 26 or older than 59 — was too broad. After vetoing the bill, Newsom ordered state prison officials to “develop regulations that would restrict the use of segregated confinement except in limited situations, such as where the individual has been found to have engaged in violence in the prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While AB 280 was pending in the state Assembly, a spokesperson told KQED that Holden was waiting for advice from the governor’s office about how to amend the bill to avoid a second veto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monday’s press release from Holden’s office cited the support for AB 280 as a reason the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation released new solitary confinement guidelines in 2023 because the bill brought heightened awareness to issues with solitary confinement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The legislation is there. The language is written. I believe that it is important to move on this with urgency once the new information has been considered,” Holden said. “My hope is that AB 280 is the seed that will sprout into actionable change next session and that with a new fiscal year, this bill can make it to the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s Senate voted Thursday to end forced labor in the state’s prisons and jails. The state constitutional amendment will go to voters for final approval in November. If passed, the change would mark \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">another win\u003c/a> for the state’s first-in-the-nation effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">provide state-level reparations to Black residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills\u003c/a> moving through the Legislature this year. The bills draw on recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">state’s reparations task force last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery takes a modern form in involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons,” former task force member Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) said on the Senate floor. “Slavery is wrong in all forms, and California should be clear in denouncing that in our Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force defined reparations not only as compensation for past discriminatory policies but also as efforts to end ongoing practices that disproportionately harm Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment would close a loophole in the state constitution that bans involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. Though only 5% of the state population, Black Californians make up 28% of the prison population, which means the state’s involuntary servitude exception disproportionately impacts Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the amendment would prevent the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining an incarcerated person who refuses a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we do the work of reparations, we refer to slavery as a relic of the past. But as I stand here today, we have thousands of indentured servants in our penal system,” caucus member Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Los Angeles) said, speaking in support of the amendment before the vote on the Senate floor. “When you have folks in a prison who are making 2 and 5 and 8 cents an hour, it undermines everyone’s ability to earn a living wage in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill’s passage in the Senate on Thursday, applause and cheering broke out in the gallery, and Smallwood-Cuevas raised a fist in celebration. The amendment, endorsed by the California Democratic Party, received some bipartisan support in both houses. Republicans cast all votes against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a similar proposal was voted down, in part, over concerns that the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-slavery-a0aed840fc6dc54c7eb0da98d0f6bb05\">end of involuntary servitude would require wage increases\u003c/a> for prison labor, adding significant costs to the state prison system, according to analysts with the state Department of Finance. This year, the bill was amended to allow CDCR to provide credits instead of pay for voluntary work in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the state set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289463820.html\">$12 million in its budget\u003c/a> to support reparations programs passed by the Legislature this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude in its constitution. Most recently, voters in Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont removed involuntary servitude language from their state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s Senate voted Thursday to end forced labor in the state’s prisons and jails. The state constitutional amendment will go to voters for final approval in November. If passed, the change would mark \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">another win\u003c/a> for the state’s first-in-the-nation effort to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">provide state-level reparations to Black residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Constitutional Amendment 8 is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">California Legislative Black Caucus’ 14 reparations bills\u003c/a> moving through the Legislature this year. The bills draw on recommendations made by the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">state’s reparations task force last June\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slavery takes a modern form in involuntary servitude, including forced labor in prisons,” former task force member Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) said on the Senate floor. “Slavery is wrong in all forms, and California should be clear in denouncing that in our Constitution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force defined reparations not only as compensation for past discriminatory policies but also as efforts to end ongoing practices that disproportionately harm Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment would close a loophole in the state constitution that bans involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime. Though only 5% of the state population, Black Californians make up 28% of the prison population, which means the state’s involuntary servitude exception disproportionately impacts Black Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the amendment would prevent the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation from disciplining an incarcerated person who refuses a work assignment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we do the work of reparations, we refer to slavery as a relic of the past. But as I stand here today, we have thousands of indentured servants in our penal system,” caucus member Sen. Lola Smallwood-Cuevas (D-Los Angeles) said, speaking in support of the amendment before the vote on the Senate floor. “When you have folks in a prison who are making 2 and 5 and 8 cents an hour, it undermines everyone’s ability to earn a living wage in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill’s passage in the Senate on Thursday, applause and cheering broke out in the gallery, and Smallwood-Cuevas raised a fist in celebration. The amendment, endorsed by the California Democratic Party, received some bipartisan support in both houses. Republicans cast all votes against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, a similar proposal was voted down, in part, over concerns that the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-gavin-newsom-minimum-wage-slavery-a0aed840fc6dc54c7eb0da98d0f6bb05\">end of involuntary servitude would require wage increases\u003c/a> for prison labor, adding significant costs to the