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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra surprised pretty much everyone when he started surging in the polls last month, following the spectacular exit of former Rep. Eric Swalwell amid sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The late jump invited late scrutiny of his record as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His most recent job as Health and Human Services secretary has provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2026/05/06/the-xavier-becerra-pile-on-is-here-00907655\">fodder\u003c/a> for opponents and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/14/us/politics/xavier-becerra-migrant-children.html\">journalists\u003c/a> — and for good reason, as we \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084357/the-journalist-who-investigated-the-migrant-child-crisis-weighs-in-on-becerras-record\">discussed on Political Breakdown\u003c/a> with Pulitzer Prize-winning \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> reporter Hannah Dreier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I was more interested in what we could learn from Becerra’s time as attorney general. The job is often a launching pad for gubernatorial campaigns, and Becerra’s record of standing up to President Donald Trump is central to his \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DYVyKUfi4v3/\">pitch to voters\u003c/a>: He filed 120 lawsuits against the first Trump administration when he was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I dug in. Below are some of my main takeaways. You can read the full piece \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083992/xavier-becerra-says-he-will-fight-for-california-who-did-he-fight-for-as-ag\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Those who worked for Becerra as attorney general generally like him.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I spoke with a number of people who worked for Becerra, both on and off the record, and one thing was clear: Becerra does his homework, has high standards and works hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melanie Fontes Rainer, an assistant attorney general under Becerra who focused on health care policy before following him to HHS, described a boss who gets into the weeds on policy and expects you to be right there with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He expects you to work your ass off, because he works his ass off,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amanda Renteria, who served as Becerra’s chief operating officer for his first year as attorney general, said his time in Congress prepared him well for his many battles against the first Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone was aggressive in those early days [of Trump],” she said. “He really was like, nope, we know what’s coming at us and we’re gonna be ready.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>His fight to keep police records secret is controversial and puzzling.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Democratic lawmakers passed a landmark police transparency bill in 2018, no one expected the Democratic attorney general to be its biggest hurdle. But Becerra went to court repeatedly to fight that law, which allows for the release of disciplinary records of police officers accused of sexual assault, excessive use of force and other serious misconduct.[aside label=\"2026 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2026 primary election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]Even his own staff seemed perplexed by the fight. Becerra first refused to release records created before the law took effect in 2019, then continued to withhold the documents even after an appeals court said the law was retroactive to pre-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most surprising was his aggressive response to two journalists who obtained a list of police officers convicted of crimes. His office provided that list — then threatened the reporters with criminal prosecution, claiming it was mistakenly provided and illegal to even have. The threats fly in the face of First Amendment protections afforded journalists, experts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s either clear ignorance of a core First Amendment principle or its willful disregard of it. Neither of those, I think, reflect very well,” said David Snyder, executive director of the First Amendment Coalition, which successfully sued Becerra and other police agencies, along with media organizations including KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra has continued to defend how he handled the law and its implementation, saying he simply wanted to make sure of the law’s limitations before releasing information into the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>His record on the fossil fuels industry will continue to dog him.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra filed a number of lawsuits as attorney general that were aimed at protecting the environment, but in this race he has been repeatedly attacked for being too close to Big Oil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He accepted the maximum allowable donation from Chevron, something he defended when my colleague, Scott Shafer, interviewed him recently. That’s provided \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TomSteyer/status/2055397055800262790\">fodder\u003c/a> to fellow Democrat Tom Steyer and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DXre7j2F7Is/\">allies\u003c/a>, who have been running ads highlighting Becerra’s answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil money continues to flow in Becerra’s direction: Last week, the oil drilling company California Resources Corporation \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1490885&view=late1\">contributed $500,000\u003c/a> to an independent expenditure committee that is supporting Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental activists don’t paint Becerra as an all-out ally of oil, but they have concerns, particularly in light of his apparent reluctance to pursue some litigation against oil companies when he was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His time as attorney general was a story of what he didn’t do,” said Kassie Siegel, climate political director at the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing is not his strongest policy area.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra has appeared unsteady when pressed on housing policy, including at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/08/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-housing-forum.html\">recent forum\u003c/a> hosted by Ezra Klein of the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>. In his first answer, he pivoted to blaming Trump for high housing prices — a problem, Klein pointed out, that clearly predates the current administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for building more housing told me that it felt like Becerra was more interested in blocking bad developments than ensuring good market-rate ones got built. And they said he focused a lot of energy on making sure that cities and counties moved forward with affordable housing, to the exclusion of enforcing other housing mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura Foote, executive director of the pro-development group YIMBY Action, said she thinks Becerra has come a long way. She gave him credit for appearing more interested in the issue as a candidate for governor, a shift that matches the state’s overall political evolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that now there’s sort of a greater recognition that the overall housing shortage is damaging everyone, not just low-income people. He has made that pivot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The upshot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>My takeaway after talking to more than a dozen people who worked for Becerra or on issues he handled as attorney general?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s unafraid of taking on Trump and Republicans, but he has been a bit more wary of picking fights with special interest groups closer to home. He can be cautious, but he is clearly willing to change his mind if presented with reasons to do so. He expects a lot from the people around him, but from himself as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And unlike many of his opponents, he has a long record to pick through — experience that’s proving to be both an asset and a liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083992/xavier-becerra-says-he-will-fight-for-california-who-did-he-fight-for-as-ag\">Read my full story here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra surprised pretty much everyone when he started surging in the polls last month, following the spectacular exit of former Rep. Eric Swalwell amid sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The late jump invited late scrutiny of his record as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His most recent job as Health and Human Services secretary has provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2026/05/06/the-xavier-becerra-pile-on-is-here-00907655\">fodder\u003c/a> for opponents and \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/14/us/politics/xavier-becerra-migrant-children.html\">journalists\u003c/a> — and for good reason, as we \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12084357/the-journalist-who-investigated-the-migrant-child-crisis-weighs-in-on-becerras-record\">discussed on Political Breakdown\u003c/a> with Pulitzer Prize-winning \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> reporter Hannah Dreier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But I was more interested in what we could learn from Becerra’s time as attorney general. The job is often a launching pad for gubernatorial campaigns, and Becerra’s record of standing up to President Donald Trump is central to his \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DYVyKUfi4v3/\">pitch to voters\u003c/a>: He filed 120 lawsuits against the first Trump administration when he was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I dug in. Below are some of my main takeaways. You can read the full piece \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083992/xavier-becerra-says-he-will-fight-for-california-who-did-he-fight-for-as-ag\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Those who worked for Becerra as attorney general generally like him.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I spoke with a number of people who worked for Becerra, both on and off the record, and one thing was clear: Becerra does his homework, has high standards and works hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melanie Fontes Rainer, an assistant attorney general under Becerra who focused on health care policy before following him to HHS, described a boss who gets into the weeds on policy and expects you to be right there with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He expects you to work your ass off, because he works his ass off,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amanda Renteria, who served as Becerra’s chief operating officer for his first year as attorney general, said his time in Congress prepared him well for his many battles against the first Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone was aggressive in those early days [of Trump],” she said. “He really was like, nope, we know what’s coming at us and we’re gonna be ready.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>His fight to keep police records secret is controversial and puzzling.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Democratic lawmakers passed a landmark police transparency bill in 2018, no one expected the Democratic attorney general to be its biggest hurdle. But Becerra went to court repeatedly to fight that law, which allows for the release of disciplinary records of police officers accused of sexual assault, excessive use of force and other serious misconduct.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"label": "2026 California Voter Guide ",
"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2026 primary election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even his own staff seemed perplexed by the fight. Becerra first refused to release records created before the law took effect in 2019, then continued to withhold the documents even after an appeals court said the law was retroactive to pre-2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps most surprising was his aggressive response to two journalists who obtained a list of police officers convicted of crimes. His office provided that list — then threatened the reporters with criminal prosecution, claiming it was mistakenly provided and illegal to even have. The threats fly in the face of First Amendment protections afforded journalists, experts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s either clear ignorance of a core First Amendment principle or its willful disregard of it. Neither of those, I think, reflect very well,” said David Snyder, executive director of the First Amendment Coalition, which successfully sued Becerra and other police agencies, along with media organizations including KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra has continued to defend how he handled the law and its implementation, saying he simply wanted to make sure of the law’s limitations before releasing information into the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>His record on the fossil fuels industry will continue to dog him.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra filed a number of lawsuits as attorney general that were aimed at protecting the environment, but in this race he has been repeatedly attacked for being too close to Big Oil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He accepted the maximum allowable donation from Chevron, something he defended when my colleague, Scott Shafer, interviewed him recently. That’s provided \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TomSteyer/status/2055397055800262790\">fodder\u003c/a> to fellow Democrat Tom Steyer and his \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/reels/DXre7j2F7Is/\">allies\u003c/a>, who have been running ads highlighting Becerra’s answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The oil money continues to flow in Becerra’s direction: Last week, the oil drilling company California Resources Corporation \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1490885&view=late1\">contributed $500,000\u003c/a> to an independent expenditure committee that is supporting Becerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental activists don’t paint Becerra as an all-out ally of oil, but they have concerns, particularly in light of his apparent reluctance to pursue some litigation against oil companies when he was attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His time as attorney general was a story of what he didn’t do,” said Kassie Siegel, climate political director at the Center for Biological Diversity Action Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing is not his strongest policy area.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Becerra has appeared unsteady when pressed on housing policy, including at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2026/05/08/opinion/ezra-klein-podcast-housing-forum.html\">recent forum\u003c/a> hosted by Ezra Klein of the \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em>. In his first answer, he pivoted to blaming Trump for high housing prices — a problem, Klein pointed out, that clearly predates the current administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for building more housing told me that it felt like Becerra was more interested in blocking bad developments than ensuring good market-rate ones got built. And they said he focused a lot of energy on making sure that cities and counties moved forward with affordable housing, to the exclusion of enforcing other housing mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura Foote, executive director of the pro-development group YIMBY Action, said she thinks Becerra has come a long way. She gave him credit for appearing more interested in the issue as a candidate for governor, a shift that matches the state’s overall political evolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that now there’s sort of a greater recognition that the overall housing shortage is damaging everyone, not just low-income people. He has made that pivot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The upshot?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>My takeaway after talking to more than a dozen people who worked for Becerra or on issues he handled as attorney general?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s unafraid of taking on Trump and Republicans, but he has been a bit more wary of picking fights with special interest groups closer to home. He can be cautious, but he is clearly willing to change his mind if presented with reasons to do so. He expects a lot from the people around him, but from himself as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And unlike many of his opponents, he has a long record to pick through — experience that’s proving to be both an asset and a liability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083992/xavier-becerra-says-he-will-fight-for-california-who-did-he-fight-for-as-ag\">Read my full story here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-californias-next-governor-would-tackle-rent-insurance-and-housing-costs",
"title": "How California’s Next Governor Would Tackle Rent, Insurance and Housing Costs",
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"content": "\u003cp>When it comes to affording rent or a home mortgage in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>, every candidate in the race for governor seems to have a personal stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Porter wants her three teenage children to eventually move off her couch. Antonio Villaraigosa wants reliable home insurance. Matt Mahan doesn’t want to fight with his wife over their mortgage, as his parents did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the affordability crisis literally drives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078787/grass-is-really-greener-for-many-californians-leaving-the-state\">residents out\u003c/a> of the state, the candidates have made housing a central point of their campaigns. That’s a sea change from previous elections, said Laura Foote, executive director for YIMBY Action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody up there was expected to have a plan and demonstrate how they were going to execute on delivering more affordable housing in California,” she said. “That’s a crazily different place than we were eight years ago, 10 years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate is trying to stand out in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082125/inside-californias-billionaire-tax-fight-and-the-wide-open-governors-race\">most competitive primary\u003c/a> for California governor in two decades. But many are hitting the same broad talking points: lower the cost of construction, make homeownership more accessible and reduce homelessness. Where they differ is in the details of how they’ll get there. Meanwhile, some voters feel discouraged by key issues they say are missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Peoples-McGill drove to Oakland from Altadena earlier this month to attend a debate sponsored by the Housing Action Coalition and other housing nonprofits. She runs the Rebuild Center for Altadenans, which assists survivors of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/la-fires\">2025 Los Angeles wildfires\u003c/a>. She was disappointed none of the candidates had visited her center, much less mentioned wildfires in their comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037128 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The burnt remains of St. Mark’s Church in Altadena, California, on April 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mette Lampcov for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Altadena can happen anywhere in this country, anywhere in the state of California,” she said, “and for [the candidates] to really not be involved in that was a little shattering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have, however, been plenty of proposals about how to reform the state’s home insurance industry. As top insurance companies, including Allstate, State Farm and American International Group (AIG) have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985175/insurance-in-california-is-changing-heres-how-it-may-affect-you\">left the state\u003c/a> or pulled back from offering new policies, more Californians are seeking coverage through the state’s FAIR Plan, a self-proclaimed “insurer of last resort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of March, more than 684,000 homes and businesses across the state have policies under the FAIR Plan, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfpnet.com/key-statistics-data/\">according to the insurer\u003c/a>. That’s a 152% increase in active policies compared to September 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But insurance experts say it’s a dangerous sign. Last year, private insurance companies gave the FAIR Plan\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026808/fair-plan-bailout-from-insurance-companies-policyholders-following-la-fires\"> $1 billion\u003c/a> to stay solvent and help pay customer claims from the Los Angeles fires. Industry observers told KQED that a large fire could wipe out the FAIR Plan’s reserves.[aside postID=news_12082915 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_039-KQED.jpg']“I’m on the un-FAIR plan,” former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa said at a forum held by the California Association of Realtors in March. “If my house [burns] down, I won’t be able to get a fraction rebuilding that house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If homeowners do need to rebuild — the need to do it faster and cheaper, as well as to create new housing — is one issue candidates across the aisle agree upon. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\">study published\u003c/a> last year by the research group RAND showed California is the most expensive state to construct apartments. Candidates repeatedly mentioned that finding as an argument to bring down the cost to build market-rate and subsidized homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also an issue that’s received interest from the California Legislature, as well as Congress. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076687/how-federal-housing-reform-could-impact-californians\">federal bill\u003c/a> with bipartisan support is slowly making its way to the White House, which would incentivize manufactured housing projects across the country. In California, lawmakers are working on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075043/its-expensive-to-build-housing-california-lawmakers-say-factory-built-is-the-future\">package of bills\u003c/a> that would support the industry locally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Assemblymember Buffy Wicks is spearheading California’s bill package, which focuses on making it easier to get factory-built housing off the ground. The Democrat said it’s an innovation that hasn’t been widely successful because there hasn’t been steady support from the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These fights are so hard politically,” she said. “I want someone, in terms of my next governor, who has the spine of steel to take those fights head on and to prioritize housing as where they are going to spend their political capital.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wick hasn’t endorsed any candidate in the race so far. But Democratic candidates Katie Porter, billionaire Tom Steyer and former state attorney general Xavier Becerra have all argued that modular and factory-built construction could hasten building timelines and streamline the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Steyer, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Katie Porter, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, on April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar via Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other candidates are focusing on what the state can do now to incentivize and ease the path of traditional building methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent Tony Thurmond has campaigned on building 2 million affordable homes on school district-owned surplus property. Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco wants to end the “over-regulation of our building industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>British American political commentator Steve Hilton and Mahan, mayor of San Jose, have both talked about capping fees that cities often impose on developers to offset the impact of new development. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/LIHTCImpactFees2026.pdf\">study from UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a> found that these “impact” fees contribute to less than 5% of total development costs, but can nonetheless deter it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070650/these-fees-make-affordable-housing-more-expensive-developers-want-to-slash-them\">state legislature\u003c/a> has passed modest reforms, but Hilton has argued for a more straightforward fix: capping fees at 3% of a project’s construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had hundreds of bills on this in the past few years, and it’s barely moved the needle,” Hilton said at a March forum. “A secret exemption here and a little incentive there, and it just makes it more and more complicated, more and more bureaucratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton and Matt Mahan participate in the California gubernatorial candidate debate on Feb. 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bringing down the cost of construction may be critical in a state where it is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.lendingtree.com/home/mortgage/comparing-rent-vs-owning-a-home-in-nations-largest-metros/\">more expensive\u003c/a> to own than rent in many cities. Several of the gubernatorial candidates shared support for a $25 billion bond headed to the November ballot that would support more middle-class homeownership. Thurmond has supported existing state-sponsored down-payment assistance programs, including the California Dream For All program and CalHome, and talked about expanding funding for those programs — something \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066291/this-program-helps-californians-buy-affordable-homes-advocates-want-more-funding\">advocates have been calling for\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to protecting the interests of renters, the candidates are divided on the best course. Steyer, Becerra, Villaraigosa and Thurmond have said they are in favor of some form of government-imposed rent caps, including extending and enforcing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069513/tenants-crushed-after-california-renter-protections-bill-stalls-in-the-legislature\">Tenant Protections Act\u003c/a>, a 2019 law that limits annual rent increases and restricts evictions. It’s set to expire in 2030, within the next governor’s term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Porter, a former state representative, has bucked that trend. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XO676pq-gg\">KQED Town Hall\u003c/a>, Porter said that she opposes rent control. And while she said she supports the Tenant Protection Act, she argued that it can slow down construction and force people to stay put, regardless of whether moving would benefit their family or lifestyle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a rent-controlled unit, it works really, really well for you — now, you’re stuck there,” she said. “Decide to have a couple kids, better get bunk beds because you can’t leave it, right?”[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]Zach Murray, statewide campaign coordinator for the tenants rights group, Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE), said he was unsatisfied with the conversation around the expiring Tenant Protection Act and how renters could be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats are not seriously addressing the concrete [affordability] needs, the needs for affordable housing, the needs for utilities, the needs for greater cost reductions across the board,” he said. “When we get legislators and a governor who takes those needs seriously, then I think we’ll begin to see change in our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates have argued that measures that limit evictions can also help prevent homelessness — an area where the state has recently been making strides. Unsheltered homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/01/16/following-9-drop-in-unsheltered-homelessness-governor-newsom-announces-new-investments-to-create-more-shelter-and-services-with-stronger-accountability/\">fell 9% last year,\u003c/a> according to preliminary data from the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2024 audit from the \u003ca href=\"https://information.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2023-102.1/index.html#section1\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a> found that Gov. Gavin Newsom spent about $24 billion to address homelessness and housing during the previous five fiscal years. On \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KygOFVgDmPU&t=2s\">KQED’s Political Breakdown podcast\u003c/a>, Bianco said the current administration threw money at homelessness but didn’t show consistent results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Newsom thinks] he’s so great because he gave more money than any other person in history to the homeless,” the Republican candidate said. “The amount of money means absolutely nothing. I’m going to measure [solving homelessness] by fewer tents on our sidewalks. That’s how you judge whether or not you’re doing something right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, Steyer, Mahan and Villaraigosa have advocated for emergency interim shelters as a more cost-effective way to get people off the streets. During the Housing Action Coalition’s forum in May, Mahan spoke about his experience as mayor, creating 23 interim housing sites with “no-encampment zones” surrounding the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everybody loves the idea of a no-encampment zone, but that’s how we got community buy-in,” he said. “When we built interim housing and got people stabilized indoors and connected to case management, calls for service for crime — 911 — for blight — 311— plummeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction is underway on an affordable housing apartment building at 2550 Irving St. in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To get more permanently affordable homes built, several candidates have proposed streamlining applications for state funding, so developers aren’t piecing together financing from various sources and can cut down construction costs by getting homes built faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That desire could come at an opportune time as the state prepares to consolidate its myriad agencies overseeing housing and homelessness programs into one department, called the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. It is set to open this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Housing Action Coalition’s May forum in Oakland, land use expert Alex Schafran said he was amazed to see a governor’s debate focused exclusively on housing. However, it also struck him that there was consensus onstage and among many attendees, “including people who used to not get along 10 years ago and are now starting to find ways to work together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will be critical, Shafran said, because the eventual governor will likely still need to work alongside his or her former rivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whoever wins still has a lot of work to do in a really difficult and expensive environment,” he said. “Now the hard part really begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Amid a crowded field, candidates for California’s next governor are trying to distinguish themselves on one of the biggest issues facing voters: the cost of housing.",
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"title": "How California’s Next Governor Would Tackle Rent, Insurance and Housing Costs | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When it comes to affording rent or a home mortgage in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>, every candidate in the race for governor seems to have a personal stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katie Porter wants her three teenage children to eventually move off her couch. Antonio Villaraigosa wants reliable home insurance. Matt Mahan doesn’t want to fight with his wife over their mortgage, as his parents did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the affordability crisis literally drives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078787/grass-is-really-greener-for-many-californians-leaving-the-state\">residents out\u003c/a> of the state, the candidates have made housing a central point of their campaigns. That’s a sea change from previous elections, said Laura Foote, executive director for YIMBY Action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody up there was expected to have a plan and demonstrate how they were going to execute on delivering more affordable housing in California,” she said. “That’s a crazily different place than we were eight years ago, 10 years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each candidate is trying to stand out in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082125/inside-californias-billionaire-tax-fight-and-the-wide-open-governors-race\">most competitive primary\u003c/a> for California governor in two decades. But many are hitting the same broad talking points: lower the cost of construction, make homeownership more accessible and reduce homelessness. Where they differ is in the details of how they’ll get there. Meanwhile, some voters feel discouraged by key issues they say are missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Peoples-McGill drove to Oakland from Altadena earlier this month to attend a debate sponsored by the Housing Action Coalition and other housing nonprofits. She runs the Rebuild Center for Altadenans, which assists survivors of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/la-fires\">2025 Los Angeles wildfires\u003c/a>. She was disappointed none of the candidates had visited her center, much less mentioned wildfires in their comments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037128\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12037128 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-29-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The burnt remains of St. Mark’s Church in Altadena, California, on April 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Mette Lampcov for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Altadena can happen anywhere in this country, anywhere in the state of California,” she said, “and for [the candidates] to really not be involved in that was a little shattering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have, however, been plenty of proposals about how to reform the state’s home insurance industry. As top insurance companies, including Allstate, State Farm and American International Group (AIG) have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985175/insurance-in-california-is-changing-heres-how-it-may-affect-you\">left the state\u003c/a> or pulled back from offering new policies, more Californians are seeking coverage through the state’s FAIR Plan, a self-proclaimed “insurer of last resort.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of March, more than 684,000 homes and businesses across the state have policies under the FAIR Plan, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cfpnet.com/key-statistics-data/\">according to the insurer\u003c/a>. That’s a 152% increase in active policies compared to September 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But insurance experts say it’s a dangerous sign. Last year, private insurance companies gave the FAIR Plan\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026808/fair-plan-bailout-from-insurance-companies-policyholders-following-la-fires\"> $1 billion\u003c/a> to stay solvent and help pay customer claims from the Los Angeles fires. Industry observers told KQED that a large fire could wipe out the FAIR Plan’s reserves.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m on the un-FAIR plan,” former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa said at a forum held by the California Association of Realtors in March. “If my house [burns] down, I won’t be able to get a fraction rebuilding that house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If homeowners do need to rebuild — the need to do it faster and cheaper, as well as to create new housing — is one issue candidates across the aisle agree upon. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA3743-1.html\">study published\u003c/a> last year by the research group RAND showed California is the most expensive state to construct apartments. Candidates repeatedly mentioned that finding as an argument to bring down the cost to build market-rate and subsidized homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also an issue that’s received interest from the California Legislature, as well as Congress. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076687/how-federal-housing-reform-could-impact-californians\">federal bill\u003c/a> with bipartisan support is slowly making its way to the White House, which would incentivize manufactured housing projects across the country. In California, lawmakers are working on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075043/its-expensive-to-build-housing-california-lawmakers-say-factory-built-is-the-future\">package of bills\u003c/a> that would support the industry locally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Assemblymember Buffy Wicks is spearheading California’s bill package, which focuses on making it easier to get factory-built housing off the ground. The Democrat said it’s an innovation that hasn’t been widely successful because there hasn’t been steady support from the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These fights are so hard politically,” she said. “I want someone, in terms of my next governor, who has the spine of steel to take those fights head on and to prioritize housing as where they are going to spend their political capital.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wick hasn’t endorsed any candidate in the race so far. But Democratic candidates Katie Porter, billionaire Tom Steyer and former state attorney general Xavier Becerra have all argued that modular and factory-built construction could hasten building timelines and streamline the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3948_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Steyer, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Katie Porter, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, on April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar via Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other candidates are focusing on what the state can do now to incentivize and ease the path of traditional building methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Superintendent Tony Thurmond has campaigned on building 2 million affordable homes on school district-owned surplus property. Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco wants to end the “over-regulation of our building industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>British American political commentator Steve Hilton and Mahan, mayor of San Jose, have both talked about capping fees that cities often impose on developers to offset the impact of new development. A recent \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/LIHTCImpactFees2026.pdf\">study from UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a> found that these “impact” fees contribute to less than 5% of total development costs, but can nonetheless deter it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070650/these-fees-make-affordable-housing-more-expensive-developers-want-to-slash-them\">state legislature\u003c/a> has passed modest reforms, but Hilton has argued for a more straightforward fix: capping fees at 3% of a project’s construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had hundreds of bills on this in the past few years, and it’s barely moved the needle,” Hilton said at a March forum. “A secret exemption here and a little incentive there, and it just makes it more and more complicated, more and more bureaucratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12072284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12072284\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAGovDebateAP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton and Matt Mahan participate in the California gubernatorial candidate debate on Feb. 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bringing down the cost of construction may be critical in a state where it is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.lendingtree.com/home/mortgage/comparing-rent-vs-owning-a-home-in-nations-largest-metros/\">more expensive\u003c/a> to own than rent in many cities. Several of the gubernatorial candidates shared support for a $25 billion bond headed to the November ballot that would support more middle-class homeownership. Thurmond has supported existing state-sponsored down-payment assistance programs, including the California Dream For All program and CalHome, and talked about expanding funding for those programs — something \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066291/this-program-helps-californians-buy-affordable-homes-advocates-want-more-funding\">advocates have been calling for\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to protecting the interests of renters, the candidates are divided on the best course. Steyer, Becerra, Villaraigosa and Thurmond have said they are in favor of some form of government-imposed rent caps, including extending and enforcing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069513/tenants-crushed-after-california-renter-protections-bill-stalls-in-the-legislature\">Tenant Protections Act\u003c/a>, a 2019 law that limits annual rent increases and restricts evictions. It’s set to expire in 2030, within the next governor’s term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Porter, a former state representative, has bucked that trend. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9XO676pq-gg\">KQED Town Hall\u003c/a>, Porter said that she opposes rent control. And while she said she supports the Tenant Protection Act, she argued that it can slow down construction and force people to stay put, regardless of whether moving would benefit their family or lifestyle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a rent-controlled unit, it works really, really well for you — now, you’re stuck there,” she said. “Decide to have a couple kids, better get bunk beds because you can’t leave it, right?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Zach Murray, statewide campaign coordinator for the tenants rights group, Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE), said he was unsatisfied with the conversation around the expiring Tenant Protection Act and how renters could be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats are not seriously addressing the concrete [affordability] needs, the needs for affordable housing, the needs for utilities, the needs for greater cost reductions across the board,” he said. “When we get legislators and a governor who takes those needs seriously, then I think we’ll begin to see change in our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenant advocates have argued that measures that limit evictions can also help prevent homelessness — an area where the state has recently been making strides. Unsheltered homelessness \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/01/16/following-9-drop-in-unsheltered-homelessness-governor-newsom-announces-new-investments-to-create-more-shelter-and-services-with-stronger-accountability/\">fell 9% last year,\u003c/a> according to preliminary data from the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2024 audit from the \u003ca href=\"https://information.auditor.ca.gov/reports/2023-102.1/index.html#section1\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a> found that Gov. Gavin Newsom spent about $24 billion to address homelessness and housing during the previous five fiscal years. On \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KygOFVgDmPU&t=2s\">KQED’s Political Breakdown podcast\u003c/a>, Bianco said the current administration threw money at homelessness but didn’t show consistent results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Newsom thinks] he’s so great because he gave more money than any other person in history to the homeless,” the Republican candidate said. “The amount of money means absolutely nothing. I’m going to measure [solving homelessness] by fewer tents on our sidewalks. That’s how you judge whether or not you’re doing something right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco, Steyer, Mahan and Villaraigosa have advocated for emergency interim shelters as a more cost-effective way to get people off the streets. During the Housing Action Coalition’s forum in May, Mahan spoke about his experience as mayor, creating 23 interim housing sites with “no-encampment zones” surrounding the sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everybody loves the idea of a no-encampment zone, but that’s how we got community buy-in,” he said. “When we built interim housing and got people stabilized indoors and connected to case management, calls for service for crime — 911 — for blight — 311— plummeted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12073370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12073370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/250519-AffordableHousingFile-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction is underway on an affordable housing apartment building at 2550 Irving St. in San Francisco’s Sunset District on May 19, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To get more permanently affordable homes built, several candidates have proposed streamlining applications for state funding, so developers aren’t piecing together financing from various sources and can cut down construction costs by getting homes built faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That desire could come at an opportune time as the state prepares to consolidate its myriad agencies overseeing housing and homelessness programs into one department, called the California Housing and Homelessness Agency. It is set to open this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Housing Action Coalition’s May forum in Oakland, land use expert Alex Schafran said he was amazed to see a governor’s debate focused exclusively on housing. However, it also struck him that there was consensus onstage and among many attendees, “including people who used to not get along 10 years ago and are now starting to find ways to work together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will be critical, Shafran said, because the eventual governor will likely still need to work alongside his or her former rivals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whoever wins still has a lot of work to do in a really difficult and expensive environment,” he said. “Now the hard part really begins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "pge-spends-millions-against-tom-steyer-whats-behind-clash",
"title": "PG&E Spends Millions Against Tom Steyer. What’s Behind the Clash?",
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"headTitle": "PG&E Spends Millions Against Tom Steyer. What’s Behind the Clash? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075769/tom-steyer-lays-out-vision-for-a-more-affordable-california-in-run-for-governor\">Tom Steyer\u003c/a> is smashing self-funding records with an unprecedented $193 million poured into his own campaign as he tries to advance past California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/governor\">wide-open primary\u003c/a> for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race’s second-largest donor is trying to prevent that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, the Oakland-based utility giant, has shelled out more than $12 million to oppose the Democratic investor, a historic level of spending for the utility in a governor’s race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign to sink Steyer’s chances (and \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AdImpact_Pol/status/2055295439365103930?s=20\">recently\u003c/a>, boost former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra), whose ads target Steyer’s career as a hedge-fund manager, reasons that an investor with no government experience is ill-suited to manage the difficult tradeoffs that come with the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But central to the conflict between the progressive billionaire and the power behemoth, experts say, is Steyer’s ambitious plan to cut electricity bills. That platform is built on a pledge to wield the governor’s power over appointments to install regulators who will reduce the utilities’ guaranteed profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a material threat to utility investors,” said Michael Wara, director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few areas offer as vexing a challenge for the governor as the oversight of investor-owned utilities in the midst of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1998536/newsom-signs-climate-energy-bills-charting-state-course-through-perilous-mid-transition\">energy transition\u003c/a> away from fossil fuels. Outside observers are divided over the impact that Steyer could have in a policy area that has thwarted the ambitions (and even \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2000-dec-31-mn-6834-story.html\">careers\u003c/a>) of previous governors.[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]But Steyer is relishing the clash, arguing that the utility’s big-dollar effort to stop him is proof of the power it holds — and the change he vows to bring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has cast the state’s three investor-owned utilities — PG&E, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric — as bogeymen standing in the way of a more affordable life in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve said that we are going to regulate them differently and introduce local competition,” Steyer told KQED. “And they clearly think it’s worth $10 million as a bet to try and defeat me because they want to preserve their monopoly. I think that’s corrupt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/monthly/epm_table_grapher.php?t=epmt_5_6_a\">second-highest\u003c/a> electricity rates in the country after Hawaii, and those rates have grown much faster than the national average this decade. At the heart of the price spike are wildfire-related costs that the utilities have passed along in part to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Steyer is proposing to appoint reform-minded regulators to oversee the utilities. He promises that those appointees will cut utility profits, more closely examine the cost-effectiveness of wildfire spending and promote small-scale power generation, such as rooftop solar and microgrids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Steyer’s supporters, the politics of a utility crusade are undeniably positive. Voter antipathy toward the state’s large power providers cuts across urban progressives wary of monopoly power, rural residents anxious about utility-sparked fires and suburban solar customers furious about utility efforts to claw back rooftop benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that is felt by not just the progressives but the moderates who also try to fight utility costs,” said Assemblymember Alex Lee, a progressive Democrat from San José who has endorsed Steyer. “We are all lamenting together that utilities have way too much power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>PG&E spends big\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steyer is leading with a bold promise: a 25% drop in electricity rates. He has paraded that vow in town halls, candidate debates and unceasing television advertisements. On Valentine’s Day, Steyer \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KGv3mhkKRPQ\">released\u003c/a> a “break-up message” video outside a PG&E substation in San Francisco in which he called out the company’s CEO, Patti Poppe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer’s broadsides against the electric giants caught the eye of utility leadership — particularly after former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s campaign imploded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\">amid sexual assault allegations\u003c/a>, making the possibility of a Steyer victory more realistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedro Pizarro, the CEO of SoCal Edison’s parent company, said on an April earnings call that he did not see any “fact basis” to Steyer’s promise of a 25% rate cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943199\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Blue trucks with 'pg and e' logo on them sit parked in a lot with the white and black blurry pattern of a fence in the foreground\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E trucks sit inside a Mission District facility owned by the utility. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have been very pointed about taking on things that are not connected to fact like those, and being outspoken about them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has gone further — emerging as the top anti-Steyer spender in the closing weeks ahead of the June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility has contributed $12.6 million to a committee named Californians for Resilient and Affordable Energy, No on Steyer for Governor 2026. That committee has sent $12.5 million to an anti-Steyer independent expenditure committee, called California is Not for Sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Chamber of Commerce’s political arm, JOBSPAC, sent over $7.7 million to California is Not for Sale — after receiving roughly $2 million from each of the state’s investor-owned utilities in April. A spokesperson for the Chamber said decisions on campaign spending are made by JOBSPAC leadership, not individual donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11725572\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11725572 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_19032839240667-c3ea9c8607ab8c46c7dcbc486a7c0f917e3d5a08-e1549984154270.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1438\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man walks past a PG&E sign. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The anti-Steyer super PAC has also drawn contributions from groups representing realtors, homebuilders and correctional officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The television ads funded by California is Not for Sale make no mention of Steyer’s electricity plan. Instead, they take aim at investments made by Steyer’s former hedge fund in private prison companies and fossil fuel projects. Steyer left the firm, Farallon Capital Management, in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer’s campaign filed a complaint with the California Fair Political Practices Commission earlier this month, arguing that PG&E is deliberately obscuring its role as the top funder of the ads by donating to the Resilient and Affordable Energy group instead of directly to California is Not for Sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E referred a request for an interview for this story to a spokesperson for the super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Super PAC: Opposition ‘bigger than any one policy’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is Not for Sale spokesperson Amelia Matier said the group’s spending is not being driven by PG&E — or by opposition to any specific proposal from Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is bigger than any one policy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matier argued the connective thread between the businesses spending against Steyer is a shared lack of faith that someone without any government experience could govern the world’s fourth-largest economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12075623 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Steyer speaks with Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos on Political Breakdown at KQED in San Francisco on March 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The group of people behind the IE just don’t think he’d be a good governor,” she said. “He doesn’t have the experience and know-how, and he wants to make everybody else the big corporate bogeyman — but the reality is that’s him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $12.6 million PG&E has spent against Steyer is hardly a financial avalanche in the context of costly California campaigns. The utility spent over $46 million to support a single initiative, Proposition 16, a failed 2010 measure that would have made it harder for cities and counties to create local power providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the anti-Steyer spending marks PG&E’s largest such outlay in a governor’s race, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1007836&view=contributions&session=1999\">online filings\u003c/a> with the California secretary of state’s office, which date back to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In splashy television ads, Steyer has declared that he will “bust” the utilities and “break up” their power. But he is not proposing to end California’s current structure of electricity regulation, in which power companies are traded on Wall Street and entitled to a guaranteed rate of return on capital investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m happy to have investor-owned,” Steyer said during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075769/tom-steyer-lays-out-vision-for-a-more-affordable-california-in-run-for-governor\">an interview\u003c/a> on KQED’s Political Breakdown. “My issue is we are not regulating them right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A plan to ‘stop their gravy trains’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of Steyer’s electricity agenda is built on appointments he is eyeing for the five-member California Public Utilities Commission. The next governor will appoint two commissioners in January and replace three others over the course of their first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPUC has been at the center of bitter fights between utilities and ratepayer advocates over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910175/california-rooftop-solar-is-at-a-crossroads\">rooftop solar\u003c/a> benefits, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992639/california-regulators-approve-adding-24-fixed-fee-to-utility-bills\">structure of electricity bills\u003c/a> and wildfire-related spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former CPUC President Loretta Lynch, a frequent agency critic, said regulators have not properly scrutinized utility spending, which has resulted in higher bills for customers. Steyer could bring the first change to that dynamic in decades, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033400\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E utility poles in the Mission District on Jan. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not surprising if you look at it that way that the utilities are going all out to fight the candidates who are going to stop their gravy trains,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer said he will appoint commissioners who push the utilities to more quickly connect new customers to the grid (spreading the system’s fixed costs more broadly) and incentivize the power providers to spend on solar and battery storage, instead of building expensive new transmission lines and substations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the most threatening proposal for California power companies is Steyer’s call for a cut in utility profits, said Wara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The return on equity, set by the CPUC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/industries-and-topics/electrical-energy/electric-costs/cost-of-capital\">currently sits\u003c/a> at roughly 10% for PG&E, SoCal Edison and SDG&E. The rate represents the profit that utilities are authorized to earn — and collect from ratepayers — on shareholder-funded infrastructure investments.[aside postID=news_12082915 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_039-KQED.jpg']Utilities argue that a healthy return on equity is necessary to attract capital and fairly compensate shareholders for the risk of owning power companies that could face massive liability and even bankruptcy if their equipment sparks a wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those guaranteed profit rates have remained steady even at times when borrowing costs across the economy have declined. Utility critics point to research showing that elevated rates \u003ca href=\"https://haas.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/archive/WP329.pdf\">create a perverse incentive\u003c/a> for electric companies to pursue costly investments in order to recoup the highest return — all at inflated cost to the customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former economist for the parent company of SDG&E \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/story/2025-12-18/state-regulators-vote-to-keep-utility-profits-high-angering-customers\">estimated\u003c/a> that reducing the return on equity to 6% would save customers $6.1 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer has floated the idea of reducing the rate of return by 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that could be accomplished, there is a significant potential savings for California electricity customers,” Wara said. “Of course [utilities] object to that — it would be crazy if they didn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wara cautioned that a cut to utility profits is not without risk. If California lowers its rate of return and other states do not, shareholders could decide to invest in utilities in parts of the country offering higher profits without wildfire risk. With less cash on hand, California utilities could face higher borrowing costs that, in turn, would raise bills for ratepayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is how investors in that market respond,” Wara said. “Do they take their money elsewhere? Or do they think these three [California utility] stocks are too big not to have in their utility portfolio?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Difficult tradeoffs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Others see an imperiousness in Steyer’s broadsides against the utilities — a belief that complex reforms can be pushed through without compromise or tradeoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill Dodd, a former state senator who worked extensively on utility legislation, has had a recurring question as he’s watched Steyer’s ads promising lower electricity rates: “How the hell is he going to do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd argued that many of the cost pressures facing utilities and their ratepayers are a result of climate change, as hotter temperatures and shorter windows of precipitation have lengthened California’s fire season. No matter who is governor, power companies will need to spend money to trim trees and bury power lines, while setting aside billions of dollars to pay claims arising from future wildfires caused by their equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082332\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082332\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer speaks during a town hall event on April 30, 2026, in San José. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And while governors typically enjoy great sway over state agencies, the commissioners Steyer appoints to the CPUC will still be bound by state law requiring utility rates to be “just and reasonable” — balancing affordability with the need to attract shareholder investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is even when you appoint members of the CPUC, they are still taking an oath to the state of California,” Dodd said. “So I don’t think it’s as easy to get done as just [saying] ‘I’m going to replace everybody.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer’s campaign said he will look for commissioners with a shared vision for regulating the state’s investor-owned utilities.[aside label=\"2026 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]Complicating matters, Californians’ desire for rate relief exists alongside their expectations of reliable service and wildfire safety. Steyer’s electricity plan promises to “strengthen safety, bolster reliability, and lower prices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for me to imagine that we can achieve all of those three things at once,” said Meredith Fowlie, faculty director at UC Berkeley’s Energy Institute at Haas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ongoing utility investments to prevent wildfires are likely to keep electricity prices elevated: The CPUC is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cpuc-website/divisions/office-of-governmental-affairs-division/reports/2025/2025-sb-695-report_093025.pdf\">projecting\u003c/a> rate increases through 2028 of roughly 6% for PG&E and SDG&E and around 7% for SoCal Edison, compared with an assumed inflation rate of 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lowering bills by reducing spending on wildfire mitigation could require the state to accept a higher tolerance for catastrophic blazes. And while strategies such as planned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891810/pge-power-shutoffs-are-affecting-thousands-again-heres-when-they-can-expect-to-get-it-back\">power outages\u003c/a> could help avoid those fires at a relatively low cost, they bring disruption to the daily lives of Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we decide to focus on reducing rates, I think we’re going to have to trade off reliability and tolerate more wildfire risk,” Fowlie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and members of the Legislature have spent much of the last year weighing those tradeoffs. In some ways, Steyer would be showing up in the second act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation moving through the Senate this year would \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB905\">reduce\u003c/a> utility profits and tap the state budget to pay for certain investments currently funded by ratepayers. And a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cawildfirefund.com/sb-254-natural-catastrophe-resilience-study\">state report\u003c/a> on resilience to natural catastrophes released last month could serve as the starting point for negotiations this summer around reforms to wildfire liability and California’s home insurance market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I think if I was a utility, I would see [Steyer] as signaling that he will continue along this path,” Fowlie said. “And continuing along that path could have implications for how they’re able to conduct their business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075769/tom-steyer-lays-out-vision-for-a-more-affordable-california-in-run-for-governor\">Tom Steyer\u003c/a> is smashing self-funding records with an unprecedented $193 million poured into his own campaign as he tries to advance past California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/governor\">wide-open primary\u003c/a> for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race’s second-largest donor is trying to prevent that from happening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E, the Oakland-based utility giant, has shelled out more than $12 million to oppose the Democratic investor, a historic level of spending for the utility in a governor’s race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign to sink Steyer’s chances (and \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/AdImpact_Pol/status/2055295439365103930?s=20\">recently\u003c/a>, boost former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra), whose ads target Steyer’s career as a hedge-fund manager, reasons that an investor with no government experience is ill-suited to manage the difficult tradeoffs that come with the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But central to the conflict between the progressive billionaire and the power behemoth, experts say, is Steyer’s ambitious plan to cut electricity bills. That platform is built on a pledge to wield the governor’s power over appointments to install regulators who will reduce the utilities’ guaranteed profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a material threat to utility investors,” said Michael Wara, director of the Climate and Energy Policy Program at Stanford University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few areas offer as vexing a challenge for the governor as the oversight of investor-owned utilities in the midst of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1998536/newsom-signs-climate-energy-bills-charting-state-course-through-perilous-mid-transition\">energy transition\u003c/a> away from fossil fuels. Outside observers are divided over the impact that Steyer could have in a policy area that has thwarted the ambitions (and even \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2000-dec-31-mn-6834-story.html\">careers\u003c/a>) of previous governors.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Steyer is relishing the clash, arguing that the utility’s big-dollar effort to stop him is proof of the power it holds — and the change he vows to bring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has cast the state’s three investor-owned utilities — PG&E, Southern California Edison and San Diego Gas & Electric — as bogeymen standing in the way of a more affordable life in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve said that we are going to regulate them differently and introduce local competition,” Steyer told KQED. “And they clearly think it’s worth $10 million as a bet to try and defeat me because they want to preserve their monopoly. I think that’s corrupt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/electricity/monthly/epm_table_grapher.php?t=epmt_5_6_a\">second-highest\u003c/a> electricity rates in the country after Hawaii, and those rates have grown much faster than the national average this decade. At the heart of the price spike are wildfire-related costs that the utilities have passed along in part to customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Steyer is proposing to appoint reform-minded regulators to oversee the utilities. He promises that those appointees will cut utility profits, more closely examine the cost-effectiveness of wildfire spending and promote small-scale power generation, such as rooftop solar and microgrids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Steyer’s supporters, the politics of a utility crusade are undeniably positive. Voter antipathy toward the state’s large power providers cuts across urban progressives wary of monopoly power, rural residents anxious about utility-sparked fires and suburban solar customers furious about utility efforts to claw back rooftop benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an issue that is felt by not just the progressives but the moderates who also try to fight utility costs,” said Assemblymember Alex Lee, a progressive Democrat from San José who has endorsed Steyer. “We are all lamenting together that utilities have way too much power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>PG&E spends big\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steyer is leading with a bold promise: a 25% drop in electricity rates. He has paraded that vow in town halls, candidate debates and unceasing television advertisements. On Valentine’s Day, Steyer \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KGv3mhkKRPQ\">released\u003c/a> a “break-up message” video outside a PG&E substation in San Francisco in which he called out the company’s CEO, Patti Poppe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer’s broadsides against the electric giants caught the eye of utility leadership — particularly after former Rep. Eric Swalwell’s campaign imploded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079502/rep-eric-swalwell-candidate-for-california-governor-is-accused-of-sexual-assault\">amid sexual assault allegations\u003c/a>, making the possibility of a Steyer victory more realistic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pedro Pizarro, the CEO of SoCal Edison’s parent company, said on an April earnings call that he did not see any “fact basis” to Steyer’s promise of a 25% rate cut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943199\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Blue trucks with 'pg and e' logo on them sit parked in a lot with the white and black blurry pattern of a fence in the foreground\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E trucks sit inside a Mission District facility owned by the utility. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We have been very pointed about taking on things that are not connected to fact like those, and being outspoken about them,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has gone further — emerging as the top anti-Steyer spender in the closing weeks ahead of the June 2 primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility has contributed $12.6 million to a committee named Californians for Resilient and Affordable Energy, No on Steyer for Governor 2026. That committee has sent $12.5 million to an anti-Steyer independent expenditure committee, called California is Not for Sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Chamber of Commerce’s political arm, JOBSPAC, sent over $7.7 million to California is Not for Sale — after receiving roughly $2 million from each of the state’s investor-owned utilities in April. A spokesperson for the Chamber said decisions on campaign spending are made by JOBSPAC leadership, not individual donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11725572\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11725572 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_19032839240667-c3ea9c8607ab8c46c7dcbc486a7c0f917e3d5a08-e1549984154270.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1438\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man walks past a PG&E sign. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The anti-Steyer super PAC has also drawn contributions from groups representing realtors, homebuilders and correctional officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The television ads funded by California is Not for Sale make no mention of Steyer’s electricity plan. Instead, they take aim at investments made by Steyer’s former hedge fund in private prison companies and fossil fuel projects. Steyer left the firm, Farallon Capital Management, in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer’s campaign filed a complaint with the California Fair Political Practices Commission earlier this month, arguing that PG&E is deliberately obscuring its role as the top funder of the ads by donating to the Resilient and Affordable Energy group instead of directly to California is Not for Sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E referred a request for an interview for this story to a spokesperson for the super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Super PAC: Opposition ‘bigger than any one policy’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is Not for Sale spokesperson Amelia Matier said the group’s spending is not being driven by PG&E — or by opposition to any specific proposal from Steyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is bigger than any one policy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matier argued the connective thread between the businesses spending against Steyer is a shared lack of faith that someone without any government experience could govern the world’s fourth-largest economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12075623 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260306-TOM-STEYER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Steyer speaks with Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos on Political Breakdown at KQED in San Francisco on March 6, 2026. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The group of people behind the IE just don’t think he’d be a good governor,” she said. “He doesn’t have the experience and know-how, and he wants to make everybody else the big corporate bogeyman — but the reality is that’s him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $12.6 million PG&E has spent against Steyer is hardly a financial avalanche in the context of costly California campaigns. The utility spent over $46 million to support a single initiative, Proposition 16, a failed 2010 measure that would have made it harder for cities and counties to create local power providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the anti-Steyer spending marks PG&E’s largest such outlay in a governor’s race, according to \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1007836&view=contributions&session=1999\">online filings\u003c/a> with the California secretary of state’s office, which date back to 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In splashy television ads, Steyer has declared that he will “bust” the utilities and “break up” their power. But he is not proposing to end California’s current structure of electricity regulation, in which power companies are traded on Wall Street and entitled to a guaranteed rate of return on capital investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m happy to have investor-owned,” Steyer said during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075769/tom-steyer-lays-out-vision-for-a-more-affordable-california-in-run-for-governor\">an interview\u003c/a> on KQED’s Political Breakdown. “My issue is we are not regulating them right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A plan to ‘stop their gravy trains’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Much of Steyer’s electricity agenda is built on appointments he is eyeing for the five-member California Public Utilities Commission. The next governor will appoint two commissioners in January and replace three others over the course of their first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CPUC has been at the center of bitter fights between utilities and ratepayer advocates over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910175/california-rooftop-solar-is-at-a-crossroads\">rooftop solar\u003c/a> benefits, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992639/california-regulators-approve-adding-24-fixed-fee-to-utility-bills\">structure of electricity bills\u003c/a> and wildfire-related spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former CPUC President Loretta Lynch, a frequent agency critic, said regulators have not properly scrutinized utility spending, which has resulted in higher bills for customers. Steyer could bring the first change to that dynamic in decades, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12033400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12033400\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/P1100970_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E utility poles in the Mission District on Jan. 27, 2019. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not surprising if you look at it that way that the utilities are going all out to fight the candidates who are going to stop their gravy trains,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer said he will appoint commissioners who push the utilities to more quickly connect new customers to the grid (spreading the system’s fixed costs more broadly) and incentivize the power providers to spend on solar and battery storage, instead of building expensive new transmission lines and substations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the most threatening proposal for California power companies is Steyer’s call for a cut in utility profits, said Wara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The return on equity, set by the CPUC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/industries-and-topics/electrical-energy/electric-costs/cost-of-capital\">currently sits\u003c/a> at roughly 10% for PG&E, SoCal Edison and SDG&E. The rate represents the profit that utilities are authorized to earn — and collect from ratepayers — on shareholder-funded infrastructure investments.