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"disqusTitle": "Proposition 51 Bond Measure Pits School Needs Against Worries Over State Debt",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters have a decision to make on the general election ballot: approve $9 billion in bonds for school and community college construction projects and modernization, or reject it to avoid adding to the state debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters appear split on the measure known as \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2014/info/proposition-51\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 51\u003c/a>. The Public Policy Institute of California found in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/survey/S_916MBS.pdf\">September survey\u003c/a> that 47 percent of likely voters polled support the measure while 43 percent oppose it. The proposition will need a simple majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/291322952\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Third-grader Jade Rosa likely doesn't know anything about the forces aligning for and against Proposition 51. She and her classmates do know that theirs is a portable classroom at Felton Elementary School in Lennox, just a few minutes from the Los Angeles International Airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent visit, Jade had just finished a math test, and was taking a break to work on a coloring project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’m drawing Seedot,\" she said. \"It’s a Pokemon, he’s really cute.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seems normal in Jade's classroom until you step outside and hear the roar of the jet engines overhead. Unlike other buildings on campus, these portables don't have sound protection and some of the noise filters into the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jade's classroom also doesn’t have any natural light. The windows have been blocked out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They are covered, there's like a board on the outside part that covers it. I'm not exactly sure how that was made,\"said Elizabeth Franco, Jade's teacher. \"It's always been like that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Franco said in her 14 years of teaching, she’s never had a classroom with a window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s almost like, just that’s the way it is. I’ve never experienced anything else,\" Franco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11156830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11156830\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-800x598.jpg\" alt=\"Portable classroom buildings at Felton Elementary School in Lennox, California, near LAX have boarded up windows for security and to dampen overhead airplane noise. School officials say some of the portables were brought in as temporary structures but have not been replaced by permanent buildings for decades.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-800x598.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-1020x762.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-1180x881.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-960x717.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-240x179.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-375x280.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-520x388.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Portable classroom buildings at Felton Elementary School in Lennox, California, near LAX have boarded-up windows for security and to dampen overhead airplane noise. School officials say some of the portables were brought in as temporary structures but have not been replaced by permanent buildings for decades. \u003ccite>(Michale Pompa/Felton Elementary School)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kent Taylor, superintendent of the Lennox School District of which Felton Elementary is a part, said the windows are blocked for security reasons, but it also serves as a way to dampen the airplane noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district doesn't have the funds to soundproof the portable buildings, according to Taylor. The permanent classrooms are eligible for special funding that the temporary buildings don't qualify for. All of this creates an equity problem, he said. Some kids get to learn in quiet rooms, others don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, Proposition 51 will authorize $9 billion in general obligation bonds for new construction and improvement projects at K-12 schools, community colleges and vocational and charter schools. For Taylor, that means replacing portable buildings with permanent ones and upgrading his district's aging school infrastructure. Several schools in the district are more than 50 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So if we get another $10 million because of Prop. 51, we’re so excited,\" he said as he talked over the plane noise. \"It doesn’t meet all of our needs, but it certainly helps our students so much. So we’re encouraging the voters: please think about our kids.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school's principal, Norma Martinez, said kids in more affluent communities don't have to deal with portables at their schools as frequently as those in less affluent areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's definitely a concern for me,\" she said. \"I would prefer that all kids have equal access.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 51 has an army of supporters — many with deep pockets, like well-known housing developers such as Brookfield, KB Home and Shea Homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson is among the measure's backers. He's been appearing at events around California in support of the measure. Relying entirely on local districts for facility funding, according to Torlakson, takes away from money that can be spent directly on learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's been a tradition of state partnership with local school districts that goes back decades, so the state has always been a partner,\" he said. \"It's worked. The state should step up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, more than $11 million has been raised in support of the bond measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe frameborder=\"no\" height=\"555px\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http://162.243.135.6/elections/latest/measure-finance/proposition-51/index.html\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure also has high-profile opposition, notably from California Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s a blunderbuss effort that promotes sprawl and squanders money that would be far better spent in low-income communities,\" the governor said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office estimates that the state will pay about $17.6 billion to pay off principal and interest on the bonds, or about $500 million annually for 35 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several newspapers, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-proposition-51-20160921-snap-story.html\">the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocregister.com/articles/school-732118-costs-state.html\">Orange County Register\u003c/a>, have recommended voters reject the measure, arguing in part that Proposition 51 locks in rules for developers that don’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>G. Rick Marshall, with the California Taxpayers Action Network, helped write the arguments against the measure in the \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/\">state’s voter information guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"All this does is add to the state debt,\" Marshall said. \"And it brings a one-size-fits-all program to school districts, when you have local bond money the locals decide what to do with it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, according to Marshall, developers will benefit. Proposition 51 would prevent changes to the fee structure they pay when they build new housing developments that need schools, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 51 opponents also argue that larger, more organized school districts will be first in line to dip into the pot since, unlike some smaller districts, they have the staff to speedily apply for the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents like Marshall also want to see school districts use local sources of funding rather than new state bond money to build and improve schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We think that by providing new construction money, you’re going to encourage schools to build buildings that they don’t need,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, more than 100 school districts, including Lennox, have placed local bond measures on the November ballot. Many hope to raise matching funds to take advantage of Proposition 51, if it passes, since some local share is usually required.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although many districts have real needs, Proposition 51 would come at a price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Felton Elementary, school officials are hoping a day will come when all students can learn in quiet classrooms free of the noise from the airplanes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jade and other third-graders will be well into their 40s by the time the state pays off the bonds in about 2053.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’m drawing Seedot,\" she said. \"It’s a Pokemon, he’s really cute.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seems normal in Jade's classroom until you step outside and hear the roar of the jet engines overhead. Unlike other buildings on campus, these portables don't have sound protection and some of the noise filters into the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jade's classroom also doesn’t have any natural light. The windows have been blocked out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They are covered, there's like a board on the outside part that covers it. I'm not exactly sure how that was made,\"said Elizabeth Franco, Jade's teacher. \"It's always been like that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Franco said in her 14 years of teaching, she’s never had a classroom with a window.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s almost like, just that’s the way it is. I’ve never experienced anything else,\" Franco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11156830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11156830\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-800x598.jpg\" alt=\"Portable classroom buildings at Felton Elementary School in Lennox, California, near LAX have boarded up windows for security and to dampen overhead airplane noise. School officials say some of the portables were brought in as temporary structures but have not been replaced by permanent buildings for decades.\" width=\"800\" height=\"598\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-800x598.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-1020x762.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-1180x881.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-960x717.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-240x179.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-375x280.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Classrooms-520x388.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Portable classroom buildings at Felton Elementary School in Lennox, California, near LAX have boarded-up windows for security and to dampen overhead airplane noise. School officials say some of the portables were brought in as temporary structures but have not been replaced by permanent buildings for decades. \u003ccite>(Michale Pompa/Felton Elementary School)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kent Taylor, superintendent of the Lennox School District of which Felton Elementary is a part, said the windows are blocked for security reasons, but it also serves as a way to dampen the airplane noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district doesn't have the funds to soundproof the portable buildings, according to Taylor. The permanent classrooms are eligible for special funding that the temporary buildings don't qualify for. All of this creates an equity problem, he said. Some kids get to learn in quiet rooms, others don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, Proposition 51 will authorize $9 billion in general obligation bonds for new construction and improvement projects at K-12 schools, community colleges and vocational and charter schools. For Taylor, that means replacing portable buildings with permanent ones and upgrading his district's aging school infrastructure. Several schools in the district are more than 50 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So if we get another $10 million because of Prop. 51, we’re so excited,\" he said as he talked over the plane noise. \"It doesn’t meet all of our needs, but it certainly helps our students so much. So we’re encouraging the voters: please think about our kids.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school's principal, Norma Martinez, said kids in more affluent communities don't have to deal with portables at their schools as frequently as those in less affluent areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's definitely a concern for me,\" she said. \"I would prefer that all kids have equal access.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 51 has an army of supporters — many with deep pockets, like well-known housing developers such as Brookfield, KB Home and Shea Homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent of Public Instruction Tom Torlakson is among the measure's backers. He's been appearing at events around California in support of the measure. Relying entirely on local districts for facility funding, according to Torlakson, takes away from money that can be spent directly on learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's been a tradition of state partnership with local school districts that goes back decades, so the state has always been a partner,\" he said. \"It's worked. The state should step up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, more than $11 million has been raised in support of the bond measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe frameborder=\"no\" height=\"555px\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"http://162.243.135.6/elections/latest/measure-finance/proposition-51/index.html\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the measure also has high-profile opposition, notably from California Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It’s a blunderbuss effort that promotes sprawl and squanders money that would be far better spent in low-income communities,\" the governor said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office estimates that the state will pay about $17.6 billion to pay off principal and interest on the bonds, or about $500 million annually for 35 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several newspapers, including \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-proposition-51-20160921-snap-story.html\">the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocregister.com/articles/school-732118-costs-state.html\">Orange County Register\u003c/a>, have recommended voters reject the measure, arguing in part that Proposition 51 locks in rules for developers that don’t work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>G. Rick Marshall, with the California Taxpayers Action Network, helped write the arguments against the measure in the \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/\">state’s voter information guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"All this does is add to the state debt,\" Marshall said. \"And it brings a one-size-fits-all program to school districts, when you have local bond money the locals decide what to do with it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If it passes, according to Marshall, developers will benefit. Proposition 51 would prevent changes to the fee structure they pay when they build new housing developments that need schools, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 51 opponents also argue that larger, more organized school districts will be first in line to dip into the pot since, unlike some smaller districts, they have the staff to speedily apply for the funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents like Marshall also want to see school districts use local sources of funding rather than new state bond money to build and improve schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We think that by providing new construction money, you’re going to encourage schools to build buildings that they don’t need,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, more than 100 school districts, including Lennox, have placed local bond measures on the November ballot. Many hope to raise matching funds to take advantage of Proposition 51, if it passes, since some local share is usually required.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although many districts have real needs, Proposition 51 would come at a price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Felton Elementary, school officials are hoping a day will come when all students can learn in quiet classrooms free of the noise from the airplanes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jade and other third-graders will be well into their 40s by the time the state pays off the bonds in about 2053.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — When Mike Stabile first moved to Los Angeles in 2011, he was struck by a billboard he saw along the freeway. It showed a line of cocaine and a turned-over shot glass, with the caption: \u003cem>You know why. Free HIV test.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I literally pulled over the car and was like, what’s going on?” Stabile remembers. “I was having a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ad showed two men in bed, looking nervous, with the question: \u003cem>“Trust Him?”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a gay man, you really have to fight against this idea that you’re constantly in danger,” says Stabile, who came of age during the height of the AIDS epidemic in the 1980s. “Fear and stigma actually works against people getting tested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11148363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11148363 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-800x245.jpg\" alt=\"TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335\" width=\"800\" height=\"245\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-800x245.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-160x49.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-1020x312.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-960x294.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-240x73.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-375x115.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-520x159.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335.jpg 1094w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of many ads sponsored by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of AIDS Healthcare Foundation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stabile says he sees the same heavy-handed, moralistic attitude behind \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measures/2023/info/proposition-60\">Proposition 60\u003c/a>, the state ballot initiative that would require adult film performers to use condoms on porn sets. If they don’t, and state regulators fail to enforce the mandate in a timely manner, any Californian can sue the film producer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Its success depends on stigma around sex, stigma around porn,” says Stabile, who now works for the \u003ca href=\"http://dontharassca.com/\">No on 60 campaign\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man behind Proposition 60 — and all those billboards — is Michael Weinstein, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aidshealth.org/#/\">AIDS Healthcare Foundation\u003c/a>, and a longtime maverick in gay activist circles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit runs pharmacies and provides HIV care in 13 states and 37 countries, and gave away 38.5 million condoms last year. It’s putting $4.5 million from its pharmacy sales into backing the Proposition 60 condom mandate. (It also put $14.7 million behind \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2024/info/proposition-61\">Proposition 61\u003c/a>, Weinstein’s initiative aimed at lowering drug prices.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290964734″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein says he’s steadfastly promoting condoms when other groups seem to have forgotten them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfashionable,” he says. “I was on a panel discussion and one of the guys said, ‘You’re acting like our mother telling us to wear galoshes.’ And my reaction was, ‘Yeah, somebody needs to do that!’ I mean, I’m not trying to win a popularity contest. Obviously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I’m not trying to win a popularity contest. Obviously.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Michael Weinstein\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For Weinstein, Proposition 60 is primarily about protecting adult film workers against sexually transmitted diseases at a time when infection rates are at a 20-year high across California. But it’s also another large-scale condom campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people get their sex education through these films and I think it’s sending a bad message,” Weinstein says. “I don’t want young people to be educated that the only kind of sex that’s hot is unsafe sex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11148455\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11148455 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Michael Weinstein, president of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in his office in Los Angeles. Behind him is a painting of Chris Brownlie, who worked with Weinstein to found the first AIDS hospice in LA.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Weinstein, president of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in his office in Los Angeles. Behind him is a painting of Chris Brownlie, who worked with Weinstein to found the first AIDS hospice in L.A. He is backing Propositions 60 and 61. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Controversial Figure\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein has long taken controversial positions, but he’s often landed on the right side of history. In the 1980s, he fought lawmakers in California who wanted to quarantine AIDS patients. When nurses were afraid touch patients, leaving them languishing in the hallways of county hospitals, he helped set up one of the first AIDS hospices, where people could die with dignity and compassion. And when the AIDS cocktail came out, Weinstein risked bankruptcy to provide the drugs to uninsured patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided we had a moral obligation to give them, and we paid for them and those people lived,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Weinstein’s more recent and most unpopular stances is on \u003ca href=\"https://www.aids.gov/hiv-aids-basics/prevention/reduce-your-risk/pre-exposure-prophylaxis/\">PrEP\u003c/a>, the daily HIV prevention pill. Many activists consider it a Gift from God. Weinstein calls it a party drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s often taken in conjunction with crystal meth and other party drugs,” he says. “It’s really a get-out-of-jail-free card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein says it gives people a free pass to not use condoms and be reckless, driving a rise in other STDs, which\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2015/09/02/no-new-infections-in-hundreds-taking-pill-to-prevent-hiv/\"> recent studies\u003c/a> bear out. But other public health groups say PrEP will reduce HIV transmission and save lives, which the studies also support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not helpful to have one of the largest HIV organizations in the world trivializing it or downplaying its importance,” says Courtney Mulhern-Pearson, director of state and local affairs at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfaf.org/\">San Francisco AIDS Foundation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her group, along with \u003ca href=\"https://aplahealth.org/\">AIDS Project LA\u003c/a>, is opposed to Proposition 60, in part because it ignores PrEP. Mulhern-Pearson says Weinstein’s singular focus on condoms is outdated and unrealistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Condom fatigue is real,” she says. “And I think that all of us are probably not realistic and not forthcoming about our condom use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>History and Opposition\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein has been fighting to mandate condoms in adult films for years. While federal and state worker safety laws technically already require producers to protect performers against STDs with condoms, the law is largely ignored and poorly enforced. Weinstein has been pushing Cal/OSHA for years to refine and clarify regulations, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/02/17/california-porn-industry-protests-rules-mandating-condoms/\">without success\u003c/a>. He’s backed local measures in Los Angeles County to require condoms, which \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Los_Angeles_Porn_Actors_Required_to_Wear_Condoms_Act,_Measure_B_(November_2012)\">passed\u003c/a>, but enforcement has, again, been minimal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At every turn, the adult film industry has fought hard against condom mandates. They say it will force them to make products that won’t sell, driving the business underground or out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11153923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11153923\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-800x567.jpg\" alt=\"Adult film performers rally against Proposition 60 outside Michael Weinstein’s office.