state prison system, according to analysts with the state Department of Finance. This year, the bill was amended to allow CDCR to provide credits instead of pay for voluntary work in state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the state set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article289463820.html\">$12 million in its budget\u003c/a> to support reparations programs passed by the Legislature this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of only 16 states with an exception clause for involuntary servitude in its constitution. Most recently, voters in Alabama, Oregon, Tennessee and Vermont removed involuntary servitude language from their state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The quest to understand reparations requires a studious scrutiny of American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go back just two weeks. On June 7, \u003cstrong>Annelise Finney\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">reported on how far behind the Alameda County commission\u003c/a>, designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents, is in completing its work. The commission, established in March 2023, has barely started and the work was due in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because it took nine months for the \u003cstrong>Alameda County Board of Supervisors\u003c/strong> to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious,” \u003cstrong>Nate Miley,\u003c/strong> the board’s president, told Finney, who has reported on reparations for KQED since 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of providing remuneration to Black people for centuries of enslavement and more than 150 years of systemic, post-emancipation racism reduces some people to blubbering bigots, like the person who emailed Finney the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything about the blacks is retarded and foul,” the person wrote. “Their extinction would make the world a better place. You can go with them, muggle filth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were the only printable lines from the person’s six-email screed that encapsulated the grievances of an uninformed person. They are not alone in needing to be enlightened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost one year ago, the \u003cstrong>California Reparations Task Force\u003c/strong>, the first statewide body to study reparations for Black people, released a landmark report with 115 policy recommendations to address disparities in health and healthcare, education and housing, environmental and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force did not recommend cash payments. Still, just 43% of Californians had a favorable opinion of the task force, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">research\u003c/a> published in June 2023 by the \u003cstrong>Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have to change the way we frame reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welcome to the debut of a regular column that will, hopefully, aid audiences in understanding reparations as more than a check. I’m curious to hear your thoughts. Please email me at \u003ca href=\"mailto:otaylor@kqed.org\">otaylor@kqed.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ll share KQED’s stories from my colleagues, including \u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Lakshmi Sarah\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Manjula Varghese\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Beth LaBerge\u003c/strong> and Finney, among others, who have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">chronicling the reparations movement\u003c/a> for over two years. With our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">reparations tracker\u003c/a>, we’re keeping tabs on 14 reparations bills as they move through the Assembly and the Senate. In May, the state Assembly passed a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">apologizing for California’s role in supporting slavery\u003c/a>. I’ll also link stories from other outlets publishing insightful reporting on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For KQED’s latest coverage, \u003cstrong>Madi Bolanos\u003c/strong>, co-host of KQED’s \u003cstrong>\u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, traveled to a wealthy city known for its hot springs, luxurious hotels and casinos popular with tourists and snowbirds. But what is less known about is Palm Springs’ history of violent racism against a predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood. Now former residents are seeking reparations. Madi spoke with residents who lived in Section 14, a neighborhood near downtown where 235 structures were burned and 1,000 people were evicted in the 1960s. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Check out Madi’s story, edited by \u003cstrong>Molly Solomon\u003c/strong>, our senior politics editor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamilah Moore\u003c/strong>, who chaired California’s Reparations Task Force, was on the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> podcast to talk about the bills aimed at education, health care, criminal justice and the approaching deadline for bill passage. Listen to the episode \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991004/california-reparations-task-force-chair-on-addressing-the-legacy-of-slavery-systemic-racism\">here. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>George Floyd’s\u003c/strong> death on May 25, 2020, sparked nationwide uprisings not seen in America since 1967 when outrage over racial injustices boiled over. Even though the social unrest was more than a half-century apart, the catalyst was the same: police brutality. LaBerge, KQED’s staff photographer, captured the protests. See her striking photos, accompanied by my essay, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations from Around the Country\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Mother Jones\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, in collaboration with the \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Center for Public Integrity\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> and \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Reveal\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, published an incredible project titled \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/06/40-acres-and-a-lie/?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email\">\u003cem>40 Acres and a Lie\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, which documents and examines the promise America broke. This is how the project begins: “Black Americans have been demanding compensation and restitution for their suffering since the end of the Civil War. 40 Acres and a Mule remains the nation’s most famous attempt to provide some form of reparations for American slavery. Today, it is largely remembered as a broken promise and an abandoned step toward multiracial democracy.” Read this work, please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2024/06/04/evanston-reparations-lawsuit/\">reported\u003c/a> that a conservative advocacy group has filed a class-action lawsuit to kill the reparations program in Evanston, a Chicago suburb, that has paid out nearly $5 million to 193 of the town’s Black residents over the past two years. The lawsuit was inspired by the Supreme Court’s 2023 decision to strike down affirmative action in college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954302\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, curly brown hair, dangly earrings and a red, blue and cream-patterned blouse sits as she poses for a portrait. A calm look on her face. She wears a simple gold pendant necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Dr. Shirley Weber poses for a portrait