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"content": "\u003cp>Two measures to legalize marijuana both submitted in one week, and yet no clear front runner?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week's political podcast examines the politics of pot for the 2016 ballot, the changing narrative about crime and crime victims, and the latest drip, drip of water woes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As always, I'm joined by Marisa Lagos of KQED News and Anthony York of the Grizzly Bear Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The times may change, but Californians don't seem to do so when it comes to two things about K-12 public schools: a sense that they need money for construction and renovation, and a willingness to borrow the cash to make that happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest example: A new statewide poll that shows relatively strong support for a 2016 school construction bond, even as the idea continues to be quietly fought in Sacramento by Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1149\" target=\"_blank\">Wednesday night's poll from the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> finds 55 percent of likely voters support the general concept of a school bond on the November 2016 ballot. Broaden the sample size to all adults, and PPIC finds even more -- 66 percent -- who like the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our polling consistently shows that local school funding is the top priority,\" said Mark Baldassare, PPIC's president and pollster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The PPIC survey takes the collective California temperature on a number of education-related issues. But the school bond may be the most politically pressing, given the rollicking debate in Sacramento over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nutshell: The cupboard is bare when it comes to voter-approved state bonds for school construction and modernization projects. Legislators and education groups have been trying to get a new bond on the ballot, but have run smack into an evolving gubernatorial doctrine that calls for an end to statewide bonds for local school needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, the idea of a 2016 school bond has some legs, though it comes in just under the historical benchmark (60 percent) that most believe any ballot measure needs at the outset of a campaign if it's to be successful, the belief being that voters tend to lose -- not gain -- interest in propositions as Election Day nears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given how much talk there's been about how different \"likely voters\" are from the overall public, supporters of a 2016 school bond would certainly hope to grow the electorate; and with a presidential race on next November's ballot, that's certainly a possibility. Using that lens, the PPIC poll shows very few weak spots of support -- mainly more wealthy, white, older Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(And yes, they're the ones who traditionally vote more often … hence the lower support among likely voters in the survey.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what this new snapshot doesn't answer is whether the details matter -- the size of the bond, the kinds of construction and modernization projects. The poll simply asks about support for \"a bond measure on the ballot.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think these are good numbers,\" said Joe Dixon of the Coalition for Adequate School Housing. And if anyone's watching the polls, it's Dixon and others in his group. They've been waiting for a new school bond. And waiting. And waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/23/showdown-looms-over-california-school-construction-needs/\" target=\"_blank\">quest for a new statewide school bond has been blocked before at the state Capitol by the governor\u003c/a>, who made it known in 2014 that he didn't want another bond competing alongside Proposition 1 (the $7.5 billion water bond). There was also a sense that too much borrowing -- that is, too much new state debt -- wasn't exactly what Brown wanted on his re-election ballot when he was touting his debt reduction efforts since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, education groups have all but abandoned the Legislature (even though there's \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0101-0150/sb_114_bill_20150407_amended_sen_v97.htm\" target=\"_blank\">a bond measure bill that's pending\u003c/a>). They've drafted their own school bond initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0005%20%28Education%20Bond%20Act%29.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\">a $9 billion proposal\u003c/a>, and are already gathering signatures to get it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is our go-to plan,\" said Dixon, an assistant superintendent of the Santa Ana Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Brown, his January budget suggested a rethinking of how to pay for school modernization and construction. But since raising the question, there's pretty much been dead silence. The governor largely suggested more reliance on local, not state, measures to boost schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those local efforts have had a lower success rate. Unlike the simple majority required on all statewide ballot measures, local school bonds require approval by 55 percent of the ballots cast -- a lower threshold than in the years before 2000, but still high enough to make them a harder sell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that makes the finding in PPIC's new poll -- 53 percent of likely voters would support a local school bond in their area -- not a great option for bond backers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the question has been whether legislators and the governor would get behind a statewide school bond. Now that's a moot point; the political coalition gathering signatures (and it will have \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/12/11/fewest-votes-cast-for-governor-since-1978\" target=\"_blank\">to gather fewer signatures than at any time in more than three decades\u003c/a>) has already ponied up $2.4 million to get it in front of voters next fall. This poll suggests they're starting out with a reasonable shot of getting voters to say yes.