\" width=\"800\" height=\"567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-800x567.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-1020x723.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-1180x836.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-960x680.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-375x266.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-520x368.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adult film performers rally against Proposition 60 outside Michael Weinstein’s office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In mid-October, more than 100 adult film performers rallied outside Weinstein’s office in Los Angeles to protest Proposition 60. They chanted slogans like “Our Bodies, Our Choice!” and carried signs that said “Where is Weinstein?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say they prefer to rely on the industry’s bimonthly testing protocol over condoms. Performer Ela Darling says condoms don’t work on porn sets — they’re uncomfortable and cause friction rashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sex you have on camera isn’t like the sex you have at home,” she says. “It’s like Olympic-level, athletic sex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s frustrated that Weinstein is ignoring their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He will not hear us, he will not speak to us, but he’s happy speaking\u003cem> for\u003c/em> us,” she says. “And that’s the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein defends his refusal to meet with the adult film industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to put myself in a position of debating people where all they do is call me names,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true. Weinstein’s critics have called him bombastic, a bully. They compare him to Donald Trump. They post tweets that refer to him as the Condom Nazi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In case they haven’t noticed, I’m Jewish and I’m gay, OK,” he says. “It makes my skin curl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein says he’s never liked the limelight. He’s had to develop a thick skin to stay in this business, to stand up for what he believes is the moral thing to do, for what he believes is his responsibility toward young generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear that the criticism bothers him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s been hurt,” says Sharon Raphael, an old friend and fellow activist. “I know that it hurts him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, she adds, everyone knows he’s a force to be reckoned with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When most people would be down and out, strike three, he’d get up again,” she says. “He never gives up. Ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — When Mike Stabile first moved to Los Angeles in 2011, he was struck by a billboard he saw along the freeway. It showed a line of cocaine and a turned-over shot glass, with the caption: \u003cem>You know why. Free HIV test.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I literally pulled over the car and was like, what’s going on?” Stabile remembers. “I was having a panic attack.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ad showed two men in bed, looking nervous, with the question: \u003cem>“Trust Him?”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a gay man, you really have to fight against this idea that you’re constantly in danger,” says Stabile, who came of age during the height of the AIDS epidemic in the 1980s. “Fear and stigma actually works against people getting tested.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11148363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11148363 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-800x245.jpg\" alt=\"TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335\" width=\"800\" height=\"245\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-800x245.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-160x49.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-1020x312.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-960x294.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-240x73.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-375x115.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335-520x159.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/TrustHim_GayWhite_1094x335.jpg 1094w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of many ads sponsored by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003ccite>(Photo Courtesy of AIDS Healthcare Foundation)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stabile says he sees the same heavy-handed, moralistic attitude behind \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measures/2023/info/proposition-60\">Proposition 60\u003c/a>, the state ballot initiative that would require adult film performers to use condoms on porn sets. If they don’t, and state regulators fail to enforce the mandate in a timely manner, any Californian can sue the film producer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Its success depends on stigma around sex, stigma around porn,” says Stabile, who now works for the \u003ca href=\"http://dontharassca.com/\">No on 60 campaign\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man behind Proposition 60 — and all those billboards — is Michael Weinstein, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aidshealth.org/#/\">AIDS Healthcare Foundation\u003c/a>, and a longtime maverick in gay activist circles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit runs pharmacies and provides HIV care in 13 states and 37 countries, and gave away 38.5 million condoms last year. It’s putting $4.5 million from its pharmacy sales into backing the Proposition 60 condom mandate. (It also put $14.7 million behind \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2024/info/proposition-61\">Proposition 61\u003c/a>, Weinstein’s initiative aimed at lowering drug prices.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290964734″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290964734″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein says he’s steadfastly promoting condoms when other groups seem to have forgotten them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfashionable,” he says. “I was on a panel discussion and one of the guys said, ‘You’re acting like our mother telling us to wear galoshes.’ And my reaction was, ‘Yeah, somebody needs to do that!’ I mean, I’m not trying to win a popularity contest. Obviously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I’m not trying to win a popularity contest. Obviously.’\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Michael Weinstein\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For Weinstein, Proposition 60 is primarily about protecting adult film workers against sexually transmitted diseases at a time when infection rates are at a 20-year high across California. But it’s also another large-scale condom campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people get their sex education through these films and I think it’s sending a bad message,” Weinstein says. “I don’t want young people to be educated that the only kind of sex that’s hot is unsafe sex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11148455\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11148455 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Michael Weinstein, president of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in his office in Los Angeles. Behind him is a painting of Chris Brownlie, who worked with Weinstein to found the first AIDS hospice in LA.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Michael-Weinstein_1973-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Weinstein, president of the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, in his office in Los Angeles. Behind him is a painting of Chris Brownlie, who worked with Weinstein to found the first AIDS hospice in L.A. He is backing Propositions 60 and 61. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Controversial Figure\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein has long taken controversial positions, but he’s often landed on the right side of history. In the 1980s, he fought lawmakers in California who wanted to quarantine AIDS patients. When nurses were afraid touch patients, leaving them languishing in the hallways of county hospitals, he helped set up one of the first AIDS hospices, where people could die with dignity and compassion. And when the AIDS cocktail came out, Weinstein risked bankruptcy to provide the drugs to uninsured patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We decided we had a moral obligation to give them, and we paid for them and those people lived,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Weinstein’s more recent and most unpopular stances is on \u003ca href=\"https://www.aids.gov/hiv-aids-basics/prevention/reduce-your-risk/pre-exposure-prophylaxis/\">PrEP\u003c/a>, the daily HIV prevention pill. Many activists consider it a Gift from God. Weinstein calls it a party drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s often taken in conjunction with crystal meth and other party drugs,” he says. “It’s really a get-out-of-jail-free card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein says it gives people a free pass to not use condoms and be reckless, driving a rise in other STDs, which\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2015/09/02/no-new-infections-in-hundreds-taking-pill-to-prevent-hiv/\"> recent studies\u003c/a> bear out. But other public health groups say PrEP will reduce HIV transmission and save lives, which the studies also support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not helpful to have one of the largest HIV organizations in the world trivializing it or downplaying its importance,” says Courtney Mulhern-Pearson, director of state and local affairs at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfaf.org/\">San Francisco AIDS Foundation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her group, along with \u003ca href=\"https://aplahealth.org/\">AIDS Project LA\u003c/a>, is opposed to Proposition 60, in part because it ignores PrEP. Mulhern-Pearson says Weinstein’s singular focus on condoms is outdated and unrealistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Condom fatigue is real,” she says. “And I think that all of us are probably not realistic and not forthcoming about our condom use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>History and Opposition\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein has been fighting to mandate condoms in adult films for years. While federal and state worker safety laws technically already require producers to protect performers against STDs with condoms, the law is largely ignored and poorly enforced. Weinstein has been pushing Cal/OSHA for years to refine and clarify regulations, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/02/17/california-porn-industry-protests-rules-mandating-condoms/\">without success\u003c/a>. He’s backed local measures in Los Angeles County to require condoms, which \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Los_Angeles_Porn_Actors_Required_to_Wear_Condoms_Act,_Measure_B_(November_2012)\">passed\u003c/a>, but enforcement has, again, been minimal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At every turn, the adult film industry has fought hard against condom mandates. They say it will force them to make products that won’t sell, driving the business underground or out of state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11153923\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11153923\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-800x567.jpg\" alt=\"Adult film performers rally against Proposition 60 outside Michael Weinstein’s office.\" width=\"800\" height=\"567\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-800x567.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-1020x723.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-1180x836.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-960x680.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-375x266.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Prop60Protesters-520x368.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Adult film performers rally against Proposition 60 outside Michael Weinstein’s office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In mid-October, more than 100 adult film performers rallied outside Weinstein’s office in Los Angeles to protest Proposition 60. They chanted slogans like “Our Bodies, Our Choice!” and carried signs that said “Where is Weinstein?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say they prefer to rely on the industry’s bimonthly testing protocol over condoms. Performer Ela Darling says condoms don’t work on porn sets — they’re uncomfortable and cause friction rashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sex you have on camera isn’t like the sex you have at home,” she says. “It’s like Olympic-level, athletic sex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s frustrated that Weinstein is ignoring their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He will not hear us, he will not speak to us, but he’s happy speaking\u003cem> for\u003c/em> us,” she says. “And that’s the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein defends his refusal to meet with the adult film industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not going to put myself in a position of debating people where all they do is call me names,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true. Weinstein’s critics have called him bombastic, a bully. They compare him to Donald Trump. They post tweets that refer to him as the Condom Nazi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In case they haven’t noticed, I’m Jewish and I’m gay, OK,” he says. “It makes my skin curl.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinstein says he’s never liked the limelight. He’s had to develop a thick skin to stay in this business, to stand up for what he believes is the moral thing to do, for what he believes is his responsibility toward young generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear that the criticism bothers him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s been hurt,” says Sharon Raphael, an old friend and fellow activist. “I know that it hurts him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, she adds, everyone knows he’s a force to be reckoned with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When most people would be down and out, strike three, he’d get up again,” she says. “He never gives up. Ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Claims of 'Rigged' Election Putting His Supporters, Voting Rights Groups on Alert",
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"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>GOP presidential nominee Donald Trump's claims of a \"rigged\" election and voter fraud are having an effect in Southern California, with some of his supporters voicing concerns and planning to take action on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite assurances from California election officials that the state’s election system is among the most secure in the country, some Trump backers plan to monitor the polls in person on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290845394\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Henderson, head of the Trump campaign for Riverside and San Bernardino counties, told KPCC on Thursday that she is frankly worried about voting security issues — and so are the many Republicans she talks to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One hundred percent of the people that call me, or at least 99 percent, is someone that’s concerned,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson said she knows of several dozen Trump volunteers who will be traveling to Riverside to monitor the polls for any problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are more than 100,000 Trump volunteers in California, according to Trump’s California communications director, Jon Cordova. Cordova said the campaign emphasizes nonviolence in its messaging to its volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said recent events, like the \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/26/65789/donald-trump-s-destroyed-hollywood-star-is-already/\">damage to Trump’s star\u003c/a> on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, have some on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re careful about our volunteers, to make sure we don’t put them in harm’s way ... it is a concern,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others worry Trump’s rhetoric may spur \u003cem>his\u003c/em> supporters into violence. Several of Trump events, including a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/04/28/60110/protests-outside-trump-rally-close-streets-in-cost/\">rally he held in Costa Mesa\u003c/a> in April, have turned violent with supporters or protesters clashing with police or each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, hundreds of nonpartisan volunteers will also be monitoring polling locations in California on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.advancingjustice-la.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice California\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan group that advocates for Asians and voting rights, plans to send 600 trained volunteers to polling places in 25 counties, including Riverside and Orange, to help voters with limited English proficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the group also said volunteers will be on the lookout for voters who are \"intimidated or harassed, and if voters are being asked to show identification inappropriately, among other issues,” Deanna Kitamura, the group's Voting Rights Project director, stated in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If our monitors observe or report any major issues, we will be in immediate contact with election officials on Election Day. We want all voters to be able to cast an informed ballot and to have a positive experience in this election,” Kitamura said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11153852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11153852\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-800x516.jpg\" alt=\"A sign points the way to a San Francisco polling place.\" width=\"800\" height=\"516\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-800x516.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-1020x658.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-1180x761.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-960x619.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-240x155.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-375x242.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-520x335.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign points the way to a San Francisco polling place. \u003ccite>(Alan Toth/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Karin Wang, Advancing Justice Los Angeles vice president of programs and communications, added: “I think all of us have a pretty strong fear that we might see things this year that we haven’t seen in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.naleo.org/\">National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund\u003c/a> (NALEO) recently asked the Justice Department to \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/17/65649/latino-civic-engagement-group-presses-feds-for-und/\">help ensure disruption-free elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are most concerned about is anybody who takes it upon themselves to be their own poll watchers, and to try to determine who is and who is not eligible to vote simply because of their appearance,\" said Arturo Vargas, executive director of NALEO, a nonpartisan group based in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/about/people/staff/mary-plummer\">Mary Plummer\u003c/a> \u003cbr> \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/\">KPCC\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>GOP presidential nominee Donald Trump's claims of a \"rigged\" election and voter fraud are having an effect in Southern California, with some of his supporters voicing concerns and planning to take action on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite assurances from California election officials that the state’s election system is among the most secure in the country, some Trump backers plan to monitor the polls in person on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290845394&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290845394'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Henderson, head of the Trump campaign for Riverside and San Bernardino counties, told KPCC on Thursday that she is frankly worried about voting security issues — and so are the many Republicans she talks to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One hundred percent of the people that call me, or at least 99 percent, is someone that’s concerned,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson said she knows of several dozen Trump volunteers who will be traveling to Riverside to monitor the polls for any problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are more than 100,000 Trump volunteers in California, according to Trump’s California communications director, Jon Cordova. Cordova said the campaign emphasizes nonviolence in its messaging to its volunteers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said recent events, like the \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/26/65789/donald-trump-s-destroyed-hollywood-star-is-already/\">damage to Trump’s star\u003c/a> on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, have some on edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’re careful about our volunteers, to make sure we don’t put them in harm’s way ... it is a concern,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others worry Trump’s rhetoric may spur \u003cem>his\u003c/em> supporters into violence. Several of Trump events, including a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/04/28/60110/protests-outside-trump-rally-close-streets-in-cost/\">rally he held in Costa Mesa\u003c/a> in April, have turned violent with supporters or protesters clashing with police or each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, hundreds of nonpartisan volunteers will also be monitoring polling locations in California on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.advancingjustice-la.org/\">Asian Americans Advancing Justice California\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan group that advocates for Asians and voting rights, plans to send 600 trained volunteers to polling places in 25 counties, including Riverside and Orange, to help voters with limited English proficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the group also said volunteers will be on the lookout for voters who are \"intimidated or harassed, and if voters are being asked to show identification inappropriately, among other issues,” Deanna Kitamura, the group's Voting Rights Project director, stated in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If our monitors observe or report any major issues, we will be in immediate contact with election officials on Election Day. We want all voters to be able to cast an informed ballot and to have a positive experience in this election,” Kitamura said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11153852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11153852\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-800x516.jpg\" alt=\"A sign points the way to a San Francisco polling place.\" width=\"800\" height=\"516\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-800x516.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-1020x658.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-1180x761.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-960x619.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-240x155.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-375x242.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PollingPlaceSign-520x335.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign points the way to a San Francisco polling place. \u003ccite>(Alan Toth/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Karin Wang, Advancing Justice Los Angeles vice president of programs and communications, added: “I think all of us have a pretty strong fear that we might see things this year that we haven’t seen in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.naleo.org/\">National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials Educational Fund\u003c/a> (NALEO) recently asked the Justice Department to \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/17/65649/latino-civic-engagement-group-presses-feds-for-und/\">help ensure disruption-free elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are most concerned about is anybody who takes it upon themselves to be their own poll watchers, and to try to determine who is and who is not eligible to vote simply because of their appearance,\" said Arturo Vargas, executive director of NALEO, a nonpartisan group based in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Proposition 61 Gives California Mandate to Lower Drug Prices, Not Tools",