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Utilities argue that a healthy return on equity is necessary to attract capital and fairly compensate shareholders for the risk of owning power companies that could face massive liability and even bankruptcy if their equipment sparks a wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those guaranteed profit rates have remained steady even at times when borrowing costs across the economy have declined. Utility critics point to research showing that elevated rates \u003ca href=\"https://haas.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/archive/WP329.pdf\">create a perverse incentive\u003c/a> for electric companies to pursue costly investments in order to recoup the highest return — all at inflated cost to the customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former economist for the parent company of SDG&E \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/environment/story/2025-12-18/state-regulators-vote-to-keep-utility-profits-high-angering-customers\">estimated\u003c/a> that reducing the return on equity to 6% would save customers $6.1 billion annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer has floated the idea of reducing the rate of return by 2 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If that could be accomplished, there is a significant potential savings for California electricity customers,” Wara said. “Of course [utilities] object to that — it would be crazy if they didn’t.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wara cautioned that a cut to utility profits is not without risk. If California lowers its rate of return and other states do not, shareholders could decide to invest in utilities in parts of the country offering higher profits without wildfire risk. With less cash on hand, California utilities could face higher borrowing costs that, in turn, would raise bills for ratepayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is how investors in that market respond,” Wara said. “Do they take their money elsewhere? Or do they think these three [California utility] stocks are too big not to have in their utility portfolio?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Difficult tradeoffs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Others see an imperiousness in Steyer’s broadsides against the utilities — a belief that complex reforms can be pushed through without compromise or tradeoffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill Dodd, a former state senator who worked extensively on utility legislation, has had a recurring question as he’s watched Steyer’s ads promising lower electricity rates: “How the hell is he going to do that?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dodd argued that many of the cost pressures facing utilities and their ratepayers are a result of climate change, as hotter temperatures and shorter windows of precipitation have lengthened California’s fire season. No matter who is governor, power companies will need to spend money to trim trees and bury power lines, while setting aside billions of dollars to pay claims arising from future wildfires caused by their equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082332\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082332\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_009-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer speaks during a town hall event on April 30, 2026, in San José. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And while governors typically enjoy great sway over state agencies, the commissioners Steyer appoints to the CPUC will still be bound by state law requiring utility rates to be “just and reasonable” — balancing affordability with the need to attract shareholder investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is even when you appoint members of the CPUC, they are still taking an oath to the state of California,” Dodd said. “So I don’t think it’s as easy to get done as just [saying] ‘I’m going to replace everybody.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steyer’s campaign said he will look for commissioners with a shared vision for regulating the state’s investor-owned utilities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Complicating matters, Californians’ desire for rate relief exists alongside their expectations of reliable service and wildfire safety. Steyer’s electricity plan promises to “strengthen safety, bolster reliability, and lower prices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s hard for me to imagine that we can achieve all of those three things at once,” said Meredith Fowlie, faculty director at UC Berkeley’s Energy Institute at Haas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ongoing utility investments to prevent wildfires are likely to keep electricity prices elevated: The CPUC is \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cpuc-website/divisions/office-of-governmental-affairs-division/reports/2025/2025-sb-695-report_093025.pdf\">projecting\u003c/a> rate increases through 2028 of roughly 6% for PG&E and SDG&E and around 7% for SoCal Edison, compared with an assumed inflation rate of 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lowering bills by reducing spending on wildfire mitigation could require the state to accept a higher tolerance for catastrophic blazes. And while strategies such as planned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11891810/pge-power-shutoffs-are-affecting-thousands-again-heres-when-they-can-expect-to-get-it-back\">power outages\u003c/a> could help avoid those fires at a relatively low cost, they bring disruption to the daily lives of Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we decide to focus on reducing rates, I think we’re going to have to trade off reliability and tolerate more wildfire risk,” Fowlie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom and members of the Legislature have spent much of the last year weighing those tradeoffs. In some ways, Steyer would be showing up in the second act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation moving through the Senate this year would \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB905\">reduce\u003c/a> utility profits and tap the state budget to pay for certain investments currently funded by ratepayers. And a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cawildfirefund.com/sb-254-natural-catastrophe-resilience-study\">state report\u003c/a> on resilience to natural catastrophes released last month could serve as the starting point for negotiations this summer around reforms to wildfire liability and California’s home insurance market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I think if I was a utility, I would see [Steyer] as signaling that he will continue along this path,” Fowlie said. “And continuing along that path could have implications for how they’re able to conduct their business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Chad Bianco Pitches Deregulation and a Focus on Fraud at KQED Governor Town Hall",
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"content": "\u003cp>Riverside County Sheriff \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081096/riverside-county-sheriff-chad-bianco-on-his-faith-cutting-taxes-and-ballot-seizure\">Chad Bianco\u003c/a>, who has held on as a contender in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/2026-governors-race\">race for California governor\u003c/a>, laid out a deregulatory agenda at a KQED town hall on Monday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Day one priority is immediately making our lives better,” the Republican sheriff said. “There are so many things that are hampering that, that are making our lives difficult, and the majority of them are regulatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed for specifics, Bianco said he would aim to lower gasoline prices by eliminating the state gas tax and regulatory fees at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has consistently polled in the double digits, even as his numbers dip approaching the wide-open June 2 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083839/what-is-californias-jungle-primary-and-why-does-it-matter-so-much-for-the-governors-race\">primary election\u003c/a>. Despite being a longtime Donald Trump supporter, Bianco lost the president’s endorsement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078793/trump-endorses-steve-hilton-for-california-governor-giving-gop-a-front-runner\">to Steve Hilton\u003c/a> last month — and on Monday, he warned that the former Fox News host’s lack of elected experience should concern voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be very frank, he’s for me more dangerous than the other Democrats that are running because we have an example of what they’ll do,” Bianco said. “But with him, he’s always behind the scenes. So he’s never run for elected office, he’s never had an elected office that there’s proof of concept with. And that really is what separates me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco also took questions from Bay Area residents on public schools, housing shortages, road conditions, government fraud, the homeowner insurance crisis and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three highlights from the town hall, moderated by KQED’s Marisa Lagos:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A vow to end sanctuary policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bianco was raised in a military family in Utah and moved in 1989 to California, where he’s spent more than three decades in law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said public safety should be the number one priority for the governor and took aim at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016037/california-is-a-sanctuary-state-how-much-protection-will-that-give-immigrants-from-trumps-deportation-plans\">the state’s sanctuary policies\u003c/a>, which he said have made California less safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1-Vus2mYPQ4\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco argued that if local law enforcement is barred from coordinating with U.S. immigration enforcement about people in their custody, federal agents are forced to take their enforcement operations into communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office, he said, immigrants’ trust in law enforcement has waned, leading to a “drastic decrease in calls for service” from them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not reporting crime anymore because the media, the politicians and everything else have now convinced them that deputies and police officers are the enemy and you have to avoid us,” he said. “And now we know they are being victimized, and they’re afraid to report it to us. That is a failure of politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If elected governor, Bianco said he would eliminate sanctuary policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It absolutely must be taken away because it makes us less safe,” he said. “It doesn’t make me safer. It doesn’t make you safer. And it does nothing to prevent or keep safe people who are in this country illegally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Less regulation, more homes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bianco kept returning to his promise to reduce government regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breanna Shaw, a student at San Francisco State University, said she’s been unhoused or housing-insecure her whole life. She asked Bianco how he would “address the growing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/64314/unhoused-students-face-unique-challenges-how-can-schools-help\">student housing insecurity\u003c/a> and its effect on our educated workforce.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GBSOWwP4rFg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco blamed California’s regulatory environment, saying it takes three to five years to build a home in the state, compared with 90 days elsewhere. Much of the price of a home, he said, goes toward recovering fees and permits, driving builders away from affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no homes, affordable homes, for kids or first-time buyers,” he said. “That’s not like that in any other state. It’s only California because of the regulatory environment. And as the governor, I can remove that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Allegations of waste, fraud and abuse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bianco said California has “never had a money problem,” but instead has a “horrific spending problem and a lack-of-accountability problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rose Usher, a disabled senior who could not make it to the event, submitted a question in advance about government fraud, saying it concerns her because it reduces the funding and availability of services she relies on. She asked what Bianco would do about issues like senior housing fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t1K0MSe6EmA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Bianco said he would audit “every single dollar” that flows from the governor’s budget for fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our own state Finance [Department] has said that we are the most corrupt government in the country as far as fraud, waste and abuse is concerned because we do nothing to track fraud, find fraud, stop fraud, and we just keep letting it happen,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He went after the state Department of Justice for failing in its responsibility to root out fraud, accusing the department of spending too much of its budget on attorneys instead of investigators.[aside postID=news_12083839 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3319_1_qed.jpg']“Life should not be about suing people, it should be about going and finding the fraud,” Bianco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s focus on fraud has extended beyond state spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080702/internal-emails-show-how-fringe-groups-fueled-sheriff-chad-biancos-ballot-seizure\">seized hundreds of thousands of ballots\u003c/a> from the Riverside County Registrar of Voters, launching an investigation into allegations of election fraud in the November special election on Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Bianco ignored objections to the investigation from state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the California Supreme Court in April ordered him to halt the investigation and took up Bonta’s case, questioning whether the seizure and investigation were lawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s the dishonesty from the attorney general: They want you to believe I did something wrong,” Bianco said. “There is absolutely nothing wrong of what I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco told \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/04/07/chad-bianco-riverside-ballot-seizure/\">the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a> he would also consider seizing ballots in the primary election if there are allegations of misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Chad Bianco Pitches Deregulation and a Focus on Fraud at KQED Governor Town Hall | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Riverside County Sheriff \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081096/riverside-county-sheriff-chad-bianco-on-his-faith-cutting-taxes-and-ballot-seizure\">Chad Bianco\u003c/a>, who has held on as a contender in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/2026-governors-race\">race for California governor\u003c/a>, laid out a deregulatory agenda at a KQED town hall on Monday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Day one priority is immediately making our lives better,” the Republican sheriff said. “There are so many things that are hampering that, that are making our lives difficult, and the majority of them are regulatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed for specifics, Bianco said he would aim to lower gasoline prices by eliminating the state gas tax and regulatory fees at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has consistently polled in the double digits, even as his numbers dip approaching the wide-open June 2 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12083839/what-is-californias-jungle-primary-and-why-does-it-matter-so-much-for-the-governors-race\">primary election\u003c/a>. Despite being a longtime Donald Trump supporter, Bianco lost the president’s endorsement \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078793/trump-endorses-steve-hilton-for-california-governor-giving-gop-a-front-runner\">to Steve Hilton\u003c/a> last month — and on Monday, he warned that the former Fox News host’s lack of elected experience should concern voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be very frank, he’s for me more dangerous than the other Democrats that are running because we have an example of what they’ll do,” Bianco said. “But with him, he’s always behind the scenes. So he’s never run for elected office, he’s never had an elected office that there’s proof of concept with. And that really is what separates me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco also took questions from Bay Area residents on public schools, housing shortages, road conditions, government fraud, the homeowner insurance crisis and immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three highlights from the town hall, moderated by KQED’s Marisa Lagos:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A vow to end sanctuary policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bianco was raised in a military family in Utah and moved in 1989 to California, where he’s spent more than three decades in law enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said public safety should be the number one priority for the governor and took aim at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016037/california-is-a-sanctuary-state-how-much-protection-will-that-give-immigrants-from-trumps-deportation-plans\">the state’s sanctuary policies\u003c/a>, which he said have made California less safe.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/1-Vus2mYPQ4'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/1-Vus2mYPQ4'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Bianco argued that if local law enforcement is barred from coordinating with U.S. immigration enforcement about people in their custody, federal agents are forced to take their enforcement operations into communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office, he said, immigrants’ trust in law enforcement has waned, leading to a “drastic decrease in calls for service” from them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not reporting crime anymore because the media, the politicians and everything else have now convinced them that deputies and police officers are the enemy and you have to avoid us,” he said. “And now we know they are being victimized, and they’re afraid to report it to us. That is a failure of politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If elected governor, Bianco said he would eliminate sanctuary policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It absolutely must be taken away because it makes us less safe,” he said. “It doesn’t make me safer. It doesn’t make you safer. And it does nothing to prevent or keep safe people who are in this country illegally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Less regulation, more homes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bianco kept returning to his promise to reduce government regulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breanna Shaw, a student at San Francisco State University, said she’s been unhoused or housing-insecure her whole life. She asked Bianco how he would “address the growing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/64314/unhoused-students-face-unique-challenges-how-can-schools-help\">student housing insecurity\u003c/a> and its effect on our educated workforce.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/GBSOWwP4rFg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/GBSOWwP4rFg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Bianco blamed California’s regulatory environment, saying it takes three to five years to build a home in the state, compared with 90 days elsewhere. Much of the price of a home, he said, goes toward recovering fees and permits, driving builders away from affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no homes, affordable homes, for kids or first-time buyers,” he said. “That’s not like that in any other state. It’s only California because of the regulatory environment. And as the governor, I can remove that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Allegations of waste, fraud and abuse\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bianco said California has “never had a money problem,” but instead has a “horrific spending problem and a lack-of-accountability problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rose Usher, a disabled senior who could not make it to the event, submitted a question in advance about government fraud, saying it concerns her because it reduces the funding and availability of services she relies on. She asked what Bianco would do about issues like senior housing fraud.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/t1K0MSe6EmA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/t1K0MSe6EmA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In response, Bianco said he would audit “every single dollar” that flows from the governor’s budget for fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our own state Finance [Department] has said that we are the most corrupt government in the country as far as fraud, waste and abuse is concerned because we do nothing to track fraud, find fraud, stop fraud, and we just keep letting it happen,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He went after the state Department of Justice for failing in its responsibility to root out fraud, accusing the department of spending too much of its budget on attorneys instead of investigators.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Life should not be about suing people, it should be about going and finding the fraud,” Bianco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco’s focus on fraud has extended beyond state spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12080702/internal-emails-show-how-fringe-groups-fueled-sheriff-chad-biancos-ballot-seizure\">seized hundreds of thousands of ballots\u003c/a> from the Riverside County Registrar of Voters, launching an investigation into allegations of election fraud in the November special election on Proposition 50.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Bianco ignored objections to the investigation from state Attorney General Rob Bonta, the California Supreme Court in April ordered him to halt the investigation and took up Bonta’s case, questioning whether the seizure and investigation were lawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here’s the dishonesty from the attorney general: They want you to believe I did something wrong,” Bianco said. “There is absolutely nothing wrong of what I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco told \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/04/07/chad-bianco-riverside-ballot-seizure/\">the \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>\u003c/a> he would also consider seizing ballots in the primary election if there are allegations of misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "am-i-registered-to-vote-california-primary-2026-voting-for-governor-check-voter-registration",
"title": "Primary 2026: Monday Is Your Last Day to Register Online to Vote. What if You Miss It?",