at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on March 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>The Los Angeles Times\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/la-influential/story/2024-06-09/shirley-weber-reparations-california\">profiled\u003c/a> \u003cstrong>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber\u003c/strong>, referring to her as the Godmother of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Chicago, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/us/brandon-johnson-chicago-mayor-reparations-task-force.html\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Mayor Brandon Johnson\u003c/strong> ordered the creation of a task force to study Chicago laws and policies from the enslavement era to today. Once the panel is established, it will have about a year to determine what reparations should look like in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the \u003cstrong>California Black Legislative Caucus\u003c/strong> are taking reparations on tour to promote reparations bills, \u003cem>\u003cstrong>CalMatters\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/california-reparations-bills-2/\">reported\u003c/a>. One bill could end forced prison labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court of Oklahoma dismissed a lawsuit seeking reparations brought by the last known survivors of the 1921 \u003cstrong>Tulsa Race Massacre\u003c/strong>, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2024/06/12/tulsa-reparations-lawsuitoklahoma-supreme-court/\">reported\u003c/a>. If you’re unfamiliar with the terrorist act, here’s a brief explanation: A white mob burned a prosperous neighborhood known as \u003cstrong>Black Wall Street\u003c/strong>, decimating a thriving community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Berkeleyside\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2024/06/13/a-step-in-the-right-direction-berkeley-task-force-recommends-cash-payments-for-black-students\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Berkeley Unified School District’s\u003c/strong> reparations task force recommended cash payments for Black students. The task force also proposed a curriculum for teaching the history of enslavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You knew this would happen: Reparations are being used to attack a Black candidate. It happened to \u003cstrong>Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas)\u003c/strong>, who is challenging \u003cstrong>Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas)\u003c/strong>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/colin-allred-ted-cruz-reparations_n_66635e17e4b0bf0f81657967\">reporting\u003c/a> published by the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Huffington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, a right-wing political action committee put an ad on TV that features a Latina woman “talking about how hard her family has always worked and how she would resent the government paying African Americans reparations for slavery.” Allred, who supports reparations, isn’t involved in the reparations legislation in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wonder if we’ll see this in California because, as the article points out, “Latino residents make up 40% of the population in Texas and, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">2021 Pew survey\u003c/a>, a significant majority of Latino voters in America oppose reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "California's Slow Progress on Reparations Highlights Need for Deeper Understanding",
"datePublished": "2024-06-20T06:00:57-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The quest to understand reparations requires a studious scrutiny of American history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go back just two weeks. On June 7, \u003cstrong>Annelise Finney\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">reported on how far behind the Alameda County commission\u003c/a>, designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents, is in completing its work. The commission, established in March 2023, has barely started and the work was due in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because it took nine months for the \u003cstrong>Alameda County Board of Supervisors\u003c/strong> to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious,” \u003cstrong>Nate Miley,\u003c/strong> the board’s president, told Finney, who has reported on reparations for KQED since 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of providing remuneration to Black people for centuries of enslavement and more than 150 years of systemic, post-emancipation racism reduces some people to blubbering bigots, like the person who emailed Finney the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything about the blacks is retarded and foul,” the person wrote. “Their extinction would make the world a better place. You can go with them, muggle filth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those were the only printable lines from the person’s six-email screed that encapsulated the grievances of an uninformed person. They are not alone in needing to be enlightened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost one year ago, the \u003cstrong>California Reparations Task Force\u003c/strong>, the first statewide body to study reparations for Black people, released a landmark report with 115 policy recommendations to address disparities in health and healthcare, education and housing, environmental and criminal justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The task force did not recommend cash payments. Still, just 43% of Californians had a favorable opinion of the task force, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">research\u003c/a> published in June 2023 by the \u003cstrong>Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have to change the way we frame reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welcome to the debut of a regular column that will, hopefully, aid audiences in understanding reparations as more than a check. I’m curious to hear your thoughts. Please email me at \u003ca href=\"mailto:otaylor@kqed.org\">otaylor@kqed.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’ll share KQED’s stories from my colleagues, including \u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Lakshmi Sarah\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Manjula Varghese\u003c/strong>, \u003cstrong>Beth LaBerge\u003c/strong> and Finney, among others, who have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">chronicling the reparations movement\u003c/a> for over two years. With our \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\">reparations tracker\u003c/a>, we’re keeping tabs on 14 reparations bills as they move through the Assembly and the Senate. In May, the state Assembly passed a bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986615/state-assembly-passes-bill-apologizing-for-californias-role-in-supporting-slavery\">apologizing for California’s role in supporting slavery\u003c/a>. I’ll also link stories from other outlets publishing insightful reporting on reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For KQED’s latest coverage, \u003cstrong>Madi Bolanos\u003c/strong>, co-host of KQED’s \u003cstrong>\u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, traveled to a wealthy city known for its hot springs, luxurious hotels and casinos popular with tourists and snowbirds. But what is less known about is Palm Springs’ history of violent racism against a predominantly Black and Latino neighborhood. Now former residents are seeking reparations. Madi spoke with residents who lived in Section 14, a neighborhood near downtown where 235 structures were burned and 1,000 people were evicted in the 1960s. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Check out Madi’s story, edited by \u003cstrong>Molly Solomon\u003c/strong>, our senior politics editor\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamilah Moore\u003c/strong>, who chaired California’s Reparations Task Force, was on the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> podcast to talk about the bills aimed at education, health care, criminal justice and the approaching deadline for bill passage. Listen to the episode \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991004/california-reparations-task-force-chair-on-addressing-the-legacy-of-slavery-systemic-racism\">here. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>George Floyd’s\u003c/strong> death on May 25, 2020, sparked nationwide uprisings not seen in America since 1967 when outrage over racial injustices boiled over. Even though the social unrest was more than a half-century apart, the catalyst was the same: police brutality. LaBerge, KQED’s staff photographer, captured the protests. See her striking photos, accompanied by my essay, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations from Around the Country\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Mother Jones\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, in collaboration with the \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Center for Public Integrity\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> and \u003cem>\u003cstrong>Reveal\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>, published an incredible project titled \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/06/40-acres-and-a-lie/?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email\">\u003cem>40 Acres and a Lie\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>, which documents and examines the promise America broke. This is how the project begins: “Black Americans have been demanding compensation and restitution for their suffering since the end of the Civil War. 40 Acres and a Mule remains the nation’s most famous attempt to provide some form of reparations for American slavery. Today, it is largely remembered as a broken promise and an abandoned step toward multiracial democracy.” Read this work, please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2024/06/04/evanston-reparations-lawsuit/\">reported\u003c/a> that a conservative advocacy group has filed a class-action lawsuit to kill the reparations program in Evanston, a Chicago suburb, that has paid out nearly $5 million to 193 of the town’s Black residents over the past two years. The lawsuit was inspired by the Supreme Court’s 2023 decision to strike down affirmative action in college admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954302\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954302\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short, curly brown hair, dangly earrings and a red, blue and cream-patterned blouse sits as she poses for a portrait. A calm look on her face. She wears a simple gold pendant necklace.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS63563_008_KQED_DrShirleyWeber_03082023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Dr. Shirley Weber poses for a portrait at the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco on March 8, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>The Los Angeles Times\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/la-influential/story/2024-06-09/shirley-weber-reparations-california\">profiled\u003c/a> \u003cstrong>California Secretary of State Shirley Weber\u003c/strong>, referring to her as the Godmother of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Chicago, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/us/brandon-johnson-chicago-mayor-reparations-task-force.html\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Mayor Brandon Johnson\u003c/strong> ordered the creation of a task force to study Chicago laws and policies from the enslavement era to today. Once the panel is established, it will have about a year to determine what reparations should look like in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of the \u003cstrong>California Black Legislative Caucus\u003c/strong> are taking reparations on tour to promote reparations bills, \u003cem>\u003cstrong>CalMatters\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2024/06/california-reparations-bills-2/\">reported\u003c/a>. One bill could end forced prison labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court of Oklahoma dismissed a lawsuit seeking reparations brought by the last known survivors of the 1921 \u003cstrong>Tulsa Race Massacre\u003c/strong>, the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/history/2024/06/12/tulsa-reparations-lawsuitoklahoma-supreme-court/\">reported\u003c/a>. If you’re unfamiliar with the terrorist act, here’s a brief explanation: A white mob burned a prosperous neighborhood known as \u003cstrong>Black Wall Street\u003c/strong>, decimating a thriving community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Berkeleyside\u003c/strong>\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2024/06/13/a-step-in-the-right-direction-berkeley-task-force-recommends-cash-payments-for-black-students\">reported\u003c/a> that \u003cstrong>Berkeley Unified School District’s\u003c/strong> reparations task force recommended cash payments for Black students. The task force also proposed a curriculum for teaching the history of enslavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You knew this would happen: Reparations are being used to attack a Black candidate. It happened to \u003cstrong>Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas)\u003c/strong>, who is challenging \u003cstrong>Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas)\u003c/strong>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/colin-allred-ted-cruz-reparations_n_66635e17e4b0bf0f81657967\">reporting\u003c/a> published by the \u003cstrong>\u003cem>Huffington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>, a right-wing political action committee put an ad on TV that features a Latina woman “talking about how hard her family has always worked and how she would resent the government paying African Americans reparations for slavery.” Allred, who supports reparations, isn’t involved in the reparations legislation in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I wonder if we’ll see this in California because, as the article points out, “Latino residents make up 40% of the population in Texas and, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">2021 Pew survey\u003c/a>, a significant majority of Latino voters in America oppose reparations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs",
"title": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs",
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"headTitle": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11990648,news_11980366,news_11975100\"]Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Negotiations continue over some type of compensation for Black and Latino residents who were burned out of their neighborhood 60 years ago. How the city of Palm Springs chooses to move forward could set a national precedent for reparations. ",