"title": "Proposition 61 Gives California Mandate to Lower Drug Prices, Not Tools",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>No California ballot fight has attracted more money or bigger names than Proposition 61.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents call it the only initiative in the country that could rein in rising drug prices. Pharmaceutical companies have spent nearly $110 million to oppose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But politics aside, experts see a problem with the measure. They question whether California could implement the law and what the consequences would be, if it can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The battle comes amid national outrage at drug manufacturers that have hiked the cost of specialty drugs, including EpiPens and HIV and Hepatitis C treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290803590\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Meat of the Proposal\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">California buys a lot of drugs. Medi-Cal pays for low-income residents, the Department of Corrections provides them to inmates, and CalPERS gives them to state employees and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents of Proposition 61 think those agencies can band together to force prices lower, and the measure is very specific about how low: It would prohibit the state from paying any more for a drug than the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“Why use the Department of Veterans Affairs as the marker?” says Proposition 61 campaign strategist Garry South. “Because the Department of Veterans Affairs, under federal law, gets the lowest prices for prescription drugs of any government agency, state or federal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The VA’s Bargain Basement Prices\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The VA does get a mandatory discount, as South says -- typically at least 24 percent off the average wholesale price of a brand-name drug. But that’s not much different than state Medicaid programs, including Medi-Cal, which receive a 23.1 percent discount by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“On top of that, the VA can negotiate further discounts,” says Boston University economist Austin Frakt. In \u003ca href=\"http://www.hcfe.research.va.gov/docs/wp_2011_04.pdf\">a 2011 report\u003c/a> he produced for the agency, Frakt found it buys drugs for 40 percent less than Medicare pays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But, that comes with a catch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“One way they are aided in their negotiation is that they are not required to cover all drugs,” says Frakt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The VA restricts access to some drugs, requiring physicians to first try cheaper alternatives or document why they can’t. That allows the agency to give one drug more market share and put tight restrictions on a competitor. Companies that want their drugs in VA hospitals have an incentive to offer low prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The VA has other advantages when negotiating, says Walid Gellad, director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Policy and Prescribing at the University of Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">It employs doctors and prescribers directly, giving it tighter control over the medicines they distribute, compared to other government health systems that rely on private doctors and pharmacies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The department also purchases drugs itself, rather than reimbursing for what outside doctors prescribe, as Medicare and Medicaid do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It’s also a place that trains a lot of future doctors,” says Gellad. “I think that’s important for pharmaceutical manufacturers — to have their drug present in a place where a lot of people are training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>Can California Match Those Prices?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“You can understand when someone goes to the ballot, it just makes complete sense: ‘If the VA pays this much, why should I pay more?’ ” says Gellad. “But it’s so much more complicated than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proposition 61 would require Medi-Cal to get VA prices for about 3 million of its patients (it excludes other Medi-Cal patients, who are on managed care plans). Rachel Sachs, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis who studies drug pricing, says it’s unlikely the state can produce the same leverage as the VA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There are a whole set of legal obstacles, before this initiative can actually reduce prices in the way that its sponsors want,” says Sachs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">While Medi-Cal can create a preferred drug list, the federal government ultimately decides which medicines the state must pay for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“Medi-Cal has to cover the drugs,” says Sachs. “So, telling Medi-Cal it can only pay the VA prices doesn’t give the state the bargaining power to walk away from the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents say it would be up to the state to figure out the mechanics. South, the Yes on 61 campaign strategist, says the reaction from pharmaceutical companies proves the measure would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There’s a reason why the drug companies have aggregated $90 million to fight this measure (it rose to nearly $110 million after this interview),” says South. “It’s not because they have a great deal of confidence in their ability to walk away from the California market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>Can California Even See the VA’s Prices?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">One common criticism of Proposition 61 is that the Department of Veterans Affairs does not release its lowest prices, so California agencies may simply be unable to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It may be impossible for CalPERS or (the California Department of Health Care Services, which runs Medi-Cal) to discover the lowest price paid for the same drug by the VA,” says an \u003ca href=\"/media/7789997/CalPERS%20analysis%20of%20Prop%2061.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">analysis of Proposition 61 by CalPERS staff.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Garry South calls this “a mythology that has developed over many years by people who don’t know what they’re talking about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">He says only a small fraction of drugs, which the VA buys ad hoc and in bulk for lower prices from drug companies, do not show up on publicly published lists. The department confirms this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But Gellad says it’s that small group of drugs that are often the most expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“When people say they want lower prices, it’s not that they want lower prices for generic medicines,” says Gellad. “They want lower prices for Hepatitis C drugs, for drugs like HIV, things like that, for which the VA negotiates prices which are lower than is publicly known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>What if the State Can’t See or Get the Required Prices?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Instead of embracing the measure, state agencies that would presumably save money under it have sounded notes of concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">CalPERS says it may not be able to get the required drug prices, forcing it to breach its contracts with the third-party pharmacies and insurers it relies on and leaving members without access to medicines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The retirement system would likely have to implement emergency regulations to join with other state agencies and begin purchasing drugs itself — less than eight months after voters approve the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It is doubtful such a massive build-out could be accomplished by the Act’s compliance date of July 1, 2017,” the staff analysis says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Neither CalPERS nor the Department of Health Care Services has taken an official position on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But, if Medi-Cal similarly could not achieve the VA prices — and therefore couldn’t purchase drugs — it would violate federal rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There’s a number of choices,” says Mike Wofford, the DHCS chief of pharmacy policy. “The state could be penalized. The state Medicaid services could be taken away, in a last resort kind of thing. But, typically it’s a penalty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>As Goes California...\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proposition 61’s biggest endorsers are Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders — who has stumped for the measure around the state and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y6Fanyx06as\">cut an ad\u003c/a> for it — and AARP. The powerful lobby for retired people has backed the measure, its first in the state since 2008. California advocacy director Blanca Castro says the organization wants California to set a national precedent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/embed/y6Fanyx06as\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It’s going to be a game changer,” she says. “If it passes, we are going to be able to see other states follow suit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But the organization acknowledges potential problems in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“The fact of the matter is that with every legislation, every initiative, there’s some risk. But, in this case, for AARP that’s not an excuse for doing nothing,” says Mark Beach, the associate state director. “From our perspective, those things could happen, people could file lawsuits, but we can’t just do nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>Hurting Veterans?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Several veterans groups, including the American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars, have opposed the measure on the grounds that it could raise their drug prices. And they’ve starred in ads against Proposition 61.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents call that an empty threat, arguing that federal law requires the discounts. The VA disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“This measure has the potential for significant negative financial impact to VA if drug manufacturers stop providing VA with large discounts it is currently able to negotiate,” \u003ca href=\"/media/7789984/VA%20Memo%20re%20Impact%20of%20Prop%2061%20Given%20to%20LAO.PDF\" target=\"_blank\">an issue brief\u003c/a> from the department says. “VA should assume … the pharmaceutical industry will react by eliminating all non-statutorily required and non-contractually required VA pharmaceutical discounts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The brief estimates the VA could lose nearly $4 billion per year, once its current contracts with drugmakers expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Supporters of Proposition 61 call it an opportunity to fight back against skyrocketing drug prices. But outside experts are skeptical it would work as promised.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/about/bios/ben-bradford/\">Ben Bradford\u003c/a> \u003cbr> \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/\">Capital Public Radio\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No California ballot fight has attracted more money or bigger names than Proposition 61.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents call it the only initiative in the country that could rein in rising drug prices. Pharmaceutical companies have spent nearly $110 million to oppose it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But politics aside, experts see a problem with the measure. They question whether California could implement the law and what the consequences would be, if it can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The battle comes amid national outrage at drug manufacturers that have hiked the cost of specialty drugs, including EpiPens and HIV and Hepatitis C treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290803590&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290803590'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Meat of the Proposal\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">California buys a lot of drugs. Medi-Cal pays for low-income residents, the Department of Corrections provides them to inmates, and CalPERS gives them to state employees and their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents of Proposition 61 think those agencies can band together to force prices lower, and the measure is very specific about how low: It would prohibit the state from paying any more for a drug than the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“Why use the Department of Veterans Affairs as the marker?” says Proposition 61 campaign strategist Garry South. “Because the Department of Veterans Affairs, under federal law, gets the lowest prices for prescription drugs of any government agency, state or federal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The VA’s Bargain Basement Prices\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The VA does get a mandatory discount, as South says -- typically at least 24 percent off the average wholesale price of a brand-name drug. But that’s not much different than state Medicaid programs, including Medi-Cal, which receive a 23.1 percent discount by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“On top of that, the VA can negotiate further discounts,” says Boston University economist Austin Frakt. In \u003ca href=\"http://www.hcfe.research.va.gov/docs/wp_2011_04.pdf\">a 2011 report\u003c/a> he produced for the agency, Frakt found it buys drugs for 40 percent less than Medicare pays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But, that comes with a catch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“One way they are aided in their negotiation is that they are not required to cover all drugs,” says Frakt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The VA restricts access to some drugs, requiring physicians to first try cheaper alternatives or document why they can’t. That allows the agency to give one drug more market share and put tight restrictions on a competitor. Companies that want their drugs in VA hospitals have an incentive to offer low prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The VA has other advantages when negotiating, says Walid Gellad, director of the Center for Pharmaceutical Policy and Prescribing at the University of Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">It employs doctors and prescribers directly, giving it tighter control over the medicines they distribute, compared to other government health systems that rely on private doctors and pharmacies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The department also purchases drugs itself, rather than reimbursing for what outside doctors prescribe, as Medicare and Medicaid do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It’s also a place that trains a lot of future doctors,” says Gellad. “I think that’s important for pharmaceutical manufacturers — to have their drug present in a place where a lot of people are training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>Can California Match Those Prices?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“You can understand when someone goes to the ballot, it just makes complete sense: ‘If the VA pays this much, why should I pay more?’ ” says Gellad. “But it’s so much more complicated than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proposition 61 would require Medi-Cal to get VA prices for about 3 million of its patients (it excludes other Medi-Cal patients, who are on managed care plans). Rachel Sachs, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis who studies drug pricing, says it’s unlikely the state can produce the same leverage as the VA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There are a whole set of legal obstacles, before this initiative can actually reduce prices in the way that its sponsors want,” says Sachs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">While Medi-Cal can create a preferred drug list, the federal government ultimately decides which medicines the state must pay for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“Medi-Cal has to cover the drugs,” says Sachs. “So, telling Medi-Cal it can only pay the VA prices doesn’t give the state the bargaining power to walk away from the table.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents say it would be up to the state to figure out the mechanics. South, the Yes on 61 campaign strategist, says the reaction from pharmaceutical companies proves the measure would work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There’s a reason why the drug companies have aggregated $90 million to fight this measure (it rose to nearly $110 million after this interview),” says South. “It’s not because they have a great deal of confidence in their ability to walk away from the California market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>Can California Even See the VA’s Prices?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">One common criticism of Proposition 61 is that the Department of Veterans Affairs does not release its lowest prices, so California agencies may simply be unable to comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It may be impossible for CalPERS or (the California Department of Health Care Services, which runs Medi-Cal) to discover the lowest price paid for the same drug by the VA,” says an \u003ca href=\"/media/7789997/CalPERS%20analysis%20of%20Prop%2061.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">analysis of Proposition 61 by CalPERS staff.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Garry South calls this “a mythology that has developed over many years by people who don’t know what they’re talking about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">He says only a small fraction of drugs, which the VA buys ad hoc and in bulk for lower prices from drug companies, do not show up on publicly published lists. The department confirms this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But Gellad says it’s that small group of drugs that are often the most expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“When people say they want lower prices, it’s not that they want lower prices for generic medicines,” says Gellad. “They want lower prices for Hepatitis C drugs, for drugs like HIV, things like that, for which the VA negotiates prices which are lower than is publicly known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>What if the State Can’t See or Get the Required Prices?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Instead of embracing the measure, state agencies that would presumably save money under it have sounded notes of concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">CalPERS says it may not be able to get the required drug prices, forcing it to breach its contracts with the third-party pharmacies and insurers it relies on and leaving members without access to medicines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The retirement system would likely have to implement emergency regulations to join with other state agencies and begin purchasing drugs itself — less than eight months after voters approve the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It is doubtful such a massive build-out could be accomplished by the Act’s compliance date of July 1, 2017,” the staff analysis says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Neither CalPERS nor the Department of Health Care Services has taken an official position on the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But, if Medi-Cal similarly could not achieve the VA prices — and therefore couldn’t purchase drugs — it would violate federal rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There’s a number of choices,” says Mike Wofford, the DHCS chief of pharmacy policy. “The state could be penalized. The state Medicaid services could be taken away, in a last resort kind of thing. But, typically it’s a penalty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>As Goes California...\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proposition 61’s biggest endorsers are Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders — who has stumped for the measure around the state and \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y6Fanyx06as\">cut an ad\u003c/a> for it — and AARP. The powerful lobby for retired people has backed the measure, its first in the state since 2008. California advocacy director Blanca Castro says the organization wants California to set a national precedent.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/y6Fanyx06as'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/y6Fanyx06as'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“It’s going to be a game changer,” she says. “If it passes, we are going to be able to see other states follow suit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But the organization acknowledges potential problems in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“The fact of the matter is that with every legislation, every initiative, there’s some risk. But, in this case, for AARP that’s not an excuse for doing nothing,” says Mark Beach, the associate state director. “From our perspective, those things could happen, people could file lawsuits, but we can’t just do nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cstrong>Hurting Veterans?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Several veterans groups, including the American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars, have opposed the measure on the grounds that it could raise their drug prices. And they’ve starred in ads against Proposition 61.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Proponents call that an empty threat, arguing that federal law requires the discounts. The VA disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“This measure has the potential for significant negative financial impact to VA if drug manufacturers stop providing VA with large discounts it is currently able to negotiate,” \u003ca href=\"/media/7789984/VA%20Memo%20re%20Impact%20of%20Prop%2061%20Given%20to%20LAO.PDF\" target=\"_blank\">an issue brief\u003c/a> from the department says. “VA should assume … the pharmaceutical industry will react by eliminating all non-statutorily required and non-contractually required VA pharmaceutical discounts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The brief estimates the VA could lose nearly $4 billion per year, once its current contracts with drugmakers expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Proposition 59 Gives Voters a Voice But Little Else in Campaign Financing Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>Among the 17 statewide ballot measures California voters face in the general election is \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2022/info/proposition-59\">Proposition 59\u003c/a>, a rare advisory initiative that, if approved, would direct the state’s elected officials to work on reversing the effects of Citizens United.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term refers to the 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, which established that the First Amendment applies to corporations and, as a result, the government cannot limit their political spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark decision dramatically increased the amounts of money that flowed into political campaigns across the country from corporations and labor unions, allowing them to spend unlimited dollars on political advertisements prior to an election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Democrats favor overturning the ruling, while some Republicans want to see it stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We’d like to send a message to our congressional members that they need to take action.’\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders frequently railed against the decision during his presidential run, and Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton addressed the issue during recent presidential debates, saying she’d like to see the U.S. Supreme Court reverse the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican nominee Donald Trump has been critical of political contributions from outside groups, but hasn’t proposed specific policy changes to the campaign financing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters approve Proposition 59, California’s elected officials would be instructed to try to overturn the Citizens United ruling through an amendment to the U.S. Constitution or another avenue. But because the measure is advisory, the officials aren’t legally mandated to follow the voters’ wishes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters nonetheless want to see passage of the proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d like to send a message to our congressional members that they need to take action,” said Kathay Feng, executive director of California Common Cause. “And therefore this kind of unlimited spending that we’re seeing right now in the 2016 elections could be reined in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We don’t have room for these nonbonding initiatives that do nothing more than waste the taxpayers’ time.’