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"headTitle": "Primary 2026: Monday Is Your Last Day to Register Online to Vote. What if You Miss It? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Monday — May 18 — is the last day to register online to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082074/california-primary-2026-dropbox-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-find-my-polling-place-election-day-voter-guide\"> vote in the June 2 state primary election\u003c/a>. It’s also your last chance to \u003cem>re\u003c/em>-register online if you need to update your voter registration details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you miss this deadline, don’t worry. You have several options for registering or re-registering in person all the way through June 2, your last day to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about checking your voter registration, from the May 18 deadline to how to make sure election officials have your correct mailing address. You can also jump straight to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Iwanttoregistertovoteforthefirsttime\">I want to register to vote for the first time\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatshouldIdoifIvemovedtoanewaddressorchangedmyname\">What should I do if I’ve moved to a new address or changed my name?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatifIhaventreceivedmyballotyet\">What if I haven’t received my ballot yet?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>I’m almost certain I’m registered to vote … but how can I check?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can check your voter registration status at\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\"> voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\u003c/a>, which will show whether you’re registered to vote and the address associated with your registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your voter registration is active and your address and name are up to date, your ballot should have arrived by now. You can use\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\"> voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\u003c/a> to check when your ballot was mailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\"> the Where’s My Ballot?\u003c/a> tool to check whether your ballot was sent out, and read\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060171/ballot-missing-election-2025-hasnt-arrived-yet-replacement\"> our guide on what to do if your ballot never showed up.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are some reasons I might need to update my voter registration?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Updating your voter registration is also known as “re-registering” to vote — because to update elements of your voter record at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a>, you’ll need to register to vote \u003cem>again\u003c/em> as if you were making a new application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a general rule, you’ll definitely need to re-register if your name or address has changed. But if registering to vote when you know you’re already registered feels weird, don’t worry: this won’t be seen as you trying to fraudulently register to vote twice or anything like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082778\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082778 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274165052-scaled-e1778866234143.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The June 2 state primary election is approaching quickly. Stay informed with KQED’s voter guide. \u003ccite>(Jay L Clendenin/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because your voter registration is tied to your social security number and your driver’s license/state ID card number, your new voter registration will be matched with your \u003cem>existing\u003c/em> voter registration and your details will be updated. There will also be a section on the form where you can provide any previous addresses and names you’ve been registered to vote under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to change your party preference, you’ll also need to re-register to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For smaller changes, your county may allow you to submit a Voter Action Form by mail or online. For example, if San Francisco residents want to make minor changes to their voter registration, they can use\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfelections.org/tools/regupdate/regupd.php\"> a form from the San Francisco Department of Elections\u003c/a> to determine whether they can do so online. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#FindyourBayAreacountyelectionsofficeswebsiteandcontactdetails\">Find your Bay Area county elections office’s website and contact details.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You should update your voter registration if:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"WhatshouldIdoifIvemovedtoanewaddressorchangedmyname\">\u003c/a>If you have moved to a new address within California\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your old address is on your voter registration, then your mail-in ballot will automatically be sent to that address — not your new one. Your voter registration will only reflect your new address if you’ve manually updated it or\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/frequently-asked-questions\"> if you’ve updated your address with the DMV.\u003c/a>[aside postID=news_12082074 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/007_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg']Register to vote with your new address at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state says that you can also send a signed letter to your current county elections official to let them know you’ve moved, along with your date of birth and current address. Find your Bay Area county elections office’s website and contact details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you have legally changed your name\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll need to re-register to vote with your new name. One important thing: Before you do that, the Secretary of State recommends that you\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/frequently-asked-questions\"> update your California driver’s license or identification card with the DMV \u003cem>first.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV currently has for you. And if you haven’t updated your signature with the DMV, the signature the agency sends to your county elections office will be the signature for your previous name, not your new one, and your registration will be rejected.\u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/updating-information-on-your-driver-license-or-identification-dl-id-card/\"> Read how to update your signature with the DMV.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if you aren’t able to update your details with the DMV first? The state recommends you select “decline” on the application when asked to use your DMV signature to register to vote — but you’ll have to hit “print” and sign the paper application, which you’ll mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Register to vote with your new name at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t voted in a while\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general,” the Secretary of State’s office says, you’ll stay registered to vote for as long as you remain at the same address you’re registered with — but “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/frequently-asked-questions\">there are cases in which voter registration can be canceled\u003c/a> if a voter has not voted in several consecutive general elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if your ballot hasn’t arrived in May, and you suspect it might be because you haven’t voted in many years, contact your county’s elections office ASAP. Jump straight to our list of Bay Area county elections offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When is my last chance to update my voter registration?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you forget to re-register with your new address or name, and your ballot is sent out in May to the wrong address or without your current name, don’t worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As long as you update your voter registration online at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a> before the May 18 deadline, your county will just cancel the ballot that went to your old address and send you a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter drops off a ballot at the City Hall Voting Center in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if things get hectic this month and you miss the May 18 deadline, you can still update your voter registration — you’ll just have to do it in person at that stage. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082074/california-primary-2026-dropbox-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-find-my-polling-place-election-day-voter-guide\">Vote centers will open in most Bay Area counties on May 23. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Go to your county elections office or an open voting location and ask to register in person via Same Day Registration (also called conditional registration). You can do this up until when polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day, June 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Iwanttoregistertovoteforthefirsttime\">\u003c/a>How can I register to vote for the \u003cem>first\u003c/em> time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can register to vote if you’re:[aside label=\"2026 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2026 primary election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A United States citizen and a resident of California,\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>18 years old or older on Election Day\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>People who are currently serving a state or federal prison term for a felony conviction cannot vote or register to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can register to vote online at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a> before the May 18 deadline. After that, you can register to vote in person at your county elections office or an open voting location, where you can register through Same Day Registration (also called conditional registration). You can do this up until when polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re unhoused or have no fixed address, you can still register to vote by describing the place where you spend most of your time, if you don’t have a street address, including cross streets. You can \u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\">register to vote this way via online application\u003c/a> before May 18, or on the paper voter registration application you can pick up at any Department of Motor Vehicles field office, or many post offices, public libraries, government offices or\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices\"> your county elections office\u003c/a> by request (where you can also use Same Day Registration in person).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatifIhaventreceivedmyballotyet\">\u003c/a>When will my ballot arrive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Every registered voter in California will automatically receive a ballot in the mail, and by this point, you should have received yours if you were correctly registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>May 4 was the deadline for Bay Area counties to \u003cem>start\u003c/em> mailing ballots, though many started several days earlier. This means your ballot will most likely have arrived in early to mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can use both\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\"> voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\u003c/a> and the state’s\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\"> Where’s My Ballot?\u003c/a> A tool to check whether your ballot has been sent out. And if your ballot is still missing, don’t worry: You have options.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060171/ballot-missing-election-2025-hasnt-arrived-yet-replacement\"> Read our 2025 guide for what to do if your ballot doesn’t show up.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the ballot to cast your vote, or you can forget it and request a fresh one at a voting location. The one that arrived in the mail will be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"FindyourBayAreacountyelectionsofficeswebsiteandcontactdetails\">\u003c/a>How can I contact my county directly about voting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/index\">\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.contracostavote.gov/elections/\">\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\"> send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/\">\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Monday — May 18 — is the last day to register online to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082074/california-primary-2026-dropbox-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-find-my-polling-place-election-day-voter-guide\"> vote in the June 2 state primary election\u003c/a>. It’s also your last chance to \u003cem>re\u003c/em>-register online if you need to update your voter registration details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you miss this deadline, don’t worry. You have several options for registering or re-registering in person all the way through June 2, your last day to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about checking your voter registration, from the May 18 deadline to how to make sure election officials have your correct mailing address. You can also jump straight to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Iwanttoregistertovoteforthefirsttime\">I want to register to vote for the first time\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatshouldIdoifIvemovedtoanewaddressorchangedmyname\">What should I do if I’ve moved to a new address or changed my name?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#WhatifIhaventreceivedmyballotyet\">What if I haven’t received my ballot yet?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>I’m almost certain I’m registered to vote … but how can I check?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can check your voter registration status at\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\"> voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\u003c/a>, which will show whether you’re registered to vote and the address associated with your registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your voter registration is active and your address and name are up to date, your ballot should have arrived by now. You can use\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\"> voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\u003c/a> to check when your ballot was mailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also use\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\"> the Where’s My Ballot?\u003c/a> tool to check whether your ballot was sent out, and read\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060171/ballot-missing-election-2025-hasnt-arrived-yet-replacement\"> our guide on what to do if your ballot never showed up.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are some reasons I might need to update my voter registration?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Updating your voter registration is also known as “re-registering” to vote — because to update elements of your voter record at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a>, you’ll need to register to vote \u003cem>again\u003c/em> as if you were making a new application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a general rule, you’ll definitely need to re-register if your name or address has changed. But if registering to vote when you know you’re already registered feels weird, don’t worry: this won’t be seen as you trying to fraudulently register to vote twice or anything like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082778\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082778 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/GettyImages-2274165052-scaled-e1778866234143.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The June 2 state primary election is approaching quickly. Stay informed with KQED’s voter guide. \u003ccite>(Jay L Clendenin/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because your voter registration is tied to your social security number and your driver’s license/state ID card number, your new voter registration will be matched with your \u003cem>existing\u003c/em> voter registration and your details will be updated. There will also be a section on the form where you can provide any previous addresses and names you’ve been registered to vote under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want to change your party preference, you’ll also need to re-register to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For smaller changes, your county may allow you to submit a Voter Action Form by mail or online. For example, if San Francisco residents want to make minor changes to their voter registration, they can use\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfelections.org/tools/regupdate/regupd.php\"> a form from the San Francisco Department of Elections\u003c/a> to determine whether they can do so online. \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#FindyourBayAreacountyelectionsofficeswebsiteandcontactdetails\">Find your Bay Area county elections office’s website and contact details.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You should update your voter registration if:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"WhatshouldIdoifIvemovedtoanewaddressorchangedmyname\">\u003c/a>If you have moved to a new address within California\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If your old address is on your voter registration, then your mail-in ballot will automatically be sent to that address — not your new one. Your voter registration will only reflect your new address if you’ve manually updated it or\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/frequently-asked-questions\"> if you’ve updated your address with the DMV.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Register to vote with your new address at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state says that you can also send a signed letter to your current county elections official to let them know you’ve moved, along with your date of birth and current address. Find your Bay Area county elections office’s website and contact details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you have legally changed your name\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’ll need to re-register to vote with your new name. One important thing: Before you do that, the Secretary of State recommends that you\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/frequently-asked-questions\"> update your California driver’s license or identification card with the DMV \u003cem>first.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because when you register to vote online, your county elections office electronically requests a copy of the signature the DMV currently has for you. And if you haven’t updated your signature with the DMV, the signature the agency sends to your county elections office will be the signature for your previous name, not your new one, and your registration will be rejected.\u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/updating-information-on-your-driver-license-or-identification-dl-id-card/\"> Read how to update your signature with the DMV.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What if you aren’t able to update your details with the DMV first? The state recommends you select “decline” on the application when asked to use your DMV signature to register to vote — but you’ll have to hit “print” and sign the paper application, which you’ll mail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Register to vote with your new name at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If you haven’t voted in a while\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general,” the Secretary of State’s office says, you’ll stay registered to vote for as long as you remain at the same address you’re registered with — but “\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/frequently-asked-questions\">there are cases in which voter registration can be canceled\u003c/a> if a voter has not voted in several consecutive general elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if your ballot hasn’t arrived in May, and you suspect it might be because you haven’t voted in many years, contact your county’s elections office ASAP. Jump straight to our list of Bay Area county elections offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When is my last chance to update my voter registration?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you forget to re-register with your new address or name, and your ballot is sent out in May to the wrong address or without your current name, don’t worry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As long as you update your voter registration online at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a> before the May 18 deadline, your county will just cancel the ballot that went to your old address and send you a new one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12062372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12062372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251030-BAYAREAVOTERS-33-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter drops off a ballot at the City Hall Voting Center in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2025, ahead of the statewide special election. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And if things get hectic this month and you miss the May 18 deadline, you can still update your voter registration — you’ll just have to do it in person at that stage. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082074/california-primary-2026-dropbox-near-me-san-francisco-bay-area-find-my-polling-place-election-day-voter-guide\">Vote centers will open in most Bay Area counties on May 23. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Go to your county elections office or an open voting location and ask to register in person via Same Day Registration (also called conditional registration). You can do this up until when polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day, June 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Iwanttoregistertovoteforthefirsttime\">\u003c/a>How can I register to vote for the \u003cem>first\u003c/em> time?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can register to vote if you’re:\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A United States citizen and a resident of California,\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>18 years old or older on Election Day\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>People who are currently serving a state or federal prison term for a felony conviction cannot vote or register to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can register to vote online at\u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\"> registertovote.ca.gov\u003c/a> before the May 18 deadline. After that, you can register to vote in person at your county elections office or an open voting location, where you can register through Same Day Registration (also called conditional registration). You can do this up until when polls close at 8 p.m. on Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re unhoused or have no fixed address, you can still register to vote by describing the place where you spend most of your time, if you don’t have a street address, including cross streets. You can \u003ca href=\"https://registertovote.ca.gov/\">register to vote this way via online application\u003c/a> before May 18, or on the paper voter registration application you can pick up at any Department of Motor Vehicles field office, or many post offices, public libraries, government offices or\u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices\"> your county elections office\u003c/a> by request (where you can also use Same Day Registration in person).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"WhatifIhaventreceivedmyballotyet\">\u003c/a>When will my ballot arrive?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Every registered voter in California will automatically receive a ballot in the mail, and by this point, you should have received yours if you were correctly registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>May 4 was the deadline for Bay Area counties to \u003cem>start\u003c/em> mailing ballots, though many started several days earlier. This means your ballot will most likely have arrived in early to mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082112\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/004_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Porfirio Diaz fills out his mail-in ballot for California’s gubernatorial recall election at his home in Oakland on Sept. 9, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can use both\u003ca href=\"https://voterstatus.sos.ca.gov/\"> voterstatus.sos.ca.gov\u003c/a> and the state’s\u003ca href=\"https://california.ballottrax.net/voter/\"> Where’s My Ballot?\u003c/a> A tool to check whether your ballot has been sent out. And if your ballot is still missing, don’t worry: You have options.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060171/ballot-missing-election-2025-hasnt-arrived-yet-replacement\"> Read our 2025 guide for what to do if your ballot doesn’t show up.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the ballot to cast your vote, or you can forget it and request a fresh one at a voting location. The one that arrived in the mail will be canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"FindyourBayAreacountyelectionsofficeswebsiteandcontactdetails\">\u003c/a>How can I contact my county directly about voting?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Across the Bay Area, elections officials are encouraging voters to reach out — early — with any questions or concerns. Here’s the contact information for your county:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acvote.alamedacountyca.gov/index\">\u003cstrong>Alameda\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: For information about voting by mail, registration and polling place lookup, call 510-267-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.contracostavote.gov/elections/\">\u003cstrong>Contra Costa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 925-335-7800 or email voter.services@vote.cccounty.us.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv\">\u003cstrong>Marin\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-473-6456 or go to the Marin County elections webpage to\u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.org/depts/rv/contact-us\"> send a form email\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.countyofnapa.org/396/Elections\">\u003cstrong>Napa\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-253-4321 or email the elections office at elections@countyofnapa.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfelections.sfgov.org/\">\u003cstrong>San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 415-554-4375 or email sfvote@sfgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.smcacre.org/elections\">\u003cstrong>San Mateo\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 888-762-8683 or email registrar@smcacre.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sccgov.org/sites/rov/Pages/Registrar-of-Voters.aspx\">\u003cstrong>Santa Clara\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call toll-free at 866-430-VOTE (8683) or email registrar@rov.sccgov.org.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanocounty.com/depts/rov/default.asp\">\u003cstrong>Solano\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Call 707-784-6675 or 888-933-VOTE (8683). You can also email elections@solanocounty.com.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sonomacounty.ca.gov/CRA/Registrar-of-Voters/\">\u003cstrong>Sonoma\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>: Call 707-565-6800 or toll-free at 800-750-8683.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The state also has a full list of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/county-elections-offices/\">every county elections office in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the June primary now just 18 days away, the California governor’s race has been completely transformed, reshaped by scandal, rapidly changing poll numbers and bruising debates. Marisa and Guy sit down with Democratic political consultant Addisu Demissie, who worked on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2018 gubernatorial campaign. They size up the remaining field and discuss how the candidates are performing on the debate stage, in polls and in voters’ eyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join us for a town hall at KQED with Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a top Republican in the race for governor. Bianco will be talking with KQED’s Marisa Lagos and taking audience questions on Monday, May 18 at 7:00pm at KQED headquarters in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can register for the event at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/events\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED.org/events.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the June primary now just 18 days away, the California governor’s race has been completely transformed, reshaped by scandal, rapidly changing poll numbers and bruising debates. Marisa and Guy sit down with Democratic political consultant Addisu Demissie, who worked on Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2018 gubernatorial campaign. They size up the remaining field and discuss how the candidates are performing on the debate stage, in polls and in voters’ eyes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Join us for a town hall at KQED with Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a top Republican in the race for governor. Bianco will be talking with KQED’s Marisa Lagos and taking audience questions on Monday, May 18 at 7:00pm at KQED headquarters in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can register for the event at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/events\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED.org/events.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "What Is California's ‘Jungle Primary’ — and Why Does It Matter so Much for the Governor’s Race?",