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"title": "Burned, Displaced and Fighting Back: A Battle for Reparations in Palm Springs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Palm Springs is negotiating a settlement deal that would provide reparations for the survivors and descendants of a predominantly Black and brown neighborhood that was burned to the ground by the city to make way for commercial development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the group filed a claim against the city alleging the evictions were illegal and amounted to a racially motivated attack. Later that year, the city of Palm Springs formally apologized for its role in the demolition of the working class neighborhood known as Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the mental suffering and trauma, I still have it. I still feel the trauma and all that happened to us, it was awful,” Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, said. She spent the first 28 years of her life in Section 14 before fleeing the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Negotiations were stalled soon after the city apologized, but picked up again this year. In April, the city offered $4.2 million to survivors and descendants in restitution to pay for 145 destroyed homes and damaged belongings. The city’s proposal also includes creating a healing center to honor the group and a community land trust to build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A state push for reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The offer from Palm Springs comes at a time when cities across the country are acknowledging their role in racist land grabs that displaced families of color and robbed them of generational wealth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is currently leading a push for reparations for Black Americans who suffered from systemic racism and the legacy of slavery. Earlier this year, state lawmakers introduced a first-in-the nation package of reparations bills, based on two years of work from the California Reparations Task Force. The proposed bills,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981271/track-the-success-of-californias-14-reparations-bills-for-black-residents\"> currently moving through the state legislature\u003c/a>, stop just short of direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-55_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billboards about Section 14 can be seen off of freeway I-10 East towards Palm Springs, California. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cities and counties across the state are taking action at a local level, too. In the Bay Area, the city of Hayward apologized for its role in \u003ca href=\"https://kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">razing Russell City\u003c/a>. In Los Angeles County, the board of supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-07-20/ceremony-marks-official-return-of-bruces-beach\">voted to return Bruce’s Beach back\u003c/a> to the Bruce family, who created a safe haven in Manhattan Beach for Black beachgoers in 1912. The Bruce family later \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/01/04/1146879302/bruces-beach-la-county-california\">sold it back to the county for $20 million\u003c/a>. And earlier this year, a bill was introduced in the state Legislature that would provide reparations for Los Angeles \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/03/26/us/chavez-ravine-reparations-dodger-stadium.html\">families who were displaced by Dodgers Stadium in the 1950s.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference in Palms Springs is that the Section 14 neighborhood sits on tribal land owned by the Agua Caliente Band of Cahuilla Indians. The tribe still owns 31,000 acres of reservation land across Riverside County and is the \u003ca href=\"https://aguacaliente.org/documents/Cahuilla_Territory.pdf\">largest landowner (PDF)\u003c/a> in Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the 1940s, federal laws restricted tribes from leasing their land for more than five years. The short leasing agreement gave developers little reason to invest in that area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the city’s growing tourism industry was attracting minority and lower-income families to the area. Like many cities across the country, Palm Springs implemented racial housing covenants that prevented non-white residents from living in communities near white residents. Section 14 was one of the only neighborhoods in Palm Springs where people of color could live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a source of income, the tribe rented the land in Section 14 to the new wave of residents, many of whom were construction workers, gardeners and housekeepers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black residents fleeing Jim Crow laws and segregation in the south poured into Palm Springs, looking for a fresh start and economic opportunities. Pearl Devers, 73, said her father was one of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-52_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Palm Springs California known for its resorts and vocational luxurious attractions. May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He was a carpenter who built the hospital where my two siblings and I were born in Palm Springs,” she said. “And he also built our home here in Section 14.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Section 14 neighborhood quickly became home to the city’s Black and Latino residents, who described it as a peaceful multicultural community.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘city-engineered holocaust’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Things began to change around 1959, when a federal law opened up leasing agreements for certain tribes, including the Agua Caliente tribe, from five years to 99 years. The longer lease terms and centrally located land under Section 14 became more attractive to the city of Palm Springs and developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the city had begun \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanindianmagazine.org/story/section-14\">evicting people from the neighborhood\u003c/a> under a Conservatorship and Guardian program it had with members of the tribe, which forced tribe property owners to pay for court-appointed conservators to control the land, according to an article in the Smithsonian’s \u003cem>American Indian\u003c/em> magazine. The tribe did not respond to several requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991120\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1186px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991120\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1186\" height=\"942\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464.jpg 1186w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-800x635.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-1020x810.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.48 AM-scaled-e1718808624464-160x127.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1186px) 100vw, 1186px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A church being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs that was destroyed during a controlled-burn abatement in the 1960s, displacing as many as 1,000 people. \u003ccite>(City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city then directed its fire department to demolish homes and storefronts in the neighborhood. According to city documents, a total of 235 structures were bulldozed and burned to the ground from 1965 to 1967.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://thinkpunkgirl.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Section-14_Palm-Springs.pdf\">1968 report (PDF)\u003c/a> from the state’s attorney general described it as a “city-engineered holocaust.” It found that the city did not give eviction notices to all the residents whose homes were burned down by the fire department. And in many cases when residents did receive an eviction notice, the city did not honor the 30-day eviction period. Nearly 1,000 residents were displaced and were never paid for their losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margaret Godinez-Genera, 85, grew up in Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her parents met in a neighboring town before moving to Palm Springs. They were part of the working class community that helped build Palm Springs into a luxurious vacation spot for Hollywood’s elite. Her father worked in construction, and her mother, a housekeeper, cleaned houses for celebrities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991103\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-22_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘When I am on these grounds my mind immediately recalls my mother’s house,’ says Section 14 survivor, Margaret Godinez-Genera. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After struggling to find housing anywhere else in the city, they moved into Section 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They bought a one bedroom and then my dad added the other bedrooms, and he made the kitchen bigger. He added a bathroom to it.” Godinez-Genera said. She lived there with her parents and two siblings. As a child, Gondinez-Genera said they would spend time in the city’s downtown and their local catholic church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used to have Mexican fiestas,” she said. “We would even have movie stars come to our fiestas. They were so big. And they would come to our church, too. Paul Newman, Trini Lopez.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991114\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-14_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A picture of Margaret and her husband, Eliberto, on their wedding day, along with Margaret’s parents. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That church is also where she met her husband. They married in 1961 before renting a home across the street from her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were just living our lives and helping the city,” she said. “We were workers, babysitters, veterans, all kinds of essential workers here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite their efforts to become contributing members of the Palm Springs community, Godinez-Genera said they faced a lot of racism. In addition to being confined to one part of the city, she remembers being afraid to walk into certain restaurants, fearing she would get kicked out just for being Mexican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 1967, Godinez-Genera had heard rumors that people were being evicted, but said she and her husband never received any type of notice. But then one day, she woke up to the smell of smoke. It was coming from her neighbor’s home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991119\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1173px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44%E2%80%AFAM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1173\" height=\"908\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793.jpg 1173w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-800x619.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-1020x790.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Image-6-19-24-at-7.44 AM-scaled-e1718808462793-160x124.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1173px) 100vw, 1173px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A burnt house being bulldozed in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs. \u003ccite>(Courtesy City of Palm Springs)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I saw my neighbor’s houses burning and the bulldozers that would come. You could hear that loud noise from them.” she said. “Children were crying, it was horrible. It was like a war movie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godinez-Genera and her husband packed their car with their belongings and their two young boys. To this day, she regrets leaving behind her son’s favorite rocking horse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pearl Devers, 73, also grew up in the neighborhood. Her mother was a domestic worker for celebrities like Lucille Ball and the Amelia Earhart family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said when the evictions started, she was too young to understand what was happening. But she does remember having to leave the neighborhood with her mom and two siblings. Her dad stayed behind in Section 14 to protect their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It crushed him. He began to drink and literally succumbed to alcoholism,” Devers said. “He died a brokenhearted man and my mom ended up being a single mom to fend for the rest of us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991108\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-25_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pearl Devers, Section 14 survivor. Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her father tried to get a loan to move their home to another area but was denied because he was Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Devers said the money from their family home could have helped pay for her and her sister’s college tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Steven Bradford, a member of California’s Legislative Black Caucus, prioritized a package of bills, including one that would help compensate Black families who had property taken from them by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have denied these families generational wealth. These families could have all these homes for over 60 years now on this property,” Bradford said. “l imagine the value that they would have, the equity that they’ll have in this property. And, they’ve been denied that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Right the wrongs of the past’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Now in her 70s, Devers is leading the group of survivors and descendants seeking restitution for the generational wealth they say was stolen from them by the city of Palm Springs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is we are very much focused on what happened in Palm Springs and how we can right the wrongs of the past, address the inequities of the time, and really move forward in a healing way,” said Palm Springs Mayor Jeffrey Bernstein.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still the city’s offer of $4.2 million is just a fraction of what they’re owed, said civil rights attorney Areva Martin, who represents the group. Her firm’s calculations are upward of $105 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the number and value of destroyed homes, and how many people were affected by the evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know how many homes were abated. We have court records to show the value. We did estimate the value of personal property on the high end and then came up with the present day value. So we are very confident that our number is accurate,” Bernstein said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Martin disputes the city’s analysis. Her law firm used oral testimonies from the survivors and descendants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is well-established, data and proof that Black, brown, indigenous populations were undercounted. So if anything, my client’s statements are even far more credible than any documents that the city would produce,” Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991117\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991117\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/Palm-Springs-48_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Our Lady of Guadalupe Catholic church in the Section 14 neighborhood in Palm Springs, California on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city and the Section 14 Survivors group are still engaged in reaching a deal. But not everybody in Palm Springs supports the move toward compensation. A small group of residents known as Friends of Frank Bogert, have formed to protect Bogert’s reputation, who was mayor at the time of the evictions. They argue Bogert did make a concerted effort to provide resources and housing to the residents in Section 14. In 2022, the city removed a statue of the former mayor from outside city hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not going to make everybody 100% happy and get everything they want,” Mayor Bernstein said in response to the group’s concerns. “I think much of what the friends of the mayor at the time are really objecting to is the tarnishing of his name. So I think in my view, the more that we can do to address everybody’s healing and hurting, the better it will be for the city going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Devers, moving forward means addressing the financial and emotional harm caused by the city. Harm that former residents like her still feel today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want the city to make this right, heal the survivors, heal the descendants, heal the city and the reputation of the beautiful city, so that we can move forward,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up",