\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the measure say Proposition 59 is dangerous. They worry it may spur a string of advisory ballot measures in California on such issues as abortion and gun control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, there are already too many measures on the ballot for voters to realistically handle, according to Republican state Sen. Jeff Stone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have room for these nonbonding initiatives that do nothing more than waste the taxpayers’ time,” he said. “This does nothing. It doesn’t make a law, it doesn’t repeal a law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $240,000 has been contributed to support the measure. No contributions have been reported in opposition, according to the latest campaign spending filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is among 26 states that allow citizens to make policies directly through initiatives. About a dozen of those states, according to Feng, allow for measures like Proposition 59 that let voters instruct officials to take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Among the 17 statewide ballot measures California voters face in the general election is \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2022/info/proposition-59\">Proposition 59\u003c/a>, a rare advisory initiative that, if approved, would direct the state’s elected officials to work on reversing the effects of Citizens United.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The term refers to the 2010 U.S. Supreme Court decision Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, which established that the First Amendment applies to corporations and, as a result, the government cannot limit their political spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The landmark decision dramatically increased the amounts of money that flowed into political campaigns across the country from corporations and labor unions, allowing them to spend unlimited dollars on political advertisements prior to an election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Democrats favor overturning the ruling, while some Republicans want to see it stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We’d like to send a message to our congressional members that they need to take action.’\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders frequently railed against the decision during his presidential run, and Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton addressed the issue during recent presidential debates, saying she’d like to see the U.S. Supreme Court reverse the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican nominee Donald Trump has been critical of political contributions from outside groups, but hasn’t proposed specific policy changes to the campaign financing system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should voters approve Proposition 59, California’s elected officials would be instructed to try to overturn the Citizens United ruling through an amendment to the U.S. Constitution or another avenue. But because the measure is advisory, the officials aren’t legally mandated to follow the voters’ wishes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters nonetheless want to see passage of the proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d like to send a message to our congressional members that they need to take action,” said Kathay Feng, executive director of California Common Cause. “And therefore this kind of unlimited spending that we’re seeing right now in the 2016 elections could be reined in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We don’t have room for these nonbonding initiatives that do nothing more than waste the taxpayers’ time.’\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the measure say Proposition 59 is dangerous. They worry it may spur a string of advisory ballot measures in California on such issues as abortion and gun control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, there are already too many measures on the ballot for voters to realistically handle, according to Republican state Sen. Jeff Stone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have room for these nonbonding initiatives that do nothing more than waste the taxpayers’ time,” he said. “This does nothing. It doesn’t make a law, it doesn’t repeal a law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than $240,000 has been contributed to support the measure. No contributions have been reported in opposition, according to the latest campaign spending filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is among 26 states that allow citizens to make policies directly through initiatives. About a dozen of those states, according to Feng, allow for measures like Proposition 59 that let voters instruct officials to take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cities Prepare to Take the Driver’s Seat in Marijuana Trade",
"title": "Cities Prepare to Take the Driver’s Seat in Marijuana Trade",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>In the dusty, wind-swept city of \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.adelanto.ca.us/\" target=\"_blank\">Adelanto\u003c/a>, officials are predicting big changes on the horizon. City Councilman Johnny \"Bug\" Woodard Jr. is standing in front of a chain-link fence surrounding a vacant lot in the city’s Green Zone, the industrial area where Adelanto allows medical marijuana cultivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re looking at here is the first property to actually break ground to build a new building,\" Woodard says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290067613\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn’t look like much, but Woodard says this business and others like it will lead to a new future for Adelanto, a worn-down city of about 32,000 in the high desert of San Bernardino County. Since last year, when the city passed an ordinance allowing for large-scale medical marijuana cultivation, Woodard says some big names have come knocking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So right now we have 32 licenses that have been issued. We've seen UCLA, USC, the City of Hope is here, the University of Mississippi is involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodard tells of investors with gold-plated Bentleys driving down dusty city streets and pro athletes coming to visit. In an effort to capitalize on the potential investment, Adelanto has placed Measure R on its November ballot. That’s a 5 percent excise tax on all marijuana-related business within the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a local cafe just down the road from the Green Zone, we run into investor Chuck Shakta. So far he and his partners have put about $3 million into their medical marijuana cultivation project. Shakta says land prices are skyrocketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We're in the driver's seat right now. We're driving this car home.'\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Adelanto City Councilman Johnny 'Bug' Woodward Jr.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been close to a year and a half working on this project,\" he says. \"And now the prices are high, and our competitive edge is that we did start over a year ago and we secured our property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodard says the investments by Shakta and others are having a ripple effect throughout the town, which was on the verge of bankruptcy not too long ago. There are plans to build more commercial structures and homes. And investors must pledge to hire local workers when their projects are approved. Woodard says all this movement puts Adelanto in a good position in the event California voters approve Proposition 64 and legalize recreational marijuana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in the driver’s seat right now. We’re driving this car home,\" Woodard says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> passes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/Resources-Documents/Policy-Advocacy-Section/Hot-Issues/Adult-Use-of-Marijuana-Act/AUMA-Memo_Final.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">local governments would have a big role\u003c/a> in determining how -- or if -- cannabis-related businesses may operate within their borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, some cities are taking very different approaches to the possibility of recreational marijuana. And not all local governments are embracing the possibility of legal marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11144404\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11144404\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A fountain at Broadway Plaza shopping center in Walnut Creek, CA.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A fountain at Broadway Plaza shopping center in Walnut Creek. \u003ccite>(Mac Fotog/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The upscale Bay Area city of \u003ca href=\"http://www.walnut-creek.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Walnut Creek\u003c/a> is full of posh boutiques and high-end department stores. And the City Council doesn’t see a need to bring marijuana into the mix. It voted 4-1 on a \u003ca href=\"http://walnutcreek.granicus.com/MediaPlayer.php?view_id=12&clip_id=2861\" target=\"_blank\">resolution opposing the passage of Proposition 64\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I'm afraid this is going to add a dynamic that isn't comfortable for everyone.'\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Walnut Creek Mayor Loella Haskew\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.walnut-creek.org/government/city-council/loella-haskew\" target=\"_blank\">Mayor Loella Haskew\u003c/a> takes the view that recreational marijuana won’t fit well in her town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walnut Creek is a really solid, tight, well-respected, respectful community,\" she says. \"And I’m afraid this is going to add a dynamic that isn’t comfortable for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police Chief Tom Chaplin agrees. He is concerned about drugged driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have an agreed level of impairment,\" Chaplin says. \"So if we put more drugged drivers on the road and that leads to more fatalities, the air of inevitability is not a valid argument for this, what I would describe as, poorly constructed measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever their approach, a lot of cities are just trying to figure out what Proposition 64 could mean for them. The measure would give cities and counties the power to regulate marijuana-related activities. They could establish zoning and permitting rules. They could even ban marijuana businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Cromartie with the League of California Cities has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/Resources-Documents/Policy-Advocacy-Section/Hot-Issues/Adult-Use-of-Marijuana-Act/AUMA-FAQ_Final.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">fielding a lot of questions\u003c/a> about the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A number of cities have awakened to the economic development potential of marijuana,\" he says. \"Other cities continue to ban absolutely. It’s definitely going to be a potential cash cow for local jurisdictions, but it’s got to be carefully managed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 64 would give local governments a lot of control over recreational marijuana. Already, cities are taking very different approaches on how to proceed if the measure passes.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the dusty, wind-swept city of \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.adelanto.ca.us/\" target=\"_blank\">Adelanto\u003c/a>, officials are predicting big changes on the horizon. City Councilman Johnny \"Bug\" Woodard Jr. is standing in front of a chain-link fence surrounding a vacant lot in the city’s Green Zone, the industrial area where Adelanto allows medical marijuana cultivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re looking at here is the first property to actually break ground to build a new building,\" Woodard says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290067613&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290067613'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn’t look like much, but Woodard says this business and others like it will lead to a new future for Adelanto, a worn-down city of about 32,000 in the high desert of San Bernardino County. Since last year, when the city passed an ordinance allowing for large-scale medical marijuana cultivation, Woodard says some big names have come knocking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So right now we have 32 licenses that have been issued. We've seen UCLA, USC, the City of Hope is here, the University of Mississippi is involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodard tells of investors with gold-plated Bentleys driving down dusty city streets and pro athletes coming to visit. In an effort to capitalize on the potential investment, Adelanto has placed Measure R on its November ballot. That’s a 5 percent excise tax on all marijuana-related business within the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a local cafe just down the road from the Green Zone, we run into investor Chuck Shakta. So far he and his partners have put about $3 million into their medical marijuana cultivation project. Shakta says land prices are skyrocketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We're in the driver's seat right now. We're driving this car home.'\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Adelanto City Councilman Johnny 'Bug' Woodward Jr.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been close to a year and a half working on this project,\" he says. \"And now the prices are high, and our competitive edge is that we did start over a year ago and we secured our property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Woodard says the investments by Shakta and others are having a ripple effect throughout the town, which was on the verge of bankruptcy not too long ago. There are plans to build more commercial structures and homes. And investors must pledge to hire local workers when their projects are approved. Woodard says all this movement puts Adelanto in a good position in the event California voters approve Proposition 64 and legalize recreational marijuana\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in the driver’s seat right now. We’re driving this car home,\" Woodard says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> passes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/Resources-Documents/Policy-Advocacy-Section/Hot-Issues/Adult-Use-of-Marijuana-Act/AUMA-Memo_Final.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">local governments would have a big role\u003c/a> in determining how -- or if -- cannabis-related businesses may operate within their borders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, some cities are taking very different approaches to the possibility of recreational marijuana. And not all local governments are embracing the possibility of legal marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11144404\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11144404\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A fountain at Broadway Plaza shopping center in Walnut Creek, CA.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Fountain-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A fountain at Broadway Plaza shopping center in Walnut Creek. \u003ccite>(Mac Fotog/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The upscale Bay Area city of \u003ca href=\"http://www.walnut-creek.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Walnut Creek\u003c/a> is full of posh boutiques and high-end department stores. And the City Council doesn’t see a need to bring marijuana into the mix. It voted 4-1 on a \u003ca href=\"http://walnutcreek.granicus.com/MediaPlayer.php?view_id=12&clip_id=2861\" target=\"_blank\">resolution opposing the passage of Proposition 64\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I'm afraid this is going to add a dynamic that isn't comfortable for everyone.'\u003cbr>\n\u003ccite>Walnut Creek Mayor Loella Haskew\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.walnut-creek.org/government/city-council/loella-haskew\" target=\"_blank\">Mayor Loella Haskew\u003c/a> takes the view that recreational marijuana won’t fit well in her town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walnut Creek is a really solid, tight, well-respected, respectful community,\" she says. \"And I’m afraid this is going to add a dynamic that isn’t comfortable for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police Chief Tom Chaplin agrees. He is concerned about drugged driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have an agreed level of impairment,\" Chaplin says. \"So if we put more drugged drivers on the road and that leads to more fatalities, the air of inevitability is not a valid argument for this, what I would describe as, poorly constructed measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever their approach, a lot of cities are just trying to figure out what Proposition 64 could mean for them. The measure would give cities and counties the power to regulate marijuana-related activities. They could establish zoning and permitting rules. They could even ban marijuana businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Cromartie with the League of California Cities has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/Resources-Documents/Policy-Advocacy-Section/Hot-Issues/Adult-Use-of-Marijuana-Act/AUMA-FAQ_Final.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">fielding a lot of questions\u003c/a> about the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A number of cities have awakened to the economic development potential of marijuana,\" he says. \"Other cities continue to ban absolutely. It’s definitely going to be a potential cash cow for local jurisdictions, but it’s got to be carefully managed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Proposition 55 May Be Good Politics, But Is It Good Policy?",
"title": "Proposition 55 May Be Good Politics, But Is It Good Policy?",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Should rich Californians pay higher state income taxes to fund schools, health care for the poor and other programs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that question sounds familiar, it’s because voters faced the same choice four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They said yes in 2012, during the state's budget crisis. Now, with the budget much healthier, the question is whether to extend taxes that supporters, including Gov. Jerry Brown, vowed would be \"temporary.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289953796\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said that May: “I’m linking the serious budget reductions -- real, increased austerity -- with a plea to the voters: Please increase taxes temporarily on the most affluent and everyone else with a quarter of a cent sales tax.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">He made that statement at a time when the state faced a $16 billion budget deficit. Brown promised Proposition 30 would balance the state budget and avoid even deeper cuts to schools. It passed with 55 percent of the vote. And it did balance the budget -- for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But with schools and other programs crippled from years of cuts, the governor and legislative Democrats increased spending every year since. The state’s general fund is now more than $25 billion larger. And because of all that new spending, Proposition 30’s expiration could create a new deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[StateSpending]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This brings us to Proposition 55. The proposal allows the sales tax increase to sunset at the end of this year but would extend the income tax hikes through 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11145398\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11145398\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-800x450.png\" alt=\"Source: California Legislative Analyst’s Office\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-800x450.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-160x90.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-960x540.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-240x135.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-375x211.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-520x292.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2.png 984w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: California Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“We can’t afford to go back to the days of massive teacher layoffs, larger class sizes and cuts to programs like art and music,” Eric Heins, with the California Teachers Association, said as supporters launched their campaign earlier this year at a Sacramento middle school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“This initiative simply asks those that earn the most in our state -- the wealthiest 2 percent -- to continue paying a little bit more for a little while longer,” added Laphonza Butler with the Service Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">That \"little while longer\" is actually 12 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“On a budgetary basis, this is terrible policy,” says Mike Genest, the top budget aide to former Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger. That’s because income tax revenues from the wealthy soar in boom times but plummet in recessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“This up-and-down cycle of our California budget, where it's feast or famine, is unhealthy for the state; it’s bad for the programs that rely on the budget,” says Genest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">In addition to the usual support from labor and progressive groups, the measure is also backed by doctors and hospitals because it steers some of the money to Medi-Cal, California’s health care program for the poor. Anthony Wright, with the advocacy group Health Access, says state programs aren’t even back to pre-recession funding levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"HpD0mJosEcsvwTcMlLCYXAbo0X8PZvNW\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the idea that then we would say, we’re going to give a tax cut to the top 1 percent and make additional cuts on top of that, seems to us disastrous,” says Wright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">There's another big difference between Propositions 30 and 55: The governor has stayed studiously neutral this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The California Chamber of Commerce, which was neutral on Proposition 30, now opposes Proposition 55.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There was clearly a deficit (in 2012), and there was a need,” chamber president Allan Zaremberg said earlier this year. “Now, the question is, is now the right time -- after we sold that to the voters with a temporary increase -- that we should go out there and virtually make it permanent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Yet the chamber has done nothing to fight the measure, nor have other critics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Perhaps that's because while it’s debatable whether taxing the rich in California is good budget policy, there's little doubt it's good politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/about/bios/ben-adler/\">Ben Adler\u003c/a> \u003cbr> \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/\">Capital Public Radio\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Should rich Californians pay higher state income taxes to fund schools, health care for the poor and other programs?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that question sounds familiar, it’s because voters faced the same choice four years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They said yes in 2012, during the state's budget crisis. Now, with the budget much healthier, the question is whether to extend taxes that supporters, including Gov. Jerry Brown, vowed would be \"temporary.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289953796&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289953796'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said that May: “I’m linking the serious budget reductions -- real, increased austerity -- with a plea to the voters: Please increase taxes temporarily on the most affluent and everyone else with a quarter of a cent sales tax.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">He made that statement at a time when the state faced a $16 billion budget deficit. Brown promised Proposition 30 would balance the state budget and avoid even deeper cuts to schools. It passed with 55 percent of the vote. And it did balance the budget -- for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">But with schools and other programs crippled from years of cuts, the governor and legislative Democrats increased spending every year since. The state’s general fund is now more than $25 billion larger. And because of all that new spending, Proposition 30’s expiration could create a new deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[StateSpending]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This brings us to Proposition 55. The proposal allows the sales tax increase to sunset at the end of this year but would extend the income tax hikes through 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11145398\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11145398\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-800x450.png\" alt=\"Source: California Legislative Analyst’s Office\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-800x450.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-160x90.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-960x540.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-240x135.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-375x211.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2-520x292.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/prop55-fig2.png 984w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: California Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“We can’t afford to go back to the days of massive teacher layoffs, larger class sizes and cuts to programs like art and music,” Eric Heins, with the California Teachers Association, said as supporters launched their campaign earlier this year at a Sacramento middle school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“This initiative simply asks those that earn the most in our state -- the wealthiest 2 percent -- to continue paying a little bit more for a little while longer,” added Laphonza Butler with the Service Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">That \"little while longer\" is actually 12 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“On a budgetary basis, this is terrible policy,” says Mike Genest, the top budget aide to former Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger. That’s because income tax revenues from the wealthy soar in boom times but plummet in recessions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“This up-and-down cycle of our California budget, where it's feast or famine, is unhealthy for the state; it’s bad for the programs that rely on the budget,” says Genest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">In addition to the usual support from labor and progressive groups, the measure is also backed by doctors and hospitals because it steers some of the money to Medi-Cal, California’s health care program for the poor. Anthony Wright, with the advocacy group Health Access, says state programs aren’t even back to pre-recession funding levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the idea that then we would say, we’re going to give a tax cut to the top 1 percent and make additional cuts on top of that, seems to us disastrous,” says Wright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">There's another big difference between Propositions 30 and 55: The governor has stayed studiously neutral this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">The California Chamber of Commerce, which was neutral on Proposition 30, now opposes Proposition 55.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">“There was clearly a deficit (in 2012), and there was a need,” chamber president Allan Zaremberg said earlier this year. “Now, the question is, is now the right time -- after we sold that to the voters with a temporary increase -- that we should go out there and virtually make it permanent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Yet the chamber has done nothing to fight the measure, nor have other critics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">Perhaps that's because while it’s debatable whether taxing the rich in California is good budget policy, there's little doubt it's good politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp dir=\"ltr\">\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Explaining Proposition 64: How California Would Legalize Marijuana",