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"headTitle": "What Is California’s ‘Jungle Primary’ — and Why Does It Matter so Much for the Governor’s Race? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In California’s upcoming \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">June primary election\u003c/a>, you’ll have the opportunity to cast your ballot for any of the candidates for governor, regardless of which party you’re registered with. The top two vote-getters advance to the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Known as a “jungle primary,” this system is different from how most states handle their primary elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075174/democratic-candidates-for-california-governor-defy-pressure-to-end-campaigns\"> Democrats raised the alarm\u003c/a> that two Republican gubernatorial candidates may move to the general election, locking out Democrats despite outnumbering Republican registered voters almost two to one. That’s because the crowded field of Democratic candidates threatens to split the party’s vote. Until recently, multiple polls have shown the two Republicans, former Fox News host Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, polling at the top of the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driven in part by these concerns, critics of the top-two primary have now filed a ballot initiative that would repeal this system and return California to party-based primaries, potentially as early as 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how does this top-two arrangement work? Why does California do things this way? And what are the chances of voters choosing between two GOP candidates for governor in November?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How does California’s top-two primary system work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a traditional closed primary, such as in presidential races, voters can only choose among candidates from their own party: That is, say, registered Democrats could only vote for Democratic candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a top-two primary, all candidates from all parties appear on a single ballot open to any registered voter. The two candidates with the most votes in that primary then move on to the general election, even if they’re from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070752\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255038550-scaled-e1775501165458.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1586\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates for California’s next governor listen to a question from a union worker during the 2026 Gubernatorial Candidate Forum in Los Angeles on Jan. 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Christina House/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kim Alexander, president and founder of the California Voter Foundation, said this is an even bigger concern for third parties in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the unfortunate byproducts” of California’s jungle primary system, Alexander said, is how “it’s really shut out a lot of minor parties from the general election and they run the risk of being kicked off the ballot altogether.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if you don’t have candidates appearing on ballots at a certain pace, then you can’t remain an official party,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does this really mean Californians might not get a Republican vs. Democrat race for governor in November?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s correct: Under the top-two primary system, the November contest could be an intraparty fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That scenario has worried many California Democrats. With seven top Democrats crowding the field, there’s a risk of fracturing their party’s vote. Meanwhile, if enough Republican voters back both Hilton and Bianco to push them both into the top two, California could be locked into an all-Republican general election for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081068\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081068\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Tom Steyer, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, fist-bump prior to a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, on April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar via Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In March, state Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks urged politicians in his party to take a hard look at the viability of their campaigns and drop out before the filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s leadership on the world stage is significantly harder if a Democrat is not elected as our next Governor,” Hicks wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://cadem.org/open-letter-to-the-democratic-candidates-for-governor/\">open letter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the contenders heeded his plea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks during a gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the likelihood of Republicans shutting Democrats out of the November election \u003cem>has \u003c/em>decreased since President Donald \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078793/trump-endorses-steve-hilton-for-california-governor-giving-gop-a-front-runner\">Trump endorsed Hilton\u003c/a> in April. A clear front-runner could unify Republican voters behind Hilton and open the door for a Democrat to claim the second spot in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, the most \u003ca href=\"https://emersoncollegepolling.com/california-2026-poll-becerra-continues-to-surge-steyer-and-hilton-compete-for-second-spot/\">recent Emerson poll\u003c/a> now shows former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra in the lead with 19% of likely voters for the first time in the race. Hilton and Democrat Tom Steyer are tied for second with 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra’s surge came after former East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell — who was regarded as a front-runner for the gubernatorial primary — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">exited the race \u003c/a>last month amid sexual assault and misconduct allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why does California have this top-two system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Historically, California required a two-thirds vote in the Legislature to pass the state budget instead of a simple majority vote.[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]In 2009, Democrats needed to court Republican votes to pass the state budget. Then-state Sen. Abel Maldonado, a Republican, agreed to vote yes — but only if the Legislature put a measure on the ballot to create the top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters approved that measure, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2010/14_06_2010.aspx\">Proposition 14\u003c/a>, in 2010, amending the state constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger backed the measure as a way to transform state politics, forcing candidates to appeal to voters across party lines and ultimately boost more moderate politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He liked to talk about living in a post-partisan political climate,” Alexander said. “He liked the idea of candidates having to appeal to more voters than just voters of their own party, and to face competition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The system was also designed to give more influence to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/60day-primary-2026/historical-reg-stats.pdf\">no party preference\u003c/a> voters, who make up 23% of registered voters in the state, just behind Republicans at 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which political offices in California are decided using this system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The top-two primary applies to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/primary-elections-california\">“voter-nominated”\u003c/a> offices: governor and other statewide positions like lieutenant governor, attorney general, secretary of state, state treasurer, state controller, insurance commissioner and state board of equalization members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also covers state Senate and Assembly seats and U.S. congressional offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jungle primary system does not apply to presidential elections, local and nonpartisan offices such as city council, school boards, judges, district attorneys or the superintendent of public instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which other states use this system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Washington state was the first to adopt a top-two primary for congressional and state-level elections in 2004, but not for governor.[aside postID=news_12082926 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260326-KATIE-PORTER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg']Unlike California, Washington allows write-in candidates in the general election — a safety valve for scenarios where one party is locked out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of other states use variations of the system. Nebraska’s legislature is nonpartisan, so it uses a top-two primary for state legislative races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Louisiana uses a majority-vote system for statewide executive offices, state legislative seats and local offices. If a candidate receives a majority of the vote in the primary, they win outright. If not, there is a second round of voting with the top two vote-getters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alaska adopted a top-four primary in 2020 for state executive, state legislative and congressional races. An effort to \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alaska_Ballot_Measure_2,_Repeal_Top-Four_Ranked-Choice_Voting_Initiative_(2024)\">repeal\u003c/a> the state’s top-four primaries was narrowly defeated by voters in 2024 but will be on the \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alaska_Repeal_Top-Four_Ranked-Choice_Voting_Initiative_(2026)\">ballot again\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If I’m a ‘no party preference’ voter, can I even vote in the California primary?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes: Any registered voter, including those with no party preference, can vote for any candidate in voter-nominated races like the governor’s contest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top-two primary system draws no distinction based on a voter’s party registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are there any efforts to get rid of California’s jungle primary?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driven in part by concerns that Democrats could be locked out of this year’s governor’s race, a new ballot initiative seeks to repeal California’s top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Steven Maviglio \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/26-0004%20%28%26quot%3BUndo%20the%20Top-Two%26quot%3B%29.pdf\">filed the initiative\u003c/a>, called “Undo the Top Two,” with the attorney general on May 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A state gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. The Urban League of the Bay Area hosted the forum. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He called the jungle primary a “failed experiment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The prospect of having to vote for a candidate who’s not from your party in November has really woken up a lot of voters in the state about the dangers of the top-two primary,” Maviglio said. “The chance that a Democrat would have to choose between Chad Bianco or Steve Hilton is sending a chill up the spine of a lot of Democrats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, even if successful, Maviglio’s initiative won’t impact the 2026 election — since he hopes to place the measure on the 2028 ballot, with any changes taking effect no earlier than the 2030 elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The top-two primary means that, despite Democrats’ voter registration advantage in the state, California could have an all-Republican governor’s race in November.",
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"title": "What Is California's ‘Jungle Primary’ — and Why Does It Matter so Much for the Governor’s Race? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In California’s upcoming \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">June primary election\u003c/a>, you’ll have the opportunity to cast your ballot for any of the candidates for governor, regardless of which party you’re registered with. The top two vote-getters advance to the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Known as a “jungle primary,” this system is different from how most states handle their primary elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year,\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075174/democratic-candidates-for-california-governor-defy-pressure-to-end-campaigns\"> Democrats raised the alarm\u003c/a> that two Republican gubernatorial candidates may move to the general election, locking out Democrats despite outnumbering Republican registered voters almost two to one. That’s because the crowded field of Democratic candidates threatens to split the party’s vote. Until recently, multiple polls have shown the two Republicans, former Fox News host Steve Hilton and Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, polling at the top of the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driven in part by these concerns, critics of the top-two primary have now filed a ballot initiative that would repeal this system and return California to party-based primaries, potentially as early as 2030.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But how does this top-two arrangement work? Why does California do things this way? And what are the chances of voters choosing between two GOP candidates for governor in November?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How does California’s top-two primary system work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a traditional closed primary, such as in presidential races, voters can only choose among candidates from their own party: That is, say, registered Democrats could only vote for Democratic candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a top-two primary, all candidates from all parties appear on a single ballot open to any registered voter. The two candidates with the most votes in that primary then move on to the general election, even if they’re from the same party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070752\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070752\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255038550-scaled-e1775501165458.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1586\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates for California’s next governor listen to a question from a union worker during the 2026 Gubernatorial Candidate Forum in Los Angeles on Jan. 10, 2026. \u003ccite>(Christina House/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kim Alexander, president and founder of the California Voter Foundation, said this is an even bigger concern for third parties in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the unfortunate byproducts” of California’s jungle primary system, Alexander said, is how “it’s really shut out a lot of minor parties from the general election and they run the risk of being kicked off the ballot altogether.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because if you don’t have candidates appearing on ballots at a certain pace, then you can’t remain an official party,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does this really mean Californians might not get a Republican vs. Democrat race for governor in November?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That’s correct: Under the top-two primary system, the November contest could be an intraparty fight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That scenario has worried many California Democrats. With seven top Democrats crowding the field, there’s a risk of fracturing their party’s vote. Meanwhile, if enough Republican voters back both Hilton and Bianco to push them both into the top two, California could be locked into an all-Republican general election for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081068\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081068\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3287_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, left, and Tom Steyer, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, fist-bump prior to a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, on April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar via Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In March, state Democratic Party Chair Rusty Hicks urged politicians in his party to take a hard look at the viability of their campaigns and drop out before the filing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California’s leadership on the world stage is significantly harder if a Democrat is not elected as our next Governor,” Hicks wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://cadem.org/open-letter-to-the-democratic-candidates-for-governor/\">open letter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the contenders heeded his plea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071100\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071100\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260226-GOVRACEFORUM-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Xavier Becerra speaks during a gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the likelihood of Republicans shutting Democrats out of the November election \u003cem>has \u003c/em>decreased since President Donald \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078793/trump-endorses-steve-hilton-for-california-governor-giving-gop-a-front-runner\">Trump endorsed Hilton\u003c/a> in April. A clear front-runner could unify Republican voters behind Hilton and open the door for a Democrat to claim the second spot in the runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, the most \u003ca href=\"https://emersoncollegepolling.com/california-2026-poll-becerra-continues-to-surge-steyer-and-hilton-compete-for-second-spot/\">recent Emerson poll\u003c/a> now shows former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra in the lead with 19% of likely voters for the first time in the race. Hilton and Democrat Tom Steyer are tied for second with 17%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra’s surge came after former East Bay Rep. Eric Swalwell — who was regarded as a front-runner for the gubernatorial primary — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079583/eric-swalwell-ends-california-governor-campaign-after-sexual-assault-allegations\">exited the race \u003c/a>last month amid sexual assault and misconduct allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why does California have this top-two system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Historically, California required a two-thirds vote in the Legislature to pass the state budget instead of a simple majority vote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2009, Democrats needed to court Republican votes to pass the state budget. Then-state Sen. Abel Maldonado, a Republican, agreed to vote yes — but only if the Legislature put a measure on the ballot to create the top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters approved that measure, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2010/14_06_2010.aspx\">Proposition 14\u003c/a>, in 2010, amending the state constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger backed the measure as a way to transform state politics, forcing candidates to appeal to voters across party lines and ultimately boost more moderate politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He liked to talk about living in a post-partisan political climate,” Alexander said. “He liked the idea of candidates having to appeal to more voters than just voters of their own party, and to face competition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The system was also designed to give more influence to California’s \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/60day-primary-2026/historical-reg-stats.pdf\">no party preference\u003c/a> voters, who make up 23% of registered voters in the state, just behind Republicans at 25%.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which political offices in California are decided using this system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The top-two primary applies to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/primary-elections-california\">“voter-nominated”\u003c/a> offices: governor and other statewide positions like lieutenant governor, attorney general, secretary of state, state treasurer, state controller, insurance commissioner and state board of equalization members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also covers state Senate and Assembly seats and U.S. congressional offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jungle primary system does not apply to presidential elections, local and nonpartisan offices such as city council, school boards, judges, district attorneys or the superintendent of public instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which other states use this system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Washington state was the first to adopt a top-two primary for congressional and state-level elections in 2004, but not for governor.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Unlike California, Washington allows write-in candidates in the general election — a safety valve for scenarios where one party is locked out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of other states use variations of the system. Nebraska’s legislature is nonpartisan, so it uses a top-two primary for state legislative races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Louisiana uses a majority-vote system for statewide executive offices, state legislative seats and local offices. If a candidate receives a majority of the vote in the primary, they win outright. If not, there is a second round of voting with the top two vote-getters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alaska adopted a top-four primary in 2020 for state executive, state legislative and congressional races. An effort to \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alaska_Ballot_Measure_2,_Repeal_Top-Four_Ranked-Choice_Voting_Initiative_(2024)\">repeal\u003c/a> the state’s top-four primaries was narrowly defeated by voters in 2024 but will be on the \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Alaska_Repeal_Top-Four_Ranked-Choice_Voting_Initiative_(2026)\">ballot again\u003c/a> this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If I’m a ‘no party preference’ voter, can I even vote in the California primary?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes: Any registered voter, including those with no party preference, can vote for any candidate in voter-nominated races like the governor’s contest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top-two primary system draws no distinction based on a voter’s party registration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Are there any efforts to get rid of California’s jungle primary?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driven in part by concerns that Democrats could be locked out of this year’s governor’s race, a new ballot initiative seeks to repeal California’s top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic strategist Steven Maviglio \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/26-0004%20%28%26quot%3BUndo%20the%20Top-Two%26quot%3B%29.pdf\">filed the initiative\u003c/a>, called “Undo the Top Two,” with the attorney general on May 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12079476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12079476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/260226-GovRaceForum-49-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A state gubernatorial candidate forum at the UCSF Mission Bay campus in San Francisco on Jan. 26, 2026. The Urban League of the Bay Area hosted the forum. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He called the jungle primary a “failed experiment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The prospect of having to vote for a candidate who’s not from your party in November has really woken up a lot of voters in the state about the dangers of the top-two primary,” Maviglio said. “The chance that a Democrat would have to choose between Chad Bianco or Steve Hilton is sending a chill up the spine of a lot of Democrats.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, even if successful, Maviglio’s initiative won’t impact the 2026 election — since he hopes to place the measure on the 2028 ballot, with any changes taking effect no earlier than the 2030 elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch4>Here are the morning’s top stories on Tuesday, May 12, 2026\u003c/h4>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan data-slate-fragment=\"JTVCJTdCJTIydHlwZSUyMiUzQSUyMnBhcmFncmFwaCUyMiUyQyUyMmNoaWxkcmVuJTIyJTNBJTVCJTdCJTIydGV4dCUyMiUzQSUyMkRyaXZlbiUyMGJ5JTIwY29uY2VybnMlMjB0aGF0JTIwRGVtb2NyYXRzJTIwY291bGQlMjBiZSUyMGxvY2tlZCUyMG91dCUyMG9mJTIwdGhpcyUyMHllYXIncyUyMGdvdmVybm9yJ3MlMjByYWNlJTJDJTIwYSUyMG5ldyUyMGJhbGxvdCUyMGluaXRpYXRpdmUlMjBzZWVrcyUyMHRvJTIwcmVwZWFsJTIwQ2FsaWZvcm5pYSVFMiU4MCU5OXMlMjB0b3AtdHdvJTIwcHJpbWFyeSUyMHN5c3RlbS4lMjIlN0QlNUQlN0QlNUQ=\">Driven by concerns that Democrats could be locked out of this year’s governor’s race, a new ballot initiative seeks to repeal California’s top-two primary system.