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nutshell: The cupboard is bare when it comes to voter-approved state bonds for school construction and modernization projects. Legislators and education groups have been trying to get a new bond on the ballot, but have run smack into an evolving gubernatorial doctrine that calls for an end to statewide bonds for local school needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, the idea of a 2016 school bond has some legs, though it comes in just under the historical benchmark (60 percent) that most believe any ballot measure needs at the outset of a campaign if it's to be successful, the belief being that voters tend to lose -- not gain -- interest in propositions as Election Day nears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given how much talk there's been about how different \"likely voters\" are from the overall public, supporters of a 2016 school bond would certainly hope to grow the electorate; and with a presidential race on next November's ballot, that's certainly a possibility. Using that lens, the PPIC poll shows very few weak spots of support -- mainly more wealthy, white, older Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(And yes, they're the ones who traditionally vote more often … hence the lower support among likely voters in the survey.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what this new snapshot doesn't answer is whether the details matter -- the size of the bond, the kinds of construction and modernization projects. The poll simply asks about support for \"a bond measure on the ballot.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think these are good numbers,\" said Joe Dixon of the Coalition for Adequate School Housing. And if anyone's watching the polls, it's Dixon and others in his group. They've been waiting for a new school bond. And waiting. And waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/23/showdown-looms-over-california-school-construction-needs/\" target=\"_blank\">quest for a new statewide school bond has been blocked before at the state Capitol by the governor\u003c/a>, who made it known in 2014 that he didn't want another bond competing alongside Proposition 1 (the $7.5 billion water bond). There was also a sense that too much borrowing -- that is, too much new state debt -- wasn't exactly what Brown wanted on his re-election ballot when he was touting his debt reduction efforts since 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, education groups have all but abandoned the Legislature (even though there's \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0101-0150/sb_114_bill_20150407_amended_sen_v97.htm\" target=\"_blank\">a bond measure bill that's pending\u003c/a>). They've drafted their own school bond initiative, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0005%20%28Education%20Bond%20Act%29.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\">a $9 billion proposal\u003c/a>, and are already gathering signatures to get it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is our go-to plan,\" said Dixon, an assistant superintendent of the Santa Ana Unified School District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Brown, his January budget suggested a rethinking of how to pay for school modernization and construction. But since raising the question, there's pretty much been dead silence. The governor largely suggested more reliance on local, not state, measures to boost schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those local efforts have had a lower success rate. Unlike the simple majority required on all statewide ballot measures, local school bonds require approval by 55 percent of the ballots cast -- a lower threshold than in the years before 2000, but still high enough to make them a harder sell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that makes the finding in PPIC's new poll -- 53 percent of likely voters would support a local school bond in their area -- not a great option for bond backers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, the question has been whether legislators and the governor would get behind a statewide school bond. Now that's a moot point; the political coalition gathering signatures (and it will have \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/12/11/fewest-votes-cast-for-governor-since-1978\" target=\"_blank\">to gather fewer signatures than at any time in more than three decades\u003c/a>) has already ponied up $2.4 million to get it in front of voters next fall. This poll suggests they're starting out with a reasonable shot of getting voters to say yes.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>No matter who voters in California's 7th State Senate District select in the special election on May 19, one thing's for sure: It will be a Democrat who cozied up to the political warmth that radiates off Gov. Jerry Brown these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race between Assemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://susanbonilla.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Orinda Mayor \u003ca href=\"http://www.glazerforsenate.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a> has more dramatic storylines than you can possibly keep track of: Democrats fighting each other; big money being spent by independent groups normally aligned with either labor unions (pro-Bonilla) or Republicans (pro-Glazer); the shifting strategies of campaigns under California's top-two primary rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those are just the biggies. But in these closing weeks, the guy who seems to be the real political prize is the one who's tried hard to stay away from this Democrat vs. Democrat wrestling match: Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The easy, and therefore less spoken, connection is between Brown and Glazer. The two men have a relationship that dates back more than 30 years. \"Their enduring relationship is a testament both to Mr. Glazer's devotion to Mr. Brown and to Mr. Brown's penchant for trusting only a handful of close advisers,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/02/us/02sfpolitics.