"title": "Explaining Proposition 64: How California Would Legalize Marijuana",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>There are so many questions about California’s November ballot measure that would legalize recreational marijuana that it’s easy to overlook the most basic question of all: What would the initiative actually do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, we’re here to help. So get out your sample or mail-in ballots and follow along as we go through that little \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> summary together. It’s right next to where you vote “yes” or “no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like in the voter guide, we'll throw in a few “pro” and “con” arguments, too. OK, let's get started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 legalizes marijuana under state law, for use by adults 21 or older\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting immediately, it would no longer be a crime in California to buy, possess or transport limited amounts of marijuana for personal use. You could cultivate up to six plants in the privacy of your own home -- either indoors or outdoors, as long as it's not visible to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They can’t sell it, but they can grow it for their own personal use,\" explains Richard Miadich, the lawyer who wrote the initiative and works for the Yes on 64 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says you can smoke or consume marijuana products -- including edibles -- only at a private home, or at a business that gets a license to allow on-site consumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You cannot use marijuana, ingest marijuana in any way, in public,\" he says. \"You can’t use it or ingest it anywhere where smoking is prohibited.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 imposes state taxes on sales and cultivation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of taxes, in fact. There would be a state excise tax on cultivation of $9.25 per ounce of marijuana flowers and $2.75 per ounce of marijuana leaves; and a state excise tax on sales: 15 percent of the retail price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's on top of the regular sales tax that we pay on everything from cars to couches, though medical marijuana patients would be exempt from sales tax. And local governments can throw their own excise tax on top, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[PotTaxation]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers wouldn’t pay the cultivation tax directly. But if you live in a city with a particularly high sales tax rate that chooses to also add a local excise tax, your total taxes might reach 30 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, is ridiculously high,” says Jamie Kerr, the founder of a storefront medical marijuana dispensary in the city of Shasta Lake and an opponent of Proposition 64. She wants to see California legalize marijuana but says this is the wrong way to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That (combined tax rate) exceeds the threshold at which we start to promote the illicit market,” Kerr says, “and that’s a concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to strike the right balance,” counters initiative author Richard Miadich, “of not having a tax that's so high that you perpetuate the illegal market -- which is what of course we want to eliminate by enacting this initiative -- but not have a tax rate that's so low that it encourages overuse by adults, for example.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says the tax rates set by Proposition 64 are just starting points. The Legislature can adjust any rates it decides need to be tweaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 provides for industry licensing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California voters legalized medical marijuana in 1996, it wasn’t until last year that the governor and Legislature finally created a regulatory framework. The regulations themselves are still being written.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The state will be in charge of licensing cultivators, manufacturers, distributors and retailers of nonmedical marijuana,” Miadich says, “just like it is for medical marijuana.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[MedPotReg]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 64 generally piggybacks on the system created by California’s medical marijuana laws – but not entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerr, the dispensary founder, says the initiative eliminates existing protections that prevent large companies from controlling too many links in the supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those protections exist, she says, to allow the current medical marijuana industry “fair and equitable market access, without having to immediately right out of the gate compete with some well-capitalized corporate interests that are wanting to get into this space.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says state regulators would have the ability to deny license requests if they would lead to anti-competitive behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 establishes standards for marijuana products\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative sets at least one very specific standard: \"For example, there's a limit on the level of THC that can be in a serving size of edible marijuana products,” says Drew Soderborg with the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11138463\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11138463\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A staff member at a dispensary in San Francisco holds a cannabis-infused macaroon.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A staff member at a dispensary in San Francisco holds a cannabis-infused macaroon. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But it leaves some other limits up to state regulators. Such as, how big is a serving size? What are the testing requirements? And, the hot-button question of what exactly constitutes drugged driving?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says there's not enough research to set a legal standard for marijuana intoxication, so Proposition 64 gives the state money to do its own research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are using marijuana today and they are driving today,” he says. “So this initiative accepts that that problem exists today and offers solutions for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerr calls that irresponsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To roll out the adult use market -- which literally banks on increased usage to generate the revenue that is expected and that is projected -- I think that it’s putting the cart in front of the horse,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 allows local regulation and taxation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 64 passes, local governments would have some powers -- but not others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot ban indoor cultivation for personal use,” says Tim Cromartie with the League of California Cities, “although you can regulate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"QHDI4Ys2yphlIGIvowhGGnEEvjoAcmou\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Cromartie says, cities and counties could require residents to obtain permits, pay fees, and let their homes be inspected to prevent fire risk, excess water use or mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And local governments can choose to ban recreational marijuana businesses entirely -- just like they can choose to ban medical marijuana businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you decide to allow them,” Cromartie says, “you can decide under what circumstances -- what’s the local licensing fee gonna be, what kind of inspections or audits are they gonna have to comply with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a local government chooses not to set regulations, the state can unilaterally issue a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fiscal impact: additional tax revenues ranging from high hundreds of millions of dollars to over $1 billion annually, mostly dedicated to specific purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember all those taxes we talked about earlier? That money would be split several ways, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>reimbursing state agencies for their regulatory costs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>drugged driving research\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>after-school programs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>environmental restoration\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s more, but it’s a long list. The official Voter Information Guide analysis, written by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/64/analysis.htm\">has the details\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fiscal Impact: Reduced criminal justice costs of tens of millions of dollars annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This gets to the other major result of legalizing recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 64 would reduce penalties for many marijuana-related crimes. And it would allow people with crimes on their records to ask a court to reduce their sentences or expunge their records -- with one caveat:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court would have to decide whether or not the individual represents a public safety threat,” says the LAO’s Drew Soderborg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oh, one last thing:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 64 passes, the state and local governments would need to set their standards and regulations by Jan. 1, 2018 -- because that's when they'll need to start issuing licenses. The rest of the initiative would take effect the day after the election -- as long as it's not too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>There are so many questions about California’s November ballot measure that would legalize recreational marijuana that it’s easy to overlook the most basic question of all: What would the initiative actually do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, we’re here to help. So get out your sample or mail-in ballots and follow along as we go through that little \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> summary together. It’s right next to where you vote “yes” or “no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just like in the voter guide, we'll throw in a few “pro” and “con” arguments, too. OK, let's get started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 legalizes marijuana under state law, for use by adults 21 or older\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting immediately, it would no longer be a crime in California to buy, possess or transport limited amounts of marijuana for personal use. You could cultivate up to six plants in the privacy of your own home -- either indoors or outdoors, as long as it's not visible to the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They can’t sell it, but they can grow it for their own personal use,\" explains Richard Miadich, the lawyer who wrote the initiative and works for the Yes on 64 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says you can smoke or consume marijuana products -- including edibles -- only at a private home, or at a business that gets a license to allow on-site consumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You cannot use marijuana, ingest marijuana in any way, in public,\" he says. \"You can’t use it or ingest it anywhere where smoking is prohibited.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 imposes state taxes on sales and cultivation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of taxes, in fact. There would be a state excise tax on cultivation of $9.25 per ounce of marijuana flowers and $2.75 per ounce of marijuana leaves; and a state excise tax on sales: 15 percent of the retail price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's on top of the regular sales tax that we pay on everything from cars to couches, though medical marijuana patients would be exempt from sales tax. And local governments can throw their own excise tax on top, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[PotTaxation]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumers wouldn’t pay the cultivation tax directly. But if you live in a city with a particularly high sales tax rate that chooses to also add a local excise tax, your total taxes might reach 30 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That, to me, is ridiculously high,” says Jamie Kerr, the founder of a storefront medical marijuana dispensary in the city of Shasta Lake and an opponent of Proposition 64. She wants to see California legalize marijuana but says this is the wrong way to do it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That (combined tax rate) exceeds the threshold at which we start to promote the illicit market,” Kerr says, “and that’s a concern.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to strike the right balance,” counters initiative author Richard Miadich, “of not having a tax that's so high that you perpetuate the illegal market -- which is what of course we want to eliminate by enacting this initiative -- but not have a tax rate that's so low that it encourages overuse by adults, for example.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says the tax rates set by Proposition 64 are just starting points. The Legislature can adjust any rates it decides need to be tweaked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 provides for industry licensing\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California voters legalized medical marijuana in 1996, it wasn’t until last year that the governor and Legislature finally created a regulatory framework. The regulations themselves are still being written.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The state will be in charge of licensing cultivators, manufacturers, distributors and retailers of nonmedical marijuana,” Miadich says, “just like it is for medical marijuana.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[MedPotReg]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 64 generally piggybacks on the system created by California’s medical marijuana laws – but not entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerr, the dispensary founder, says the initiative eliminates existing protections that prevent large companies from controlling too many links in the supply chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those protections exist, she says, to allow the current medical marijuana industry “fair and equitable market access, without having to immediately right out of the gate compete with some well-capitalized corporate interests that are wanting to get into this space.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says state regulators would have the ability to deny license requests if they would lead to anti-competitive behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 establishes standards for marijuana products\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative sets at least one very specific standard: \"For example, there's a limit on the level of THC that can be in a serving size of edible marijuana products,” says Drew Soderborg with the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11138463\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11138463\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A staff member at a dispensary in San Francisco holds a cannabis-infused macaroon.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/PotMacaroon-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A staff member at a dispensary in San Francisco holds a cannabis-infused macaroon. \u003ccite>(Brittany Hosea-Small/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But it leaves some other limits up to state regulators. Such as, how big is a serving size? What are the testing requirements? And, the hot-button question of what exactly constitutes drugged driving?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miadich says there's not enough research to set a legal standard for marijuana intoxication, so Proposition 64 gives the state money to do its own research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are using marijuana today and they are driving today,” he says. “So this initiative accepts that that problem exists today and offers solutions for it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kerr calls that irresponsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To roll out the adult use market -- which literally banks on increased usage to generate the revenue that is expected and that is projected -- I think that it’s putting the cart in front of the horse,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 64 allows local regulation and taxation\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 64 passes, local governments would have some powers -- but not others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot ban indoor cultivation for personal use,” says Tim Cromartie with the League of California Cities, “although you can regulate it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, Cromartie says, cities and counties could require residents to obtain permits, pay fees, and let their homes be inspected to prevent fire risk, excess water use or mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And local governments can choose to ban recreational marijuana businesses entirely -- just like they can choose to ban medical marijuana businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you decide to allow them,” Cromartie says, “you can decide under what circumstances -- what’s the local licensing fee gonna be, what kind of inspections or audits are they gonna have to comply with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a local government chooses not to set regulations, the state can unilaterally issue a license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fiscal impact: additional tax revenues ranging from high hundreds of millions of dollars to over $1 billion annually, mostly dedicated to specific purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember all those taxes we talked about earlier? That money would be split several ways, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>reimbursing state agencies for their regulatory costs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>drugged driving research\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>after-school programs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>environmental restoration\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>There’s more, but it’s a long list. The official Voter Information Guide analysis, written by the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/64/analysis.htm\">has the details\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fiscal Impact: Reduced criminal justice costs of tens of millions of dollars annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This gets to the other major result of legalizing recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 64 would reduce penalties for many marijuana-related crimes. And it would allow people with crimes on their records to ask a court to reduce their sentences or expunge their records -- with one caveat:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court would have to decide whether or not the individual represents a public safety threat,” says the LAO’s Drew Soderborg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Oh, one last thing:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition 64 passes, the state and local governments would need to set their standards and regulations by Jan. 1, 2018 -- because that's when they'll need to start issuing licenses. The rest of the initiative would take effect the day after the election -- as long as it's not too close to call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Tale of Two Farm Towns: How the Central Valley Is Torn Over Marijuana",