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan data-slate-fragment=\"JTVCJTdCJTIydHlwZSUyMiUzQSUyMnBhcmFncmFwaCUyMiUyQyUyMmNoaWxkcmVuJTIyJTNBJTVCJTdCJTIydGV4dCUyMiUzQSUyMlN0YXRlJTIwbGF3bWFrZXJzJTIwYXJlJTIwY29uc2lkZXJpbmclMjBhJTIwYmlsbCUyMHRoYXQlMjB3b3VsZCUyMHJlcXVpcmUlMjBDYWxpZm9ybmlhJUUyJTgwJTk5cyUyMERNViUyMHRvJTIwbm90aWZ5JTIwdmVoaWNsZSUyMG93bmVycyUyMHdoZW4lMjB0aGVpciUyMHRvd2VkJTIwY2FycyUyMGFyZSUyMHNvbGQlMjBmb3IlMjBwcm9maXQuJTIwJTIyJTdEJTVEJTdEJTVE\">State lawmakers are considering a bill that would require California’s DMV to notify vehicle owners when their towed cars are sold for profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An investigation from KQED and ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network found dozens of cases where California has not revoked educators’ teaching credentials, despite schools determining they committed sexual harassment or misconduct of a sexual nature.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Should California Change It’s Primary System?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Under the current system, Californians can vote for any candidate in the primary, regardless of party affiliation. The top two vote-getters move to the general election. That means two Democrats or two Republicans might face off in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Democrats fear that two Republican candidates for governor could advance, as a crowded field of democratic candidates threatens to split the Democratic vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot initiative was filed by Democratic Strategist Steve Maviglio, who hopes the measure will be placed on the 2028 ballot. The initiative aims to repeal a state \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2010/14_06_2010.aspx\">proposition\u003c/a> passed in 2010 that put all candidates (regardless of political party) on the same primary ballot for most state and federal offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/04/dmv-lien-sale-bill/\">DMV May Soon Notify Car Owners When Their Towed Car is Sold For Profit\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers have pushed forward legislation that would change a decades-old state law allowing the Department of Motor Vehicles to receive millions of dollars from auctioned cars without telling the owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=CIV§ionNum=3073.\">State law\u003c/a> does not require the agency to tell people that they could claim their money, and after three years, owners lose their right to the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Storage yards, towing companies and car repair shops can auction vehicles when the owners don’t pay and pick up their vehicles. The auctions are known as lien sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would require the department to notify owners within 14 days of receiving the surplus, detailing the amount and how the owner can claim their money. It would also require the notice to be sent through certified mail with a return receipt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082980/california-fired-teacher-sexual-harassment\">How a Teacher Kept Their Credentials after Being Fired For Sexual Harassment Claims\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jason Agan was impossible to miss at Angelo Rodriguez High School. The San Francisco Bay Area teacher was loud and gregarious, a fixture on campus since the Fairfield school opened in 2001. He ran the student government and called himself the man behind the curtain, organizing pep rallies and prom. Some considered him a mentor who inspired a love of math — and even a second father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for years, students also whispered about Agan’s behavior, according to interviews with 14 Rodriguez High graduates, most of whom he had taught. He touched some of them in public in ways that made them uncomfortable, they said, including hugging students and massaging their shoulders. By January 2019, the Fairfield-Suisun Unified School District had taken steps to fire him, suspending him without pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An independent panel convened by the state to hear his case deemed him “unfit to teach.” The panel’s decision meant that the popular educator was officially out of the job where he had spent his entire teaching career. But the panel’s review only addressed his employment at this one school district, and its finding was not shared publicly. Over the next three years, Agan was hired at a second school and then a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A broad look at California’s Commission on Teacher Credentialing by KQED and ProPublica shows a pattern of delays and inaction, combined with a lack of transparency, that has allowed educators to continue teaching after school districts reported them to the state for sexual harassment or other misconduct of a sexual nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agan’s case is one of at least 67 in which the state has not revoked the professional licenses of educators after school districts determined they had sexually harassed students or committed other types of sexual misconduct, according to a review of available records from 2019 through 2025 obtained by the news outlets.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Storage yards, towing companies and car repair shops can auction vehicles when the owners don’t pay and pick up their vehicles. The auctions are known as lien sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would require the department to notify owners within 14 days of receiving the surplus, detailing the amount and how the owner can claim their money. It would also require the notice to be sent through certified mail with a return receipt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082980/california-fired-teacher-sexual-harassment\">How a Teacher Kept Their Credentials after Being Fired For Sexual Harassment Claims\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jason Agan was impossible to miss at Angelo Rodriguez High School. The San Francisco Bay Area teacher was loud and gregarious, a fixture on campus since the Fairfield school opened in 2001. He ran the student government and called himself the man behind the curtain, organizing pep rallies and prom. Some considered him a mentor who inspired a love of math — and even a second father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for years, students also whispered about Agan’s behavior, according to interviews with 14 Rodriguez High graduates, most of whom he had taught. He touched some of them in public in ways that made them uncomfortable, they said, including hugging students and massaging their shoulders. By January 2019, the Fairfield-Suisun Unified School District had taken steps to fire him, suspending him without pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An independent panel convened by the state to hear his case deemed him “unfit to teach.” The panel’s decision meant that the popular educator was officially out of the job where he had spent his entire teaching career. But the panel’s review only addressed his employment at this one school district, and its finding was not shared publicly. Over the next three years, Agan was hired at a second school and then a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A broad look at California’s Commission on Teacher Credentialing by KQED and ProPublica shows a pattern of delays and inaction, combined with a lack of transparency, that has allowed educators to continue teaching after school districts reported them to the state for sexual harassment or other misconduct of a sexual nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agan’s case is one of at least 67 in which the state has not revoked the professional licenses of educators after school districts determined they had sexually harassed students or committed other types of sexual misconduct, according to a review of available records from 2019 through 2025 obtained by the news outlets.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s next governor will inherit an affordability crisis that defies easy fixes: housing costs that have outpaced incomes for years, electricity rates among the highest in the nation, and gas prices nearly $2 above the national average — all in a state whose economy remains the envy of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074132/xavier-becerra-on-why-his-upbringing-and-career-give-him-an-edge-over-other-gubernatorial-candidates\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, the former U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary and a Democratic candidate for governor, rattled off some of the biggest cost pressures as he spoke to more than 300 people in a high school gym in Concord last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of affording a home, your health care, groceries, gasoline,” he said. “That cost of living crisis that we face here — it becomes existential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The price of housing and energy has been unaffordable for Californians long before a post-pandemic surge in inflation made the cost of living the top concern for voters across America — and a potent political cudgel for politicians from President Donald Trump to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it’s no surprise that, in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082125/inside-californias-billionaire-tax-fight-and-the-wide-open-governors-race\">most competitive primary\u003c/a> for California governor in a generation, candidates from both parties are making affordability central to their campaigns, vowing to ease a cost crunch fueled in part by the state’s top-heavy economy, strict land-use policies and complicated transition from fossil fuels to clean energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is often leading the nation — most of the time, that’s for good,” said Neale Mahoney, director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research. “But on some of these issues, we’ve been the canary in the coal mine for some of the problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082334 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Murphy, center-left, and friend Kimberley J. Rodler, hold handmade signs in support of Xavier Becerra’s gubernatorial bid during a campaign event at Mount Diablo High School in Concord on Thursday, April 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The challenge: affordability has come to encompass such a wide range of cost pressures that the next governor could struggle to even define success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While leading candidates in both parties agree that housing costs are the greatest strain on residents’ budgets, other affordability proposals run the gamut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the Democrats, Becerra is vowing to freeze utility rates and home insurance premiums; investor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075769/tom-steyer-lays-out-vision-for-a-more-affordable-california-in-run-for-governor\">Tom Steyer\u003c/a> wants to return windfall oil profits to residents; San José Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075490/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-positions-himself-as-a-change-candidate-in-governors-race\">Matt Mahan\u003c/a> would pause the gas tax, and former congressmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078450/katie-porters-run-for-governor-centers-tax-cuts-corporate-accountability\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> is promising free child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Republican side, former Fox News commentator \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071133/former-fox-news-host-steve-hilton-lays-out-vision-for-california-governorship\">Steve Hilton\u003c/a> wants to cut taxes and car registration fees, while Riverside County Sheriff \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081096/riverside-county-sheriff-chad-bianco-on-his-faith-cutting-taxes-and-ballot-seizure\">Chad Bianco\u003c/a> vows to bring down gas prices by encouraging oil production in the state.[aside label=\"From the 2026 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Governor-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]The specifics may differ, but the political upside of running a campaign focused on affordability is undeniable. Trump hammered former Vice President Kamala Harris over inflation on his way to victory in 2024. The following year, Mamdani made the cost of rent and transit a centerpiece of his successful campaign for mayor — while fellow Democrats won governor’s races in New Jersey and Virginia on affordability platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the California governor’s race, candidates have leaned into their own personal histories as they attempt to connect with voters struggling with rising costs. Becerra has shared stories of his immigrant parents saving up to buy a house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has recounted his working-class upbringing in the farming town of Watsonville. Hilton has pointed to his humble beginnings as the son of Hungarian refugees in London, and Porter has openly discussed the struggle of raising a family in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m the single mom of three teenagers who believe they will not be able to buy houses here in California,” Porter said at a debate hosted by CBS in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters like Luis Hernandez, who attended Becerra’s event in Concord, are looking for more than just campaign rhetoric. Hernandez is self-employed and buys health insurance through the Covered California exchange. He bemoaned rising premiums that are eating into his earnings and wants to know how the former attorney general plans to lower costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Home insurance, car insurance and the worst is health insurance,” Hernandez said. “Everything is going up, so it’s tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional metrics for measuring affordability don’t neatly capture voter angst about cost pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter (D) speaks during a town hall at KQED on May 4, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A longstanding gauge of purchasing power is real income, which measures pay after taking into account price increases. Real personal income \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/data/income-saving/real-personal-income-states\">increased by\u003c/a> 5.5% in California between 2023 and 2024 — the largest jump in the nation, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. And real income for the median household in the state has \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/MEHOINUSCAA672N\">risen to new highs\u003c/a> after a post-pandemic decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet a UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8dj134w8\">survey\u003c/a> last month found a whopping 40% of likely voters picked “reducing the cost of living” as a top priority of California’s next governor. No other issue came close — and voters also prioritized specific cost-related solutions, such as building affordable housing (12%), lowering gas prices (10%), reducing health care costs (7%) and cutting utility rates (4%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the macroeconomic statistics miss is that the most acute price pressures are on essential goods and services that are hardest for Californians to substitute, Mahoney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe the price of a flat screen TV has decreased, and that’s great,” Mahoney said. “But the price for health care, the price for housing … these are really essentials and price increases there hit in a really inescapable way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chad Bianco, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, speaks during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, US, on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nowhere is that more evident than the cost of housing. The median home value in California is more than twice the national average, putting homeownership, long a key pathway to middle-class financial security, increasingly out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/793\">new report\u003c/a> from the state’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found that a mid-tier home in California (a house with a value in the 35th to 65th percentile) costs about $775,000. Since 2020, the income needed to qualify for a mortgage on a mid-tier home has increased far more quickly than median household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While home prices have stabilized, housing has become less affordable for most Californians in recent years,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leading contenders for governor share a focus on the supply side of the housing equation: finding ways to increase development and construction by streamlining or removing regulations and easing local zoning restrictions.[aside label=\"2026 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2026 primary election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2026/04/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2026-Primary-Election-1200x1200@2x.png]While Democrats Becerra, Porter and Steyer said they will focus their efforts on promoting denser housing near transit, Republicans Bianco and Hilton have argued for extending the growth of single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have a land problem in California,” Bianco said in an April debate hosted by Nexstar. “We have a management problem, we have a government problem that we absolutely must take away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But affordability concerns in the state extend beyond the price of renting or buying a home, said Evan White, executive director of the California Policy Lab at the University of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On average, Californians pay about twice as much for housing as the average American, they pay 60% more for utilities than the average American, they pay 40% more for gas than the average American, they pay 11% more for groceries than the average American,” he said. “We’re the most expensive state by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those cost pressures reflect California’s perilous position in the midst of a complicated transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. Californians are being hit with the costs of damaging wildfires fueled by years of climate pollution, while the state’s carbon-intensive oil and gas industry faces an uncertain future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gas prices in the state currently average $6.16 a gallon, per AAA — the highest in the nation. The gap between California and the national average is due in part to the cost of state fuel blend requirements, environmental regulations and what UC Berkeley professor Severin Borenstein has \u003ca href=\"https://energyathaas.wordpress.com/2023/01/09/whats-the-matter-with-californias-gasoline-prices/\">dubbed\u003c/a> the “mystery gasoline surcharge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has proposed eliminating the state’s 61-cent-per-gallon gas tax, which funds road repair and transit. Hilton wants to reduce the gas tax and suspend the state’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard, which adds about eight to 10 cents per gallon. Steyer, by contrast, said he would seek to impose a cap on refinery profits and return any profits above the cap to residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there are electricity prices, which have increased dramatically in recent years — in large part due to investments made by investor-owned utilities to prevent future wildfires. The costs of those mitigation measures, such as undergrounding wires and trimming trees, were passed along to customers of PG&E, SoCal Edison and SDG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082331\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082331 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer speaks during a town hall event on April 30, 2026, in San José. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steyer has proposed cutting the utilities’ guaranteed rate of return for capital projects and making it easier for cities and counties to form publicly owned power providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have a different rule at the Public Utilities Commission about how they get paid,” Steyer told KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QjXvKfldFlI&t=346s\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “And we’re going to introduce local competition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton is also a supporter of locally-owned utilities. He is proposing to reclassify hydropower from large dams as “renewable energy,” which he argues will reduce what utilities need to spend on wind and solar power to meet the state’s climate goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the next governor has the ability to make progress on reducing these cost burdens, White cautioned that the challenges won’t be fixed overnight — or alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078808\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078808\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton speaks during the California gubernatorial candidate debate on Feb. 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The governor could do a lot to improve not only housing costs, but utility costs and other high costs in the state,” he said. “But they do need to be able to work with the Legislature effectively to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before polls close in the June 2 primary, many Californians struggling to afford life in the state have already voted with their feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White \u003ca href=\"https://capolicylab.org/priced-out-relocation-amidst-californias-affordability-crisis/\">studied the migration trends\u003c/a> of California households over the past decade. Forty-two states send fewer people to California than they did 10 years ago. And families who decided to leave California are improving their financial conditions and becoming more likely to own a home in the years after their relocation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that when they move,” White said. “They’re moving to much, much, much more affordable places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>How We Get By\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, a KQED series exploring how people are coping with rising costs in the Bay Area and California. Find the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/affordability\">\u003cem>full series here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s next governor will inherit an affordability crisis that defies easy fixes: housing costs that have outpaced incomes for years, electricity rates among the highest in the nation, and gas prices nearly $2 above the national average — all in a state whose economy remains the envy of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12074132/xavier-becerra-on-why-his-upbringing-and-career-give-him-an-edge-over-other-gubernatorial-candidates\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, the former U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary and a Democratic candidate for governor, rattled off some of the biggest cost pressures as he spoke to more than 300 people in a high school gym in Concord last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of affording a home, your health care, groceries, gasoline,” he said. “That cost of living crisis that we face here — it becomes existential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The price of housing and energy has been unaffordable for Californians long before a post-pandemic surge in inflation made the cost of living the top concern for voters across America — and a potent political cudgel for politicians from President Donald Trump to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it’s no surprise that, in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12082125/inside-californias-billionaire-tax-fight-and-the-wide-open-governors-race\">most competitive primary\u003c/a> for California governor in a generation, candidates from both parties are making affordability central to their campaigns, vowing to ease a cost crunch fueled in part by the state’s top-heavy economy, strict land-use policies and complicated transition from fossil fuels to clean energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is often leading the nation — most of the time, that’s for good,” said Neale Mahoney, director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research. “But on some of these issues, we’ve been the canary in the coal mine for some of the problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082334\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082334 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260423_-XAVIERBECERRA_EG_004-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Murphy, center-left, and friend Kimberley J. Rodler, hold handmade signs in support of Xavier Becerra’s gubernatorial bid during a campaign event at Mount Diablo High School in Concord on Thursday, April 23, 2026. \u003ccite>(Estefany Gonzalez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The challenge: affordability has come to encompass such a wide range of cost pressures that the next governor could struggle to even define success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While leading candidates in both parties agree that housing costs are the greatest strain on residents’ budgets, other affordability proposals run the gamut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the Democrats, Becerra is vowing to freeze utility rates and home insurance premiums; investor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075769/tom-steyer-lays-out-vision-for-a-more-affordable-california-in-run-for-governor\">Tom Steyer\u003c/a> wants to return windfall oil profits to residents; San José Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075490/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-positions-himself-as-a-change-candidate-in-governors-race\">Matt Mahan\u003c/a> would pause the gas tax, and former congressmember \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078450/katie-porters-run-for-governor-centers-tax-cuts-corporate-accountability\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> is promising free child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Republican side, former Fox News commentator \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071133/former-fox-news-host-steve-hilton-lays-out-vision-for-california-governorship\">Steve Hilton\u003c/a> wants to cut taxes and car registration fees, while Riverside County Sheriff \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12081096/riverside-county-sheriff-chad-bianco-on-his-faith-cutting-taxes-and-ballot-seizure\">Chad Bianco\u003c/a> vows to bring down gas prices by encouraging oil production in the state.