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">said the New York Times in a 2010 profile of Glazer\u003c/a> while he was helping run Brown's successful bid for a third term as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brown has kept an official distance from his longtime friend in this race and in Glazer's failed 2014 bid for the state Assembly. In truth, the governor and the former adviser have had some public distance between them since Glazer was \u003ca href=\"http://www.calaborfed.org/index.php/site/page/2181\" target=\"_blank\">blacklisted by organized labor\u003c/a> for 2012 legislative campaigns in which he worked for a business-backed political action committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is why it was notable to see the governor being name-dropped in the home stretch of the special election runoff, but by Glazer's opponent. Assemblywoman Bonilla, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/prior-elections/special-elections/2015-sd7/election-results-primary\" target=\"_blank\">who came in second to Glazer in March\u003c/a> (but slipped past another Democrat to advance), recently was promoted by a pro-labor campaign whose recent TV ad ends with this tagline:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yV2FyRKASRE?rel=0]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No wonder classroom teachers, local law enforcement, and Gov. Jerry Brown trust Susan Bonilla.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lest you think otherwise, that's \u003cem>not\u003c/em> a shoutout from the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Governor Brown has not endorsed in this race,\" said his spokesman, Evan Westrup, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not hard to see why Brown is a real prize in this race; after all, he's the state's top Democrat in a Democratic-friendly district. The governor won with 63 percent of the vote in this East Bay Senate district last November. In 2012, his \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_30,_Sales_and_Income_Tax_Increase_%282012%29\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 30\u003c/a> tax increase won in the district with more than 56 percent of the vote. And Brown's current statewide job approval numbers remain high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a Democrat in a tough race ... and in a strong Democratic district (a plurality 43.4 percent of voters) ... Brown's the guy you want to be seen with. Except that in this race, both candidates are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10496859\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10496859\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-800x479.jpg\" alt=\"Undated photo of Gov. Jerry Brown with his former adviser, Steve Glazer, who's now running for the state Senate.\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-800x479.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-400x239.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-1180x706.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-768x459.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-320x191.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764.jpg 1297w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Undated photo of Gov. Jerry Brown with his former adviser, Steve Glazer, who's now running for the state Senate. \u003ccite>(Glazer Senate Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Glazer, who includes photos of himself with Brown on his campaign website, nonetheless downplays the issue. In a KQED News interview last month, he declined to comment on any conversations he has with the governor these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glazer doesn't have to do much to put himself standing alongside Brown. That no doubt explains why the Democrats who are working against Glazer argue he's not the \"Brown Democrat\" in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Bonilla, a former public school teacher, has gained a reputation for being a roll-up-your-sleeves, let's get things done Democrat, much like Brown,\" wrote Steve Maviglio, a strategist working on the anti-Glazer effort, \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxandhoundsdaily.com/2015/04/is-susan-bonilla-the-real-jerry-brown-democrat-in-the-state-senate-race/\" target=\"_blank\">in a recent online column\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic groups trying to derail Glazer, in fact, are spending most of their time trying to link the Orinda official to Republicans -- the party whose voters no doubt helped him make it into the runoff in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10496868\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10496868\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-800x424.png\" alt=\"Mailer sent from independent group opposing Steve Glazer in the East Bay state Senate race.\" width=\"800\" height=\"424\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-800x424.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-400x212.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-768x407.png 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-320x170.png 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213.png 1025w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mailer sent from independent group opposing Steve Glazer in the East Bay state Senate race. \u003ccite>(Independent PAC Mailer)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Who's Bankrolling Steve Glazer?\" asks a mailer sent by the pro-union group. The actual donor, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-bill-bloomfield-20141207-story.html#page=1\" target=\"_blank\">wealthy Southern California businessman Bill Bloomfield\u003c/a>, is somewhat beside the point: The flier offers up photos of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and President George W. Bush to really hammer home its point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money being spent on all of this is eye-popping; a review of campaign reports shows, just since the March 17 primary, more than $2 million in independent expenditures alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race may be the most bitter intraparty battle in recent memory in California politics. Whereas party fealty is a big part of the equation in any contest, it's especially true when it comes to who will sit in one of just 40 seats in the Senate -- a body where a handful of legislators can block the generally liberal leadership's agenda pretty easily. But even then, this race is full of quirky dynamics: Just last week, Bonilla and Glazer \u003ca href=\"http://www.ibabuzz.com/politics/2015/04/16/sd7-would-they-extend-prop-30-taxes/\" target=\"_blank\">clashed over their positions on extending the Prop. 30 taxes\u003c/a> -- with Bonilla's camp insisting she's always opposed an extension, just like Glazer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Reality check: in a March 11 email, Bonilla's campaign adviser wrote that the candidate \"supports voters passing an extension to Prop. 30, which has helped restore education funding after years of devastating cuts and is helping turn our local schools around.