"title": "Reparations Efforts in Alameda County Stumble and Try to Pick Themselves Up",
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"headTitle": "Reparations Efforts in Alameda County Stumble and Try to Pick Themselves Up | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>An Alameda County commission designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents was expected to complete its work by this July. Instead, it has hardly started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Created in March 2023, the 15-member body is now asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though county government moves slowly in a normal year, decisions kicked down the road during the COVID-19 pandemic and months spent handling the recall of the Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price have slowed the county’s decision-making process to a crawl, according to Nate Miley, president of the Board of Supervisors and author of the resolution that created the Reparations Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This resulted in glacial progress on some of the county’s most highly anticipated initiatives, including the launch of its Elections Commission, the creation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988941/alameda-county-again-delays-vote-to-create-civilian-oversight-of-sheriff\">civilian oversight of the county sheriff\u003c/a> and its Reparations Commission. For instance, it took nine months for county supervisors to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t think it would take as long to get people appointed,” Miley told KQED. “We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission was borne out of two Board of Supervisors resolutions — in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_06_07_11/PROCLAMATIONS_COMMENDATIONS/Carson_Miley_Slavery_of_African_Americans.pdf\">2011\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Supervisor-Miley_302233.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> — that apologized for the enslavement and racial segregation of Black Americans. The second vowed the county would examine the role it played in perpetuating discrimination against Black residents and come up with a plan to compensate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">the only one to take up the idea of reparations at that time\u003c/a>, in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by a police officer in Minnesota. Its commission was designed to be a local facsimile of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">the statewide reparations task force\u003c/a>, which studied the history of state-sanctioned discrimination against Black residents for two years and submitted \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">a plan\u003c/a> including over 100 policy proposals to the state Legislature last June. When the Alameda County commissioners began meeting in December 2023, one of their first actions was to study the landscape of reparations efforts nationwide and define their scope within it.[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']“We are trying not to recreate the wheel,” Debra Gore-Mann, president and CEO of Oakland racial justice organization the Greenlining Institute, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In looking at other reparations projects, Gore-Mann said the Alameda County Commission quickly realized it didn’t have sufficient support or time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting on May 30, Gore-Mann asked supervisors for a dedicated staff, approval to make formal partnerships with Bay Area institutions, and a new deadline of June 30, 2026, to complete their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission also asked for a budget of about $5 million, dwarfing the initial budget allocation of approximately $51,000. The requested budget would support research, public outreach and community listening sessions over the next two years. Commission members currently receive a $50 stipend for each meeting they attend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think $5 million is a hefty amount of funding,” Miley said, pointing to the county’s budget deficit, projected to reach between $70 million to $100 million this year. He added that getting a board response to budget and other support requests could take months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Gore-Mann is concerned the commission will lose its progress so far as faith in the county’s commitment to reparations falters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a sense of what resources might be available, it’s hard to keep commissioners engaged,” Gore-Mann said at the May meeting, adding the timeline extension alone might cause commissioners to drop off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those concerned about the waning urgency for racial justice initiatives need only look as far as the Alameda County city of Hayward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989386\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989386\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021, pays tribute to Russell City. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There, the \u003ca href=\"https://hayward-ca.gov/russell-city-reparative-justice-project\">Russell City Reparative Justice Project\u003c/a> steering committee set out to study the local government’s role in the destruction of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">Russell City \u003c/a>— a bayside enclave of mostly Black and Latino residents who were forced from their homes in the 1960s using eminent domain. In March, the committee delivered \u003ca href=\"https://hayward.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12787993&GUID=35DDA5EF-2A11-41BE-BD42-04AEB8E2F94D\">a 26-part plan for reparations\u003c/a> to the city council, including guaranteed basic income for surviving former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, there’s been little movement toward making those recommendations a reality. At a meeting on May 20, some former Russell City residents expressed concern that compensation from the city may not be found in their lifetimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steering committee chair Aisha Knowles is more optimistic. She said the committee may have disbanded, but their work is far from done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, people are going to be frustrated,” Knowles, whose father grew up in Russell City, told KQED. “But it also means people are listening. If nobody was saying anything, I would wonder what was going on. But because people are expressing joy, frustration, confusion, it means that work is in progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowles said she hopes the county commission might partner with Hayward to move the Russell City reparations project forward. If the pace of the Alameda County Commission’s work so far is any indication, she and Russell City’s former residents might be waiting a long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Alameda County Reparations Commission is asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done after a slow start.