"title": "A Tale of Two Farm Towns: How the Central Valley Is Torn Over Marijuana",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289146776\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part I: Huron\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Loud music and the smell of roasted corn on the cob fill the air at the Friday night street festival in the small Fresno County town of Huron. Kids play on a bounce house slide, while adults sell everything from used bikes and shoes to melons and tomatoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jazmin Vargas, 22, is selling an idea: that Huron residents should bank on a newly regulated industry in California -- medical marijuana. She asks a young man to sign a petition in support of a city ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're in need of people’s support for this to happen, for the council members to let it pass,” she says. “So if you’d like to support us, feel more than welcome to give your signature.” The young man agrees to sign it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB243\">state regulations\u003c/a>, medical marijuana dispensaries must have a local permit from the city or county in which they wish to operate before applying for a state license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This permitting process is something cities in the Central Valley are grappling with in advance of November’s election, when voters will decide whether to pass \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/64/\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> to legalize recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vargas grew up in this farming town an hour southwest of Fresno. She started picking watermelons at 15. In fact, most people in this town of 7,000 work in the fields or at a local tomato cannery. But there’s also high unemployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11136594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11136594\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Huron is a small farming town on the west side of the Central Valley in Fresno County. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huron is a small farming town on the west side of the Central Valley in Fresno County. \u003ccite>(Alice Daniel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vargas thinks medical pot is the ticket for Huron. So do Andrew Chavez and Luis Valencia, two young entrepreneurs who recently started a medical marijuana company, Purple Hearts Holistic Alternative Therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Vargas met Chavez and Valencia, she was thrilled they wanted to start a business in Huron. She became their volunteer champion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s helped us get embedded in the community,” says Chavez. “She’s been the angel on our shoulder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez says they focused on Huron because it needs new businesses that offer more than seasonal work. “You have a population that is hoping for something to hang onto. And it’s tough when you don’t see anything beyond the mountains around you. It’s hard to get over that, to realize there’s a world out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they also wanted to build on the momentum of Huron’s sister city, Coalinga, Chavez says. In July, Coalinga sold its unused prison for about $4 million to a company that makes cannabis extracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11137022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11137022\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-800x589.jpg\" alt=\"Andrew Chavez and Luis Valencia came to the Huron farmers market to try and get locals on board with medical cannabis. \" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-800x589.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-160x118.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-1020x751.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-1180x868.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-960x707.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-240x177.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-375x276.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-520x383.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Chavez and Luis Valencia came to the Huron farmers market to try and get locals on board with medical cannabis. \u003ccite>(Alice Daniel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chavez, who has a master’s degree in public administration, and Valencia, a driver for a medical marijuana collective, have also done their part to attract community support. Last month, they handed out 120 school backpacks to show their commitment to Huron. They’ve also spoken before the City Council. Valencia, who served in the U.S. Navy for several years, believes medical cannabis has helped veterans suffering from PTSD and other health problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grass-roots effort appears to have paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late Wednesday, the City Council was expected to pass the ordinance Jazmin Vargas was petitioning for, allowing Purple Hearts and one other company to grow medical marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilman Roberto Pimentel says that could mean 50 new jobs and tax revenue. “The ag industry is losing a lot because of the drought, and because of technology, honestly,” says Pimentel. “A lot of the tomato harvesting machines use a lot less people than when I was working on them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Pimentel, an eighth-grade math teacher, says there’s another reason for this ordinance. While it does OK medical pot, it allows the city to forbid dispensaries and to set limits on recreational marijuana ahead of the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part II: Hanford\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Huron's decision to license medical marijuana companies isn't typical here in the Central Valley, at least not yet. The region is pretty conservative and many cities don't want anything to do with marijuana, recreational or medical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That you would use a valuable resource like water to grow marijuana -- that is madness!” exclaimed resident Michael Lamb at a recent City Council meeting in Hanford, just 30 miles northeast of Huron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It also brings the bad elements into our community,\" added resident Maria Galante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not too far from my house they had a shooting -- some guy trying to steal the other guy’s pot grow, trying to steal his plant. I don’t need that!\" says Lamb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11136861\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11136861\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland dispensary owner Keith Stephenson is hoping to turn this 1-million-square-foot former tire plant in Hanford into one of the biggest medical marijuana operations in the state.\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-1020x646.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-1180x747.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-960x608.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-375x238.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland dispensary owner Keith Stephenson is hoping to turn this 1-million-square-foot former tire plant in Hanford into one of the biggest medical marijuana operations in the state. \u003ccite>(Christian Parley/Courtesy Fresno Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, that doesn't mean outsiders aren't eyeing the cheap real estate and ready labor force. “There are no other opportunities that exist around the state like they exist here,” says dispensary owner Keith Stephenson of Purple Heart Patient Center in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he found a vacant 1-million-square-foot facility in Hanford, he jumped on it. “I’m a small business,” Stephenson says, “so in the grand scheme of things I’m attempting to scale my business and survive in the emerging paradigm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephenson’s plan is to use 200,000 square feet to grow marijuana inside the former tire plant. He says he’d lease the rest to other growers and manufacturers. It would be one of the biggest operations in the state, and he says this is the perfect place for it. “This facility offered a great opportunity. It’s in an agricultural community, it has a citizenry who understands agriculture, and this is just another form of agriculture. It’s indoor agriculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s already heard from some locals, he says -- people looking for work, building contractors, soil manufacturers and power companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Stephenson sat in the audience at Hanford’s last City Council meeting, the council unanimously passed a resolution opposing Proposition 64 -- and took steps to ban recreational pot in case it passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephenson estimated his facility would create over a thousand jobs and $14 million a year in tax revenue. But council members, local law enforcement officials and residents raised a flurry of concerns about crime, addiction and resource management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council hasn’t made any decisions yet, but Hanford Mayor Justin Mendes says, despite opposition from some vocal residents, the idea is getting some traction. “A lot of people here are in the farming world,” he says, “and they say if you’re gonna grow it and ship it to folks in San Francisco -- they eat our grapes, they eat our almonds, let them use our marijuana.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Marijuana could mean more tax revenue and meaningful job growth. But as one town votes on green-lighting two medical marijuana operations, another is more skeptical.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289146776&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289146776'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part I: Huron\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Loud music and the smell of roasted corn on the cob fill the air at the Friday night street festival in the small Fresno County town of Huron. Kids play on a bounce house slide, while adults sell everything from used bikes and shoes to melons and tomatoes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jazmin Vargas, 22, is selling an idea: that Huron residents should bank on a newly regulated industry in California -- medical marijuana. She asks a young man to sign a petition in support of a city ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're in need of people’s support for this to happen, for the council members to let it pass,” she says. “So if you’d like to support us, feel more than welcome to give your signature.” The young man agrees to sign it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under new \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB243\">state regulations\u003c/a>, medical marijuana dispensaries must have a local permit from the city or county in which they wish to operate before applying for a state license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This permitting process is something cities in the Central Valley are grappling with in advance of November’s election, when voters will decide whether to pass \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/64/\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> to legalize recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vargas grew up in this farming town an hour southwest of Fresno. She started picking watermelons at 15. In fact, most people in this town of 7,000 work in the fields or at a local tomato cannery. But there’s also high unemployment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11136594\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11136594\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Huron is a small farming town on the west side of the Central Valley in Fresno County. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/IMG_6452-2-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huron is a small farming town on the west side of the Central Valley in Fresno County. \u003ccite>(Alice Daniel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vargas thinks medical pot is the ticket for Huron. So do Andrew Chavez and Luis Valencia, two young entrepreneurs who recently started a medical marijuana company, Purple Hearts Holistic Alternative Therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Vargas met Chavez and Valencia, she was thrilled they wanted to start a business in Huron. She became their volunteer champion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s helped us get embedded in the community,” says Chavez. “She’s been the angel on our shoulder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez says they focused on Huron because it needs new businesses that offer more than seasonal work. “You have a population that is hoping for something to hang onto. And it’s tough when you don’t see anything beyond the mountains around you. It’s hard to get over that, to realize there’s a world out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they also wanted to build on the momentum of Huron’s sister city, Coalinga, Chavez says. In July, Coalinga sold its unused prison for about $4 million to a company that makes cannabis extracts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11137022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11137022\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-800x589.jpg\" alt=\"Andrew Chavez and Luis Valencia came to the Huron farmers market to try and get locals on board with medical cannabis. \" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-800x589.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-160x118.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-1020x751.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-1180x868.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-960x707.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-240x177.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-375x276.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Purplehearts-520x383.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrew Chavez and Luis Valencia came to the Huron farmers market to try and get locals on board with medical cannabis. \u003ccite>(Alice Daniel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chavez, who has a master’s degree in public administration, and Valencia, a driver for a medical marijuana collective, have also done their part to attract community support. Last month, they handed out 120 school backpacks to show their commitment to Huron. They’ve also spoken before the City Council. Valencia, who served in the U.S. Navy for several years, believes medical cannabis has helped veterans suffering from PTSD and other health problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The grass-roots effort appears to have paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late Wednesday, the City Council was expected to pass the ordinance Jazmin Vargas was petitioning for, allowing Purple Hearts and one other company to grow medical marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilman Roberto Pimentel says that could mean 50 new jobs and tax revenue. “The ag industry is losing a lot because of the drought, and because of technology, honestly,” says Pimentel. “A lot of the tomato harvesting machines use a lot less people than when I was working on them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Pimentel, an eighth-grade math teacher, says there’s another reason for this ordinance. While it does OK medical pot, it allows the city to forbid dispensaries and to set limits on recreational marijuana ahead of the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Part II: Hanford\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Huron's decision to license medical marijuana companies isn't typical here in the Central Valley, at least not yet. The region is pretty conservative and many cities don't want anything to do with marijuana, recreational or medical.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That you would use a valuable resource like water to grow marijuana -- that is madness!” exclaimed resident Michael Lamb at a recent City Council meeting in Hanford, just 30 miles northeast of Huron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It also brings the bad elements into our community,\" added resident Maria Galante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not too far from my house they had a shooting -- some guy trying to steal the other guy’s pot grow, trying to steal his plant. I don’t need that!\" says Lamb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11136861\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11136861\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-800x507.jpg\" alt=\"Oakland dispensary owner Keith Stephenson is hoping to turn this 1-million-square-foot former tire plant in Hanford into one of the biggest medical marijuana operations in the state.\" width=\"800\" height=\"507\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-800x507.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-1020x646.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-1180x747.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-960x608.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-240x152.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-375x238.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HanfordPlant-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland dispensary owner Keith Stephenson is hoping to turn this 1-million-square-foot former tire plant in Hanford into one of the biggest medical marijuana operations in the state. \u003ccite>(Christian Parley/Courtesy Fresno Bee)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, that doesn't mean outsiders aren't eyeing the cheap real estate and ready labor force. “There are no other opportunities that exist around the state like they exist here,” says dispensary owner Keith Stephenson of Purple Heart Patient Center in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he found a vacant 1-million-square-foot facility in Hanford, he jumped on it. “I’m a small business,” Stephenson says, “so in the grand scheme of things I’m attempting to scale my business and survive in the emerging paradigm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephenson’s plan is to use 200,000 square feet to grow marijuana inside the former tire plant. He says he’d lease the rest to other growers and manufacturers. It would be one of the biggest operations in the state, and he says this is the perfect place for it. “This facility offered a great opportunity. It’s in an agricultural community, it has a citizenry who understands agriculture, and this is just another form of agriculture. It’s indoor agriculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s already heard from some locals, he says -- people looking for work, building contractors, soil manufacturers and power companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while Stephenson sat in the audience at Hanford’s last City Council meeting, the council unanimously passed a resolution opposing Proposition 64 -- and took steps to ban recreational pot in case it passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephenson estimated his facility would create over a thousand jobs and $14 million a year in tax revenue. But council members, local law enforcement officials and residents raised a flurry of concerns about crime, addiction and resource management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council hasn’t made any decisions yet, but Hanford Mayor Justin Mendes says, despite opposition from some vocal residents, the idea is getting some traction. “A lot of people here are in the farming world,” he says, “and they say if you’re gonna grow it and ship it to folks in San Francisco -- they eat our grapes, they eat our almonds, let them use our marijuana.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Ballot Measure Seeks to Regulate Ammunition Sales, Take Guns From Felons",
"title": "Ballot Measure Seeks to Regulate Ammunition Sales, Take Guns From Felons",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Depending on whom you ask, it's a question of either common sense or constitutional rights: Should ammunition be treated like guns are, with background checks for buyers and limits on who can sell?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's one of several questions facing voters within Proposition 63, a gun control measure sponsored by Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom. The initiative would also require gun owners to report lost or stolen firearms to law enforcement; set up a process for convicted felons to give up their guns; and fully ban magazines that can hold more than 10 rounds of bullets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/288988967\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the ballot measure would require state officials to continue to share the names of people prohibited from having guns with the FBI and require that gun stores conduct background checks of their employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom sees ammunition regulation as perhaps the measure's most consequential provision. He said other states will follow suit if California passes Proposition 63.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think we are having a very important debate in this country about background checks on guns, but a gun has never killed anybody, unless it's used as a blunt instrument,\" Newsom said. \"A gun needs a component -- and that's the ammunition -- to be deadly. And the reality is today anyone can buy ammunition anywhere. There’s no licensing requirements to buy ammunition. ... Any local grocery store, liquor store, can legally sell unlimited rounds of ammunition. You can get truckloads of ammunition sent to your doorstep online. There's no background checks for the people selling them and there’s no background checks for the people purchasing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10871371\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10871371\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-800x494.jpg\" alt=\"Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom is supporting Proposition 63.\" width=\"800\" height=\"494\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-800x494.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-400x247.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-1180x728.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-960x593.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom is supporting Proposition 63. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I have no problem with people purchasing guns. I have no problem with people purchasing ammunition. I just want the right people purchasing guns and the right people purchasing ammunition.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun enthusiasts see Proposition 63 as an attack on their Second Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Craig DeLuz, spokesman for the Stop 63 campaign and a lobbyist for the Firearms Policy Coalition in Sacramento, said that, for the most part, Proposition 63 will do nothing to crack down on criminals who use guns and instead will punish people who follow the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the provisions of this bill do not affect anyone who has been convicted of a crime. It does not affect terrorists; it does not affect potential mass shooters; it does not affect criminals. It only affects law-abiding citizens,\" said DeLuz.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends that California has plenty of gun control laws on the books already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \"We are getting to the point where we are just piling on, and when you make complying with the law so onerous, then one of two things happen,\" he said. \"One, I decide it's too onerous and expensive for me to comply with the law or I get to a point where I am just going to ignore the law ... and I decide that the defense of myself and my family is more important than following laws that go against the Constitution.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One Man's Reasons\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Weiss has a different take. His daughter, Veronika Weiss, was a 19-year-old UC Santa Barbara freshman when she -- along with five other UCSB students -- was killed by a mentally disturbed man in 2014. The killer went on a rampage through Isla Vista, the town adjacent to UCSB where most students live, with three guns that he had legally purchased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11135599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11135599\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-800x754.png\" alt=\"Bob Weiss with a poster of his daughter, Veronika, who was killed in a mass shooting near UC Santa Barbara in 2014. He's campaigning for Proposition 63. \" width=\"800\" height=\"754\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-800x754.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-400x377.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-1920x1810.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-1180x1112.png 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-960x905.png 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bob Weiss with a poster of his daughter, Veronika, who was killed in a mass shooting near UC Santa Barbara in 2014. He's campaigning for Proposition 63. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Weiss has been an outspoken advocate for stricter gun control laws ever since -- an issue he felt strongly about even before his daughter was killed. Weiss said he knows that most people who die by gunshot won't be part of a mass killing or even the victim of a mentally ill shooter, like his daughter, but he wants to support laws that will reduce gun deaths overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obviously, with 33,000 Americans getting shot to death every year, something is terribly wrong with our system. It doesn't happen at this rate in Canada or Australia or Switzerland. Any other developed nation doesn't have the rate of gun violence that we have in America,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Gun Owners Who 'Don't Own Guns'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Proposition 63's ammunition regulation provision isn't aimed at mass shooters, but at making it harder for a much larger group of criminals to get bullets: Those that acquire guns illegally but can purchase ammunition anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The most important folks we are trying to bring in under the ammunition background check are people that quote-unquote don’t own a gun, but are legally buying ammunition at Wal-Mart, Big 5 and online. These are the people who are involved in the overwhelming majority of homicides in inner cities all across this country but here in California,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun control laws such as background checks work, said Julie Leftwich, legal director at the \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. The nonprofit partnered with Newsom to write Proposition 63. It also helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/dec/31/landmark-california-gun-seizure-law-takes-effect\">push a law, supported by Weiss\u003c/a>, that instated a gun violence restraining order in California allowing police and family members to petition a court to take away someone's firearms. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have passed, as a state, over 50 strong gun safety laws (over the past 20 years) and our gun deaths have dropped by 56 percent, which is twice as much as other states,\" Leftwich said. \"We have done a lot and it is making a difference. ... If you look nationally, \u003ca href=\"http://www.bradycampaign.org/our-impact/campaigns/background-checks\">Brady background checks\u003c/a> have stopped more than 2.5 million criminals and other prohibited people from buying guns.\"[contextly_sidebar id=\"C8JL8KPxVlzubrlSZ7oDaEeJKV9MxSRC\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weiss said Proposition 63 is mostly common sense: He called ammunition background checks \"smart\" and said they won't hamper recreational gun users. And he called the provision requiring newly convicted felons to get rid of their guns \"kind of a no-brainer.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An Infringement on Your Rights?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But DeLuz has a problem with each and every one of the ballot measure's provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeLuz said with California's strong laws around buying guns, there's no need for the ammunition background checks -- and he warned it could lead to racial profiling of certain gun users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said requiring gun owners to report when a firearm is lost or stolen will \"make a victim of them once again,\" and could result in a previously law-abiding person being labeled a criminal. Proposition 63 makes it an infraction, or a simple ticket, to fail to report a lost or stolen gun, with increasing penalties if a person repeatedly fails to report missing firearms. Supporters of the measure say it will help police crack down on gun traffickers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while it's been illegal in California to buy or sell magazines that can hold more than 10 bullets since 1994, DeLuz said the provision of Proposition 63 requiring people who have older magazines to get rid of them amounts to confiscation of private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, he said the provision requiring felons to prove to a court that they have given up a gun before sentencing will burden probation departments that are already stretched thin. He noted that s\u003ca href=\"http://stoptheammograb.