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/governor,Learn about the California Governor Election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The specifics may differ, but the political upside of running a campaign focused on affordability is undeniable. Trump hammered former Vice President Kamala Harris over inflation on his way to victory in 2024. The following year, Mamdani made the cost of rent and transit a centerpiece of his successful campaign for mayor — while fellow Democrats won governor’s races in New Jersey and Virginia on affordability platforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the California governor’s race, candidates have leaned into their own personal histories as they attempt to connect with voters struggling with rising costs. Becerra has shared stories of his immigrant parents saving up to buy a house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has recounted his working-class upbringing in the farming town of Watsonville. Hilton has pointed to his humble beginnings as the son of Hungarian refugees in London, and Porter has openly discussed the struggle of raising a family in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m the single mom of three teenagers who believe they will not be able to buy houses here in California,” Porter said at a debate hosted by CBS in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters like Luis Hernandez, who attended Becerra’s event in Concord, are looking for more than just campaign rhetoric. Hernandez is self-employed and buys health insurance through the Covered California exchange. He bemoaned rising premiums that are eating into his earnings and wants to know how the former attorney general plans to lower costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Home insurance, car insurance and the worst is health insurance,” Hernandez said. “Everything is going up, so it’s tough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traditional metrics for measuring affordability don’t neatly capture voter angst about cost pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter (D) speaks during a town hall at KQED on May 4, 2026. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A longstanding gauge of purchasing power is real income, which measures pay after taking into account price increases. Real personal income \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/data/income-saving/real-personal-income-states\">increased by\u003c/a> 5.5% in California between 2023 and 2024 — the largest jump in the nation, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. And real income for the median household in the state has \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/MEHOINUSCAA672N\">risen to new highs\u003c/a> after a post-pandemic decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet a UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8dj134w8\">survey\u003c/a> last month found a whopping 40% of likely voters picked “reducing the cost of living” as a top priority of California’s next governor. No other issue came close — and voters also prioritized specific cost-related solutions, such as building affordable housing (12%), lowering gas prices (10%), reducing health care costs (7%) and cutting utility rates (4%).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the macroeconomic statistics miss is that the most acute price pressures are on essential goods and services that are hardest for Californians to substitute, Mahoney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe the price of a flat screen TV has decreased, and that’s great,” Mahoney said. “But the price for health care, the price for housing … these are really essentials and price increases there hit in a really inescapable way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12081062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12081062\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/FTP_9P3A3852_1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chad Bianco, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, speaks during a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco, California, US, on Wednesday, April 22, 2026. California will hold its primary election on June 2, where the top two finishers advance to the general election in November regardless of party affiliation. \u003ccite>(Jason Henry/Nexstar/Bloomberg)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nowhere is that more evident than the cost of housing. The median home value in California is more than twice the national average, putting homeownership, long a key pathway to middle-class financial security, increasingly out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/793\">new report\u003c/a> from the state’s Legislative Analyst’s Office found that a mid-tier home in California (a house with a value in the 35th to 65th percentile) costs about $775,000. Since 2020, the income needed to qualify for a mortgage on a mid-tier home has increased far more quickly than median household income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While home prices have stabilized, housing has become less affordable for most Californians in recent years,” the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leading contenders for governor share a focus on the supply side of the housing equation: finding ways to increase development and construction by streamlining or removing regulations and easing local zoning restrictions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Democrats Becerra, Porter and Steyer said they will focus their efforts on promoting denser housing near transit, Republicans Bianco and Hilton have argued for extending the growth of single-family neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do not have a land problem in California,” Bianco said in an April debate hosted by Nexstar. “We have a management problem, we have a government problem that we absolutely must take away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But affordability concerns in the state extend beyond the price of renting or buying a home, said Evan White, executive director of the California Policy Lab at the University of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On average, Californians pay about twice as much for housing as the average American, they pay 60% more for utilities than the average American, they pay 40% more for gas than the average American, they pay 11% more for groceries than the average American,” he said. “We’re the most expensive state by far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those cost pressures reflect California’s perilous position in the midst of a complicated transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. Californians are being hit with the costs of damaging wildfires fueled by years of climate pollution, while the state’s carbon-intensive oil and gas industry faces an uncertain future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gas prices in the state currently average $6.16 a gallon, per AAA — the highest in the nation. The gap between California and the national average is due in part to the cost of state fuel blend requirements, environmental regulations and what UC Berkeley professor Severin Borenstein has \u003ca href=\"https://energyathaas.wordpress.com/2023/01/09/whats-the-matter-with-californias-gasoline-prices/\">dubbed\u003c/a> the “mystery gasoline surcharge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bianco has proposed eliminating the state’s 61-cent-per-gallon gas tax, which funds road repair and transit. Hilton wants to reduce the gas tax and suspend the state’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard, which adds about eight to 10 cents per gallon. Steyer, by contrast, said he would seek to impose a cap on refinery profits and return any profits above the cap to residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there are electricity prices, which have increased dramatically in recent years — in large part due to investments made by investor-owned utilities to prevent future wildfires. The costs of those mitigation measures, such as undergrounding wires and trimming trees, were passed along to customers of PG&E, SoCal Edison and SDG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082331\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12082331 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/043006TOMSTEYER_GH_007-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Steyer speaks during a town hall event on April 30, 2026, in San José. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Steyer has proposed cutting the utilities’ guaranteed rate of return for capital projects and making it easier for cities and counties to form publicly owned power providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to have a different rule at the Public Utilities Commission about how they get paid,” Steyer told KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QjXvKfldFlI&t=346s\">Political Breakdown\u003c/a>. “And we’re going to introduce local competition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton is also a supporter of locally-owned utilities. He is proposing to reclassify hydropower from large dams as “renewable energy,” which he argues will reduce what utilities need to spend on wind and solar power to meet the state’s climate goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the next governor has the ability to make progress on reducing these cost burdens, White cautioned that the challenges won’t be fixed overnight — or alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12078808\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12078808\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/04/SteveHiltonAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Hilton speaks during the California gubernatorial candidate debate on Feb. 3, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The governor could do a lot to improve not only housing costs, but utility costs and other high costs in the state,” he said. “But they do need to be able to work with the Legislature effectively to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before polls close in the June 2 primary, many Californians struggling to afford life in the state have already voted with their feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White \u003ca href=\"https://capolicylab.org/priced-out-relocation-amidst-californias-affordability-crisis/\">studied the migration trends\u003c/a> of California households over the past decade. Forty-two states send fewer people to California than they did 10 years ago. And families who decided to leave California are improving their financial conditions and becoming more likely to own a home in the years after their relocation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that when they move,” White said. “They’re moving to much, much, much more affordable places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Gubernatorial Candidate Katie Porter Fields Questions on Schools, Housing, Gas Prices at KQED Town Hall",
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"headTitle": "Gubernatorial Candidate Katie Porter Fields Questions on Schools, Housing, Gas Prices at KQED Town Hall | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"e-10223-text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter is aiming to make history as the first woman elected governor of California. She’s known for flipping a House seat blue in 2018 and for grilling CEOs with her signature whiteboard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"e-10223-text\" style=\"padding-block-end: 8px\" data-encore-id=\"text\" data-slate-node=\"element\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">After leaving Congress to run for the U.S. Senate in 2024 and losing, Porter is back on the campaign trail, leaning into her identity as a single mom in a minivan who’s focused on the affordability of things like housing, childcare, groceries and healthcare. \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"e-10223-text\" style=\"padding-block-end: 8px\" data-encore-id=\"text\" data-slate-node=\"element\" data-slate-fragment=\"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\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">She took questions from a \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">live audience\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\"> at KQED’s town hall gathering earlier this week. \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=igIMT5ZSfKc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter discussed her temperament, housing plans, artificial intelligence regulation and wealth inequality. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"e-10223-text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter is aiming to make history as the first woman elected governor of California. She’s known for flipping a House seat blue in 2018 and for grilling CEOs with her signature whiteboard. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"e-10223-text\" style=\"padding-block-end: 8px\" data-encore-id=\"text\" data-slate-node=\"element\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">After leaving Congress to run for the U.S. Senate in 2024 and losing, Porter is back on the campaign trail, leaning into her identity as a single mom in a minivan who’s focused on the affordability of things like housing, childcare, groceries and healthcare. \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"e-10223-text\" style=\"padding-block-end: 8px\" data-encore-id=\"text\" data-slate-node=\"element\" data-slate-fragment=\"JTVCJTdCJTIydHlwZSUyMiUzQSUyMnBhcmFncmFwaCUyMiUyQyUyMmNoaWxkcmVuJTIyJTNBJTVCJTdCJTIydGV4dCUyMiUzQSUyMkZvcm1lciUyME9yYW5nZSUyMENvdW50eSUyMFJlcC4lMjBLYXRpZSUyMFBvcnRlciUyMGlzJTIwYWltaW5nJTIwdG8lMjBtYWtlJTIwaGlzdG9yeSUyMGFzJTIwdGhlJTIwZmlyc3QlMjB3b21hbiUyMGVsZWN0ZWQlMjBnb3Zlcm5vciUyMG9mJTIwQ2FsaWZvcm5pYS4lMjBTaGUncyUyMGtub3duJTIwZm9yJTIwZmxpcHBpbmclMjBhJTIwSG91c2UlMjBzZWF0JTIwYmx1ZSUyMGluJTIwMjAxOCUyMGFuZCUyMGZvciUyMGdyaWxsaW5nJTIwQ0VPcyUyMHdpdGglMjBoZXIlMjBzaWduYXR1cmUlMjB3aGl0ZWJvYXJkLiUyMCUyMiU3RCU1RCU3RCUyQyU3QiUyMnR5cGUlMjIlM0ElMjJwYXJhZ3JhcGglMjIlMkMlMjJjaGlsZHJlbiUyMiUzQSU1QiU3QiUyMnRleHQlMjIlM0ElMjJBZnRlciUyMGxlYXZpbmclMjBDb25ncmVzcyUyMHRvJTIwcnVuJTIwZm9yJTIwdGhlJTIwVS5TLiUyMFNlbmF0ZSUyMGluJTIwMjAyNCUyMGFuZCUyMGxvc2luZyUyQyUyMFBvcnRlciUyMGlzJTIwYmFjayUyMG9uJTIwdGhlJTIwY2FtcGFpZ24lMjB0cmFpbCUyQyUyMGxlYW5pbmclMjBpbnRvJTIwaGVyJTIwaWRlbnRpdHklMjBhcyUyMGElMjBzaW5nbGUlMjBtb20lMjBpbiUyMGElMjBtaW5pdmFuJTIwd2hvJ3MlMjBmb2N1c2VkJTIwb24lMjB0aGUlMjBhZmZvcmRhYmlsaXR5JTIwb2YlMjB0aGluZ3MlMjBsaWtlJTIwaG91c2luZyUyQyUyMGNoaWxkY2FyZSUyQyUyMGdyb2NlcmllcyUyMGFuZCUyMGhlYWx0aGNhcmUuJTIwJTIyJTdEJTVEJTdEJTJDJTdCJTIydHlwZSUyMiUzQSUyMnBhcmFncmFwaCUyMiUyQyUyMmNoaWxkcmVuJTIyJTNBJTVCJTdCJTIydGV4dCUyMiUzQSUyMlNoZSUyMHRvb2slMjBxdWVzdGlvbnMlMjBmcm9tJTIwYSUyMCUyMiU3RCUyQyU3QiUyMnR5cGUlMjIlM0ElMjJsaW5rJTIyJTJDJTIydXJsJTIyJTNBJTIyaHR0cHMlM0ElMkYlMkZ3d3cua3FlZC5vcmclMkZuZXdzJTJGMTIwODIyNTQlMkZwb3J0ZXItZm9jdXNlcy1vbi1jYWxpZm9ybmlhLWhvdXNpbmctY29zdHMtYWktcGxhbnMtYXQta3FlZC10b3duLWhhbGwlMjIlMkMlMjJ0YXJnZXQlMjIlM0FudWxsJTJDJTIycmVsJTIyJTNBbnVsbCUyQyUyMmNoaWxkcmVuJTIyJTNBJTVCJTdCJTIydGV4dCUyMiUzQSUyMmxpdmUlMjBhdWRpZW5jZSUyMiU3RCU1RCU3RCUyQyU3QiUyMnRleHQlMjIlM0ElMjIlMjBhdCUyMEtRRUQncyUyMHRvd24lMjBoYWxsJTIwZ2F0aGVyaW5nJTIwZWFybGllciUyMHRoaXMlMjB3ZWVrLiUyMCUyMiU3RCU1RCU3RCU1RA==\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">She took questions from a \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\">live audience\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-hhobiw\"> at KQED’s town hall gathering earlier this week. \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/igIMT5ZSfKc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/igIMT5ZSfKc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ballots have arrived and voters are now weighing their options in the races for California governor and Los Angeles mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two spirited and fiery debates this week, the gubernatorial candidates have given voters no shortage of material to think about as they decide who will replace Governor Gavin Newsom. Scott, Marisa and Guy discuss how the Democratic and Republican contenders are making their case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile in Los Angeles, the three leading mayoral candidates faced off in their first televised debate this week. The field includes embattled incumbent Karen Bass, Republican reality TV star Spencer Pratt who lost his home in the Palisades fire and progressive L.A. City Council member Nithya Raman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information on the races and ballot measures in California’s June 2 primary election, check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078450/katie-porters-run-for-governor-centers-tax-cuts-corporate-accountability\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> laid out plans to lower housing costs and regulate Silicon Valley in a KQED town hall on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make change in California and we have to do it in a smart way, we can’t do it in a reckless way, we can’t do it in a way that’s just about catering to donors,” Porter said. “But we really have to make change because it’s coming, it’s not a choice — AI is coming and the changes are going to be tremendous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter answered questions from Bay Area residents about education, technology, gas prices and rent in a wide-ranging event moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three takeaways from the conversation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Temperament\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030710/former-southern-california-rep-katie-porter-enters-governors-race\">entered the race\u003c/a> last year as a Democratic frontrunner, after three terms in the House and a third-place finish in the 2024 primary for U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059961/katie-porter-apologizes-for-behavior-in-viral-videos-at-first-public-forum20member%20asks%20U.S.,understand%20that%20I%20value%20them.%E2%80%9D\">campaign drew scrutiny in October\u003c/a> when a video uncovered by POLITICO showed Porter telling a staffer to “get out of my f—ing shot” as they walked behind her during a video conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she apologized to the staffer that day and remains on good terms with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=igIMT5ZSfKc\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are all better than our worst moments — I give that grace to everybody I’ve ever worked with, every staffer who has made a mistake who has kept working the next day,” Porter said. “I’m asking for some of that grace from others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also contrasted questions about her demeanor with the early support that many state interest groups showered on former Rep. Eric Swalwell, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\">ended his campaign and later resigned\u003c/a> from Congress amid sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California establishment, including Sacramento, was very, very quick to hop on board [with] that, and unwilling to believe that Eric Swalwell could have been the kind of person with a bad ‘temperament’ that led him to sexually assault people,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It all comes back to housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the conversation, Porter repeatedly returned to housing, calling it “the biggest priority” for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margarita Mendez, a public school teacher, asked Porter how she planned to help educators “afford to live in the communities they teach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter recounted a conversation with a rideshare driver earlier in the day, who commuted to the Bay Area from Modesto every day to drop his daughter off at the school she teaches at in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter speaks during a KQED town hall on May 4, 2026, where she pressed housing affordability plans. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That is really, really wrong,” Porter said. “And that is the status quo in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a question on housing affordability from Susan Mallon, a San Francisco renter, Porter threw her support behind a down payment assistance bond that would lower the upfront costs for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just no research behind a 20% down payment,” she said. “That is creating a huge class of people who can never get to homeownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Porter Leans Into AI Regulation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter was blunt when San Francisco resident Tom Tripp asked about regulating artificial intelligence and its potential impact on wealth inequality and jobs.[aside postID=news_12078450 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260326-KATIE-PORTER-ON-PB-MD-03-KQED.jpg']“We only have a year to two before we are going to suffer a lot of job disruption and job loss because of AI,” Porter said. “We have already — on the job piece — waited too long in my opinion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter floated the idea of restrictions on autonomous semitrucks and school buses. And she dismissed the idea that regulations on the burgeoning technology should be left exclusively to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California governors and California gubernatorial candidates cannot have it both ways. They try, because they are men, but they can’t have it both ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They cannot pat themselves on the back and say ‘we’re the fourth largest economy in the world,’ and then turn around and say ‘What could we do? We’re only the fourth-largest economy in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12078450/katie-porters-run-for-governor-centers-tax-cuts-corporate-accountability\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> laid out plans to lower housing costs and regulate Silicon Valley in a KQED town hall on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make change in California and we have to do it in a smart way, we can’t do it in a reckless way, we can’t do it in a way that’s just about catering to donors,” Porter said. “But we really have to make change because it’s coming, it’s not a choice — AI is coming and the changes are going to be tremendous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter answered questions from Bay Area residents about education, technology, gas prices and rent in a wide-ranging event moderated by KQED’s Scott Shafer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are three takeaways from the conversation:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Temperament\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030710/former-southern-california-rep-katie-porter-enters-governors-race\">entered the race\u003c/a> last year as a Democratic frontrunner, after three terms in the House and a third-place finish in the 2024 primary for U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059961/katie-porter-apologizes-for-behavior-in-viral-videos-at-first-public-forum20member%20asks%20U.S.,understand%20that%20I%20value%20them.%E2%80%9D\">campaign drew scrutiny in October\u003c/a> when a video uncovered by POLITICO showed Porter telling a staffer to “get out of my f—ing shot” as they walked behind her during a video conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter said she apologized to the staffer that day and remains on good terms with her.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/igIMT5ZSfKc'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/igIMT5ZSfKc'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“We are all better than our worst moments — I give that grace to everybody I’ve ever worked with, every staffer who has made a mistake who has kept working the next day,” Porter said. “I’m asking for some of that grace from others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also contrasted questions about her demeanor with the early support that many state interest groups showered on former Rep. Eric Swalwell, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12079746/rep-eric-swalwell-says-he-is-resigning-from-congress-amid-sexual-assault-allegations\">ended his campaign and later resigned\u003c/a> from Congress amid sexual assault allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California establishment, including Sacramento, was very, very quick to hop on board [with] that, and unwilling to believe that Eric Swalwell could have been the kind of person with a bad ‘temperament’ that led him to sexually assault people,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It all comes back to housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout the conversation, Porter repeatedly returned to housing, calling it “the biggest priority” for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Margarita Mendez, a public school teacher, asked Porter how she planned to help educators “afford to live in the communities they teach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter recounted a conversation with a rideshare driver earlier in the day, who commuted to the Bay Area from Modesto every day to drop his daughter off at the school she teaches at in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12082354\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12082354\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1307\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/05/20260504_KATIEPORTERTOWNHALL_GC-11-KQED-1536x1004.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter speaks during a KQED town hall on May 4, 2026, where she pressed housing affordability plans. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That is really, really wrong,” Porter said. “And that is the status quo in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to a question on housing affordability from Susan Mallon, a San Francisco renter, Porter threw her support behind a down payment assistance bond that would lower the upfront costs for first-time homebuyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just no research behind a 20% down payment,” she said. “That is creating a huge class of people who can never get to homeownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Porter Leans Into AI Regulation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Porter was blunt when San Francisco resident Tom Tripp asked about regulating artificial intelligence and its potential impact on wealth inequality and jobs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We only have a year to two before we are going to suffer a lot of job disruption and job loss because of AI,” Porter said. “We have already — on the job piece — waited too long in my opinion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter floated the idea of restrictions on autonomous semitrucks and school buses. And she dismissed the idea that regulations on the burgeoning technology should be left exclusively to Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California governors and California gubernatorial candidates cannot have it both ways. They try, because they are men, but they can’t have it both ways,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They cannot pat themselves on the back and say ‘we’re the fourth largest economy in the world,’ and then turn around and say ‘What could we do? We’re only the fourth-largest economy in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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