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An Alameda County commission designed to study anti-Black racism and come up with a plan to compensate harmed residents was expected to complete its work by this July. Instead, it has hardly started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Created in March 2023, the 15-member body is now asking for two more years and $5 million in funding to get the job done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though county government moves slowly in a normal year, decisions kicked down the road during the COVID-19 pandemic and months spent handling the recall of the Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price have slowed the county’s decision-making process to a crawl, according to Nate Miley, president of the Board of Supervisors and author of the resolution that created the Reparations Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This resulted in glacial progress on some of the county’s most highly anticipated initiatives, including the launch of its Elections Commission, the creation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988941/alameda-county-again-delays-vote-to-create-civilian-oversight-of-sheriff\">civilian oversight of the county sheriff\u003c/a> and its Reparations Commission. For instance, it took nine months for county supervisors to appoint the reparations commissioners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t think it would take as long to get people appointed,” Miley told KQED. “We do want to have a sense of urgency, and that’s why I was kind of looking at a year and a half, but maybe I might have been a bit ambitious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission was borne out of two Board of Supervisors resolutions — in \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_06_07_11/PROCLAMATIONS_COMMENDATIONS/Carson_Miley_Slavery_of_African_Americans.pdf\">2011\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Supervisor-Miley_302233.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> — that apologized for the enslavement and racial segregation of Black Americans. The second vowed the county would examine the role it played in perpetuating discrimination against Black residents and come up with a plan to compensate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County wasn’t \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987911/how-george-floyds-murder-ignited-solidarity-in-the-streets-and-californias-reparations-movement\">the only one to take up the idea of reparations at that time\u003c/a>, in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd by a police officer in Minnesota. Its commission was designed to be a local facsimile of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11948198/examining-reparations-and-the-historical-harms-of-slavery-and-racism-in-california\">the statewide reparations task force\u003c/a>, which studied the history of state-sanctioned discrimination against Black residents for two years and submitted \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">a plan\u003c/a> including over 100 policy proposals to the state Legislature last June. When the Alameda County commissioners began meeting in December 2023, one of their first actions was to study the landscape of reparations efforts nationwide and define their scope within it.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are trying not to recreate the wheel,” Debra Gore-Mann, president and CEO of Oakland racial justice organization the Greenlining Institute, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In looking at other reparations projects, Gore-Mann said the Alameda County Commission quickly realized it didn’t have sufficient support or time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a meeting on May 30, Gore-Mann asked supervisors for a dedicated staff, approval to make formal partnerships with Bay Area institutions, and a new deadline of June 30, 2026, to complete their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission also asked for a budget of about $5 million, dwarfing the initial budget allocation of approximately $51,000. The requested budget would support research, public outreach and community listening sessions over the next two years. Commission members currently receive a $50 stipend for each meeting they attend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think $5 million is a hefty amount of funding,” Miley said, pointing to the county’s budget deficit, projected to reach between $70 million to $100 million this year. He added that getting a board response to budget and other support requests could take months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Gore-Mann is concerned the commission will lose its progress so far as faith in the county’s commitment to reparations falters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a sense of what resources might be available, it’s hard to keep commissioners engaged,” Gore-Mann said at the May meeting, adding the timeline extension alone might cause commissioners to drop off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those concerned about the waning urgency for racial justice initiatives need only look as far as the Alameda County city of Hayward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989386\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989386\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/008_Hayward_RussellCity_12022021_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural at A Street and Maple Court in Hayward on Dec. 2, 2021, pays tribute to Russell City. Mural artists are Joshua Powell, assisted by Wythe Bowart, Nicole Pierret and Brent McHugh. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There, the \u003ca href=\"https://hayward-ca.gov/russell-city-reparative-justice-project\">Russell City Reparative Justice Project\u003c/a> steering committee set out to study the local government’s role in the destruction of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11897843/decades-after-cultural-genocide-residents-of-a-bulldozed-community-get-apology-from-hayward\">Russell City \u003c/a>— a bayside enclave of mostly Black and Latino residents who were forced from their homes in the 1960s using eminent domain. In March, the committee delivered \u003ca href=\"https://hayward.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12787993&GUID=35DDA5EF-2A11-41BE-BD42-04AEB8E2F94D\">a 26-part plan for reparations\u003c/a> to the city council, including guaranteed basic income for surviving former residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, there’s been little movement toward making those recommendations a reality. At a meeting on May 20, some former Russell City residents expressed concern that compensation from the city may not be found in their lifetimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steering committee chair Aisha Knowles is more optimistic. She said the committee may have disbanded, but their work is far from done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, people are going to be frustrated,” Knowles, whose father grew up in Russell City, told KQED. “But it also means people are listening. If nobody was saying anything, I would wonder what was going on. But because people are expressing joy, frustration, confusion, it means that work is in progress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowles said she hopes the county commission might partner with Hayward to move the Russell City reparations project forward. If the pace of the Alameda County Commission’s work so far is any indication, she and Russell City’s former residents might be waiting a long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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