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/List-of-Opponents-PAC-10.13.16.pdf\">ome law enforcement groups oppose Proposition 63\u003c/a>, though their opposition mostly centers around the fact that the ballot measure \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article103588977.html\">doesn't exempt law enforcement officers from its requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Buying in Bulk\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said it would drive up the price of bullets for law-abiding citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">These laws are going to do nothing. It might make it worse. It's going to create a black market.\u003ccite>James Cloud\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of times when people purchase ammunition they purchase it in bulk because it's cheaper -- like toilet paper,\" DeLuz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime recreational shooter James Cloud, who was practicing at Jackson Arms shooting range in South San Francisco recently, agreed. He said it's easy to go through thousands of rounds of bullets in a single afternoon and that buying them online is the cheapest option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun stores and ranges \"are going to charge way more, double or triple,\" he said. Cloud said it's already confusing trying to navigate the patchwork of state and local laws in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's nuts,\" he said. \"It's out of control, because you know what it is? I think the laws are definitely not targeting criminals now, not at all. They get their guns out of state or they are going to go to Mexico. These laws are going to do nothing. It might make it worse. It's going to create a black market.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">DeLuz also accused Newsom of using the ballot measure to help raise money and his political profile in advance of the 2018 governor's race. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He's taking an issue that specifically affects constitutional rights, that has to do with protecting people's safety, and he's using it as a political tool,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Parent's Worst Fear\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the issues Proposition 63 tackles were already broached by several laws signed by Gov. Jerry Brown this summer. But Newsom said Proposition 63 is still crucial to ensure Californians' safety because it is stronger than the laws passed in Sacramento and, if passed by voters, cannot be undone by lawmakers in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he's tackling this issue because he cares deeply about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have been to more homicides than most people because I was mayor of a city. I have seen firsthand the devastation of gun violence. I've got four kids. Last year, more preschoolers were gunned down than police officers in the line of duty,\" he said. \"When I drop my kids off at school I have parents, literally, on my mother's grave, that have asked me about gun violence because they are scared to death about dropping their kids off at school. I can't stand these aspects of guns and gun violence, and I can't stand this gun lobby.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Depending on whom you ask, it's a question of either common sense or constitutional rights: Should ammunition be treated like guns are, with background checks for buyers and limits on who can sell?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's one of several questions facing voters within Proposition 63, a gun control measure sponsored by Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom. The initiative would also require gun owners to report lost or stolen firearms to law enforcement; set up a process for convicted felons to give up their guns; and fully ban magazines that can hold more than 10 rounds of bullets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/288988967&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/288988967'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the ballot measure would require state officials to continue to share the names of people prohibited from having guns with the FBI and require that gun stores conduct background checks of their employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom sees ammunition regulation as perhaps the measure's most consequential provision. He said other states will follow suit if California passes Proposition 63.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think we are having a very important debate in this country about background checks on guns, but a gun has never killed anybody, unless it's used as a blunt instrument,\" Newsom said. \"A gun needs a component -- and that's the ammunition -- to be deadly. And the reality is today anyone can buy ammunition anywhere. There’s no licensing requirements to buy ammunition. ... Any local grocery store, liquor store, can legally sell unlimited rounds of ammunition. You can get truckloads of ammunition sent to your doorstep online. There's no background checks for the people selling them and there’s no background checks for the people purchasing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10871371\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10871371\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-800x494.jpg\" alt=\"Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom is supporting Proposition 63.\" width=\"800\" height=\"494\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-800x494.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-400x247.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-1180x728.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/02/Newsom-960x593.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom is supporting Proposition 63. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"I have no problem with people purchasing guns. I have no problem with people purchasing ammunition. I just want the right people purchasing guns and the right people purchasing ammunition.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun enthusiasts see Proposition 63 as an attack on their Second Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Craig DeLuz, spokesman for the Stop 63 campaign and a lobbyist for the Firearms Policy Coalition in Sacramento, said that, for the most part, Proposition 63 will do nothing to crack down on criminals who use guns and instead will punish people who follow the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Most of the provisions of this bill do not affect anyone who has been convicted of a crime. It does not affect terrorists; it does not affect potential mass shooters; it does not affect criminals. It only affects law-abiding citizens,\" said DeLuz.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He contends that California has plenty of gun control laws on the books already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> \"We are getting to the point where we are just piling on, and when you make complying with the law so onerous, then one of two things happen,\" he said. \"One, I decide it's too onerous and expensive for me to comply with the law or I get to a point where I am just going to ignore the law ... and I decide that the defense of myself and my family is more important than following laws that go against the Constitution.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One Man's Reasons\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Weiss has a different take. His daughter, Veronika Weiss, was a 19-year-old UC Santa Barbara freshman when she -- along with five other UCSB students -- was killed by a mentally disturbed man in 2014. The killer went on a rampage through Isla Vista, the town adjacent to UCSB where most students live, with three guns that he had legally purchased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11135599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss.png\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11135599\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-800x754.png\" alt=\"Bob Weiss with a poster of his daughter, Veronika, who was killed in a mass shooting near UC Santa Barbara in 2014. He's campaigning for Proposition 63. \" width=\"800\" height=\"754\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-800x754.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-400x377.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-1920x1810.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-1180x1112.png 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/weiss-960x905.png 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bob Weiss with a poster of his daughter, Veronika, who was killed in a mass shooting near UC Santa Barbara in 2014. He's campaigning for Proposition 63. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Weiss has been an outspoken advocate for stricter gun control laws ever since -- an issue he felt strongly about even before his daughter was killed. Weiss said he knows that most people who die by gunshot won't be part of a mass killing or even the victim of a mentally ill shooter, like his daughter, but he wants to support laws that will reduce gun deaths overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Obviously, with 33,000 Americans getting shot to death every year, something is terribly wrong with our system. It doesn't happen at this rate in Canada or Australia or Switzerland. Any other developed nation doesn't have the rate of gun violence that we have in America,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Gun Owners Who 'Don't Own Guns'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Proposition 63's ammunition regulation provision isn't aimed at mass shooters, but at making it harder for a much larger group of criminals to get bullets: Those that acquire guns illegally but can purchase ammunition anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The most important folks we are trying to bring in under the ammunition background check are people that quote-unquote don’t own a gun, but are legally buying ammunition at Wal-Mart, Big 5 and online. These are the people who are involved in the overwhelming majority of homicides in inner cities all across this country but here in California,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun control laws such as background checks work, said Julie Leftwich, legal director at the \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence. The nonprofit partnered with Newsom to write Proposition 63. It also helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/dec/31/landmark-california-gun-seizure-law-takes-effect\">push a law, supported by Weiss\u003c/a>, that instated a gun violence restraining order in California allowing police and family members to petition a court to take away someone's firearms. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have passed, as a state, over 50 strong gun safety laws (over the past 20 years) and our gun deaths have dropped by 56 percent, which is twice as much as other states,\" Leftwich said. \"We have done a lot and it is making a difference. ... If you look nationally, \u003ca href=\"http://www.bradycampaign.org/our-impact/campaigns/background-checks\">Brady background checks\u003c/a> have stopped more than 2.5 million criminals and other prohibited people from buying guns.\"\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weiss said Proposition 63 is mostly common sense: He called ammunition background checks \"smart\" and said they won't hamper recreational gun users. And he called the provision requiring newly convicted felons to get rid of their guns \"kind of a no-brainer.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An Infringement on Your Rights?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But DeLuz has a problem with each and every one of the ballot measure's provisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeLuz said with California's strong laws around buying guns, there's no need for the ammunition background checks -- and he warned it could lead to racial profiling of certain gun users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said requiring gun owners to report when a firearm is lost or stolen will \"make a victim of them once again,\" and could result in a previously law-abiding person being labeled a criminal. Proposition 63 makes it an infraction, or a simple ticket, to fail to report a lost or stolen gun, with increasing penalties if a person repeatedly fails to report missing firearms. Supporters of the measure say it will help police crack down on gun traffickers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while it's been illegal in California to buy or sell magazines that can hold more than 10 bullets since 1994, DeLuz said the provision of Proposition 63 requiring people who have older magazines to get rid of them amounts to confiscation of private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, he said the provision requiring felons to prove to a court that they have given up a gun before sentencing will burden probation departments that are already stretched thin. He noted that s\u003ca href=\"http://stoptheammograb.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/List-of-Opponents-PAC-10.13.16.pdf\">ome law enforcement groups oppose Proposition 63\u003c/a>, though their opposition mostly centers around the fact that the ballot measure \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article103588977.html\">doesn't exempt law enforcement officers from its requirements\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Buying in Bulk\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said it would drive up the price of bullets for law-abiding citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">These laws are going to do nothing. It might make it worse. It's going to create a black market.\u003ccite>James Cloud\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of times when people purchase ammunition they purchase it in bulk because it's cheaper -- like toilet paper,\" DeLuz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Longtime recreational shooter James Cloud, who was practicing at Jackson Arms shooting range in South San Francisco recently, agreed. He said it's easy to go through thousands of rounds of bullets in a single afternoon and that buying them online is the cheapest option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gun stores and ranges \"are going to charge way more, double or triple,\" he said. Cloud said it's already confusing trying to navigate the patchwork of state and local laws in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's nuts,\" he said. \"It's out of control, because you know what it is? I think the laws are definitely not targeting criminals now, not at all. They get their guns out of state or they are going to go to Mexico. These laws are going to do nothing. It might make it worse. It's going to create a black market.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">DeLuz also accused Newsom of using the ballot measure to help raise money and his political profile in advance of the 2018 governor's race. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He's taking an issue that specifically affects constitutional rights, that has to do with protecting people's safety, and he's using it as a political tool,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Parent's Worst Fear\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the issues Proposition 63 tackles were already broached by several laws signed by Gov. Jerry Brown this summer. But Newsom said Proposition 63 is still crucial to ensure Californians' safety because it is stronger than the laws passed in Sacramento and, if passed by voters, cannot be undone by lawmakers in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he's tackling this issue because he cares deeply about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have been to more homicides than most people because I was mayor of a city. I have seen firsthand the devastation of gun violence. I've got four kids. Last year, more preschoolers were gunned down than police officers in the line of duty,\" he said. \"When I drop my kids off at school I have parents, literally, on my mother's grave, that have asked me about gun violence because they are scared to death about dropping their kids off at school. I can't stand these aspects of guns and gun violence, and I can't stand this gun lobby.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]hey are third-, fourth- and fifth-graders, but the English lessons are at a kindergarten level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these students are able to write full compositions in their native languages, said the school’s principal, Jim Symonds. So the ideal approach would be to continue \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/09/28/65207/a-bold-new-approach-to-english-proficiency-for-kid/\">teaching them in their native language\u003c/a> to keep their brains stimulated, while folding in English language instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we could spend more time teaching them in their native language and working on that proficiency and getting to those higher-level thinking skills, I think they’d be that much further ahead academically and be able to pick up English faster,” said Symonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current state law prevents the school from teaching them using those methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the English in Public Schools Initiative, which California voters approved in 1998, requires that the students spend one year in a sheltered class like this one, taking all of their classes in English, before transitioning to mainstream classes at their grade level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/03/64930/election-2016-faq-proposition-58-non-english-langu/\">Proposition 58\u003c/a>, on California’s general election ballot, would remove those limits on native language instruction. The measure would directly affect instruction for the state’s 1.3 million English learners and indirectly for those students whose parents want them to be bilingual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative has drawn wide support from educators, who point to research in the last decade that suggests young people who learn multiple languages improve their brain’s ability to focus and manage several tasks at the same time, which are the keys to learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also supported by dozens of Democratic elected officials, the California Association for Bilingual Education, the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, the Advancement Project and the think tank EdTrust West.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition’s strongest opponent is the man who created the bilingual education limits through Proposition 227, the original ballot measure passed 18 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bilingual education is dead and it’s not coming back,” said Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley entrepreneur who authored and funded Proposition 227.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time Proposition 227 made it on the ballot, more than 400,000 students were enrolled in bilingual education programs in California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The old system put hundreds of thousands — a good fraction of 1 million students — in a program where they were not taught English as soon as they started school,” Unz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the bilingual education programs immersed students in their native language — largely Spanish — while dual immersion programs focused on Spanish instruction and built up English gradually from the early grades. At the time, many Californians were worried about increasing levels of immigration and were concerned about how newly arrived students were acclimating to their schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz and others seized on the failings of some bilingual programs to underline that many students languished without properly learning English and transitioning to standard classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 58 don’t disagree entirely.[contextly_sidebar id=”KIauSBiMJMT1a9s4YFGctZWoYWT58a3S”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The programs were literally all over the place,” said Marcelo Suárez-Orozco, dean of the University of California Los Angeles Graduate School of Education & Information Studies. “Each district, each school, seemed to have its own set of priorities and rules and predilections when it came to bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227, he said, was a political response to the failings of bilingual education that largely eliminated bilingual education rather than find what was working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a lot has changed in California since Proposition 227. Latinos are now the state’s largest ethnic group, while Latino representation in Sacramento has also increased. Bilingualism has become accepted as a point of cultural pride, while the changing workforce has put a premium on workers who speak multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We now know in California that it’s not just a cool thing to have your child be bilingual. We actually know that it’s important for our children to have more than one language early on,” said University of Southern California education researcher Gisele Ragusa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new measure would keep the current English immersion programs as a minimum requirement for English learners, but would allow school districts to create their own bilingual education programs as they see fit to serve those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would also allow schools to use as much of a student’s native language as they see fit to support a student’s learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own and it’s incredibly discriminatory.’\u003ccite>Gisele Ragusa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>If the state’s English learner students have struggled because state rules limit the amount of native language support, the lifting of those limits by Proposition 58 could improve their learning at a time when there’s a deep achievement gap between most English learners and their white and Asian counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many students struggle in an environment in which they have to abandon the familiarity of their native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we say to them, when you come to school you can’t speak the language you’ve been speaking for four years, five years, three years at home, we are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own, and it’s incredibly discriminatory,” Ragusa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians pass the ballot measure, future classes for students learning English might look something like the dual language program that exists at McKinley Elementary School just down the hall from the newcomer class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current law, courses can be taught in more than one language if the parents of each child participating in the program sign a waiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley started such a program for Spanish three years ago, and the students enrolled are a mix of English learners and native English speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teacher Consuelo Gomez and an aide walk around a kindergarten classroom helping students recognize basic Spanish words by asking them to identify pictures. The question and answer between teacher and student is sometimes in Spanish, and sometimes a mixture of English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach, principal Symonds said, is to gradually build up these kids’ mental ability to learn two languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In kindergarten, the instruction is 90 percent in Spanish and 10 percent in English, Symonds said. The amount of instruction in English gradually increases each year as students progress through elementary school, until roughly half of class time is spent in English and half in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re immersing them in two languages,” he said. “We’re looking at the long-term picture of student achievement. The gains, we’re not going to start seeing until the upper grades and into high school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bilingual education limits, Symonds said, are like a timer that forces kids to sink or swim in their new language without the lifeline of their native language. The only clock that should be ticking, he said, is kids’ ability to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids evolve naturally, and you know, some countries that we know don’t start reading until they’re 6 or 7 years old,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the limits on bilingual education are lifted will be up to voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Series: \u003cem>California Counts\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/issues/california-counts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hey are third-, fourth- and fifth-graders, but the English lessons are at a kindergarten level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these students are able to write full compositions in their native languages, said the school’s principal, Jim Symonds. So the ideal approach would be to continue \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/09/28/65207/a-bold-new-approach-to-english-proficiency-for-kid/\">teaching them in their native language\u003c/a> to keep their brains stimulated, while folding in English language instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we could spend more time teaching them in their native language and working on that proficiency and getting to those higher-level thinking skills, I think they’d be that much further ahead academically and be able to pick up English faster,” said Symonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current state law prevents the school from teaching them using those methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the English in Public Schools Initiative, which California voters approved in 1998, requires that the students spend one year in a sheltered class like this one, taking all of their classes in English, before transitioning to mainstream classes at their grade level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/03/64930/election-2016-faq-proposition-58-non-english-langu/\">Proposition 58\u003c/a>, on California’s general election ballot, would remove those limits on native language instruction. The measure would directly affect instruction for the state’s 1.3 million English learners and indirectly for those students whose parents want them to be bilingual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative has drawn wide support from educators, who point to research in the last decade that suggests young people who learn multiple languages improve their brain’s ability to focus and manage several tasks at the same time, which are the keys to learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also supported by dozens of Democratic elected officials, the California Association for Bilingual Education, the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, the Advancement Project and the think tank EdTrust West.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition’s strongest opponent is the man who created the bilingual education limits through Proposition 227, the original ballot measure passed 18 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bilingual education is dead and it’s not coming back,” said Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley entrepreneur who authored and funded Proposition 227.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time Proposition 227 made it on the ballot, more than 400,000 students were enrolled in bilingual education programs in California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The old system put hundreds of thousands — a good fraction of 1 million students — in a program where they were not taught English as soon as they started school,” Unz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the bilingual education programs immersed students in their native language — largely Spanish — while dual immersion programs focused on Spanish instruction and built up English gradually from the early grades. At the time, many Californians were worried about increasing levels of immigration and were concerned about how newly arrived students were acclimating to their schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz and others seized on the failings of some bilingual programs to underline that many students languished without properly learning English and transitioning to standard classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 58 don’t disagree entirely.\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The programs were literally all over the place,” said Marcelo Suárez-Orozco, dean of the University of California Los Angeles Graduate School of Education & Information Studies. “Each district, each school, seemed to have its own set of priorities and rules and predilections when it came to bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227, he said, was a political response to the failings of bilingual education that largely eliminated bilingual education rather than find what was working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a lot has changed in California since Proposition 227. Latinos are now the state’s largest ethnic group, while Latino representation in Sacramento has also increased. Bilingualism has become accepted as a point of cultural pride, while the changing workforce has put a premium on workers who speak multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We now know in California that it’s not just a cool thing to have your child be bilingual. We actually know that it’s important for our children to have more than one language early on,” said University of Southern California education researcher Gisele Ragusa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new measure would keep the current English immersion programs as a minimum requirement for English learners, but would allow school districts to create their own bilingual education programs as they see fit to serve those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would also allow schools to use as much of a student’s native language as they see fit to support a student’s learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own and it’s incredibly discriminatory.’\u003ccite>Gisele Ragusa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>If the state’s English learner students have struggled because state rules limit the amount of native language support, the lifting of those limits by Proposition 58 could improve their learning at a time when there’s a deep achievement gap between most English learners and their white and Asian counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many students struggle in an environment in which they have to abandon the familiarity of their native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we say to them, when you come to school you can’t speak the language you’ve been speaking for four years, five years, three years at home, we are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own, and it’s incredibly discriminatory,” Ragusa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians pass the ballot measure, future classes for students learning English might look something like the dual language program that exists at McKinley Elementary School just down the hall from the newcomer class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current law, courses can be taught in more than one language if the parents of each child participating in the program sign a waiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley started such a program for Spanish three years ago, and the students enrolled are a mix of English learners and native English speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teacher Consuelo Gomez and an aide walk around a kindergarten classroom helping students recognize basic Spanish words by asking them to identify pictures. The question and answer between teacher and student is sometimes in Spanish, and sometimes a mixture of English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach, principal Symonds said, is to gradually build up these kids’ mental ability to learn two languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In kindergarten, the instruction is 90 percent in Spanish and 10 percent in English, Symonds said. The amount of instruction in English gradually increases each year as students progress through elementary school, until roughly half of class time is spent in English and half in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re immersing them in two languages,” he said. “We’re looking at the long-term picture of student achievement. The gains, we’re not going to start seeing until the upper grades and into high school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bilingual education limits, Symonds said, are like a timer that forces kids to sink or swim in their new language without the lifeline of their native language. The only clock that should be ticking, he said, is kids’ ability to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids evolve naturally, and you know, some countries that we know don’t start reading until they’re 6 or 7 years old,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the limits on bilingual education are lifted will be up to voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Series: \u003cem>California Counts\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/issues/california-counts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Elite Cultivator Banks on Marijuana Legalization Across the West",
"title": "Elite Cultivator Banks on Marijuana Legalization Across the West",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>LAS VEGAS -- Marijuana cultivation is a family affair for Los Angeles native David Holmes. A couple of his uncles grew cannabis, as did his brother. But while they were off planting and harvesting, Holmes was busy studying mathematics in college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And at that point I wasn’t really a connoisseur,” says Holmes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 15 years ago, he says, a friend in graduate school turned him on to a particularly potent strain of weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This insanely resinous cannabis he had grown,” says Holmes, laughing as he recalls the memory. “And he showed me his grow room and it blew my mind. It’s like a laboratory in your house. And I kind of got addicted to cultivation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11130316\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11130316\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Marijuana cultivator David Holmes in the grow room at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas. \" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marijuana cultivator David Holmes in the grow room at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Holmes is now one of the most sought-after cultivators in the business. He maintains a small grow near his home in L.A. for research. At another location he manufactures a plant nutrient called \u003ca href=\"http://clade9nutrients.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Clade9\u003c/a> that he sells to large medical pot growers in California, Arizona and Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holmes grows a lot of weed, but for other people as a facility designer and cultivation consultant. His latest client is \u003ca href=\"http://www.pegasusnevada.com/home.html\" target=\"_blank\">Pegasus Nevada\u003c/a>. The company just began growing medical marijuana inside a beige two-story warehouse at the edge of the Las Vegas airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The temperature and humidity, the light intensity, all the factors that contribute to plant growth, you can control,” explains Holmes. “Indoors, you can essentially play God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once it’s fully operational, the Pegasus facility will have a cloning room, a space for marijuana extraction, a packaging area and a couple of gymnasium-size flowering rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11130318\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11130318\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"One of the gymnasium-size grow rooms at Pegasus Nevada. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the gymnasium-size grow rooms at Pegasus Nevada. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Right now all the growing is concentrated in what Holmes calls the mother room, a space the size of a two-car garage. On each side, two long rows of plants are fed a steady stream of purified water and a special plant nutrient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we have 19 strains in here,” explains Holmes as he examines the plants. “Each has their own market niche.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asks if I've heard of the variety \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xK9KHSYmDRQ\" target=\"_blank\">\"Girl Scout Cookies\" \u003c/a>and points to a deep-green bushy plant. “It’s a really dense, highly resinous, very nice nose. And maybe more importantly, \u003ca href=\"http://snoopdogg.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Snoop Dogg\u003c/a> rapped about it,” he laughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pegasus didn’t bring Holmes aboard just to help it grow potent, high-quality pot, but to help it grow its business beyond medical sales. Pegasus is among a slew of medical marijuana firms that have sprouted up in Nevada since the state adopted regulations for legal sales for medical purposes three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right from the very beginning we liked his approach. It was very data-driven, metric-driven,” says Ranson Shepherd, operations manager for Pegasus Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11130320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11130320\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-800x559.jpg\" alt=\"David Holmes with his ‘mother’ plants at Pegasus Nevada. \" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-800x559.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-400x279.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-1180x824.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-960x671.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Holmes with his ‘mother’ plants at Pegasus Nevada. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Each room was specifically designed accordingly and set up for full automation. So he can log in anytime of the day, take a look and see where we’re having challenges,” says Shepherd. “It’s all tracked in data, (but) a lot of guys in the industry now are still operating without those kind of systems to guide their business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s this kind of technical and scientific precision that Pegasus aims to capitalize on now that Nevada voters look like they, too, are ready to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Nevada_Marijuana_Legalization,_Question_2_(2016)\" target=\"_blank\">pot legalization ballot measure\u003c/a> similar to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_64,_Marijuana_Legalization_(2016)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 64\u003c/a>, which would allow adults to legally possess up to an ounce of weed and grow up to six plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if Proposition 64 passes, you can’t sell what you grow without a license. And even if you are licensed, you won’t be able to grow anywhere you want. Towns and cities have the option of barring commercial indoor and outdoor cultivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as normalization of cannabis really comes about and cities start to recognize it's an agricultural product just like any other, I think that we're going to see it move into the agricultural areas, whether that be Mendocino or Southern California,” says Amanda Reiman of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.drugpolicy.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Drug Policy Alliance, \u003c/a>a major proponent of Proposition 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Holmes says California’s 20-year-old medical marijuana law, \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_215,_the_Medical_Marijuana_Initiative_(1996)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 215, \u003c/a>has left cultivators operating in a legal gray area that has invited law enforcement crackdowns, stifled innovation and scared off investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11128391\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11128391\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-800x563.jpg\" alt=\"Marijuana 'mother' plants at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas\" width=\"800\" height=\"563\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-800x563.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-400x281.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-1180x830.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-960x675.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marijuana 'mother' plants at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Whether you did all the things that your lawyer told you to do in California to be safe, there's always a potential you can get shut down,” says Holmes. “But with Prop. 64 it looks like you'll be safe from that issue, and it’s really hard to invest in something if you don't know what tomorrow might bring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a lot of investors coming out of the woodwork eager to plough money into a legal pot market. But Holmes says few he’s encountered have the know-how or the commitment to maintain and develop a top-notch cultivation facility. He also says there are far more investors than there are skilled, qualified growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there's going to be big mistakes made in that gap,” says Holmes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At some point there's probably going to be some type of degree that you could study cannabis cultivation. But right now there's no textbook. We’re kind of writing it as we go, but we are definitely getting smarter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LAS VEGAS -- Marijuana cultivation is a family affair for Los Angeles native David Holmes. A couple of his uncles grew cannabis, as did his brother. But while they were off planting and harvesting, Holmes was busy studying mathematics in college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And at that point I wasn’t really a connoisseur,” says Holmes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 15 years ago, he says, a friend in graduate school turned him on to a particularly potent strain of weed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This insanely resinous cannabis he had grown,” says Holmes, laughing as he recalls the memory. “And he showed me his grow room and it blew my mind. It’s like a laboratory in your house. And I kind of got addicted to cultivation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11130316\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11130316\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Marijuana cultivator David Holmes in the grow room at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas. \" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-400x266.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-1180x785.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoom2-960x639.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marijuana cultivator David Holmes in the grow room at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Holmes is now one of the most sought-after cultivators in the business. He maintains a small grow near his home in L.A. for research. At another location he manufactures a plant nutrient called \u003ca href=\"http://clade9nutrients.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Clade9\u003c/a> that he sells to large medical pot growers in California, Arizona and Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holmes grows a lot of weed, but for other people as a facility designer and cultivation consultant. His latest client is \u003ca href=\"http://www.pegasusnevada.com/home.html\" target=\"_blank\">Pegasus Nevada\u003c/a>. The company just began growing medical marijuana inside a beige two-story warehouse at the edge of the Las Vegas airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The temperature and humidity, the light intensity, all the factors that contribute to plant growth, you can control,” explains Holmes. “Indoors, you can essentially play God.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once it’s fully operational, the Pegasus facility will have a cloning room, a space for marijuana extraction, a packaging area and a couple of gymnasium-size flowering rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11130318\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11130318\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"One of the gymnasium-size grow rooms at Pegasus Nevada. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-400x300.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/GrowRoomBig-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the gymnasium-size grow rooms at Pegasus Nevada. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Right now all the growing is concentrated in what Holmes calls the mother room, a space the size of a two-car garage. On each side, two long rows of plants are fed a steady stream of purified water and a special plant nutrient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we have 19 strains in here,” explains Holmes as he examines the plants. “Each has their own market niche.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asks if I've heard of the variety \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xK9KHSYmDRQ\" target=\"_blank\">\"Girl Scout Cookies\" \u003c/a>and points to a deep-green bushy plant. “It’s a really dense, highly resinous, very nice nose. And maybe more importantly, \u003ca href=\"http://snoopdogg.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Snoop Dogg\u003c/a> rapped about it,” he laughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pegasus didn’t bring Holmes aboard just to help it grow potent, high-quality pot, but to help it grow its business beyond medical sales. Pegasus is among a slew of medical marijuana firms that have sprouted up in Nevada since the state adopted regulations for legal sales for medical purposes three years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right from the very beginning we liked his approach. It was very data-driven, metric-driven,” says Ranson Shepherd, operations manager for Pegasus Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11130320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11130320\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-800x559.jpg\" alt=\"David Holmes with his ‘mother’ plants at Pegasus Nevada. \" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-800x559.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-400x279.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-1180x824.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/MotherPLants-960x671.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Holmes with his ‘mother’ plants at Pegasus Nevada. \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Each room was specifically designed accordingly and set up for full automation. So he can log in anytime of the day, take a look and see where we’re having challenges,” says Shepherd. “It’s all tracked in data, (but) a lot of guys in the industry now are still operating without those kind of systems to guide their business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s this kind of technical and scientific precision that Pegasus aims to capitalize on now that Nevada voters look like they, too, are ready to approve a \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Nevada_Marijuana_Legalization,_Question_2_(2016)\" target=\"_blank\">pot legalization ballot measure\u003c/a> similar to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_64,_Marijuana_Legalization_(2016)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 64\u003c/a>, which would allow adults to legally possess up to an ounce of weed and grow up to six plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if Proposition 64 passes, you can’t sell what you grow without a license. And even if you are licensed, you won’t be able to grow anywhere you want. Towns and cities have the option of barring commercial indoor and outdoor cultivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as normalization of cannabis really comes about and cities start to recognize it's an agricultural product just like any other, I think that we're going to see it move into the agricultural areas, whether that be Mendocino or Southern California,” says Amanda Reiman of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.drugpolicy.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Drug Policy Alliance, \u003c/a>a major proponent of Proposition 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Holmes says California’s 20-year-old medical marijuana law, \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_215,_the_Medical_Marijuana_Initiative_(1996)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 215, \u003c/a>has left cultivators operating in a legal gray area that has invited law enforcement crackdowns, stifled innovation and scared off investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11128391\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11128391\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-800x563.jpg\" alt=\"Marijuana 'mother' plants at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas\" width=\"800\" height=\"563\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-800x563.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-400x281.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-1180x830.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/potrep-HAND-960x675.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marijuana 'mother' plants at Pegasus Nevada in Las Vegas \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Whether you did all the things that your lawyer told you to do in California to be safe, there's always a potential you can get shut down,” says Holmes. “But with Prop. 64 it looks like you'll be safe from that issue, and it’s really hard to invest in something if you don't know what tomorrow might bring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a lot of investors coming out of the woodwork eager to plough money into a legal pot market. But Holmes says few he’s encountered have the know-how or the commitment to maintain and develop a top-notch cultivation facility. He also says there are far more investors than there are skilled, qualified growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there's going to be big mistakes made in that gap,” says Holmes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At some point there's probably going to be some type of degree that you could study cannabis cultivation. But right now there's no textbook. We’re kind of writing it as we go, but we are definitely getting smarter.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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