\")\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real question seems to be whether the jockeying for the governor's imprimatur is about the fight over Democrats or non-Democrats in the district. The Prop. 30 squabble is especially curious, given that Brown has made it clear he's opposed to an extension of the taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, both candidates no doubt need to reach out to the voters who cast ballots for one of three other contenders last month. And key to that is positioning whose values are, well, most politically valuable. On that question, you could do a lot worse in this Bay Area suburban community than aligning yourself with Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No matter who voters in California's 7th State Senate District select in the special election on May 19, one thing's for sure: It will be a Democrat who cozied up to the political warmth that radiates off Gov. Jerry Brown these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race between Assemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://susanbonilla.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Orinda Mayor \u003ca href=\"http://www.glazerforsenate.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a> has more dramatic storylines than you can possibly keep track of: Democrats fighting each other; big money being spent by independent groups normally aligned with either labor unions (pro-Bonilla) or Republicans (pro-Glazer); the shifting strategies of campaigns under California's top-two primary rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those are just the biggies. But in these closing weeks, the guy who seems to be the real political prize is the one who's tried hard to stay away from this Democrat vs. Democrat wrestling match: Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The easy, and therefore less spoken, connection is between Brown and Glazer. The two men have a relationship that dates back more than 30 years. \"Their enduring relationship is a testament both to Mr. Glazer's devotion to Mr. Brown and to Mr. Brown's penchant for trusting only a handful of close advisers,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/02/us/02sfpolitics.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">said the New York Times in a 2010 profile of Glazer\u003c/a> while he was helping run Brown's successful bid for a third term as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brown has kept an official distance from his longtime friend in this race and in Glazer's failed 2014 bid for the state Assembly. In truth, the governor and the former adviser have had some public distance between them since Glazer was \u003ca href=\"http://www.calaborfed.org/index.php/site/page/2181\" target=\"_blank\">blacklisted by organized labor\u003c/a> for 2012 legislative campaigns in which he worked for a business-backed political action committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which is why it was notable to see the governor being name-dropped in the home stretch of the special election runoff, but by Glazer's opponent. Assemblywoman Bonilla, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/prior-elections/special-elections/2015-sd7/election-results-primary\" target=\"_blank\">who came in second to Glazer in March\u003c/a> (but slipped past another Democrat to advance), recently was promoted by a pro-labor campaign whose recent TV ad ends with this tagline:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yV2FyRKASRE?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yV2FyRKASRE?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No wonder classroom teachers, local law enforcement, and Gov. Jerry Brown trust Susan Bonilla.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lest you think otherwise, that's \u003cem>not\u003c/em> a shoutout from the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Governor Brown has not endorsed in this race,\" said his spokesman, Evan Westrup, in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not hard to see why Brown is a real prize in this race; after all, he's the state's top Democrat in a Democratic-friendly district. The governor won with 63 percent of the vote in this East Bay Senate district last November. In 2012, his \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_30,_Sales_and_Income_Tax_Increase_%282012%29\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 30\u003c/a> tax increase won in the district with more than 56 percent of the vote. And Brown's current statewide job approval numbers remain high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a Democrat in a tough race ... and in a strong Democratic district (a plurality 43.4 percent of voters) ... Brown's the guy you want to be seen with. Except that in this race, both candidates are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10496859\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10496859\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-800x479.jpg\" alt=\"Undated photo of Gov. Jerry Brown with his former adviser, Steve Glazer, who's now running for the state Senate.\" width=\"800\" height=\"479\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-800x479.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-400x239.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-1180x706.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-768x459.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764-320x191.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/16251873977_532ac2a3b1_o-e1429552464764.jpg 1297w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Undated photo of Gov. Jerry Brown with his former adviser, Steve Glazer, who's now running for the state Senate. \u003ccite>(Glazer Senate Campaign)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Glazer, who includes photos of himself with Brown on his campaign website, nonetheless downplays the issue. In a KQED News interview last month, he declined to comment on any conversations he has with the governor these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glazer doesn't have to do much to put himself standing alongside Brown. That no doubt explains why the Democrats who are working against Glazer argue he's not the \"Brown Democrat\" in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Bonilla, a former public school teacher, has gained a reputation for being a roll-up-your-sleeves, let's get things done Democrat, much like Brown,\" wrote Steve Maviglio, a strategist working on the anti-Glazer effort, \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxandhoundsdaily.com/2015/04/is-susan-bonilla-the-real-jerry-brown-democrat-in-the-state-senate-race/\" target=\"_blank\">in a recent online column\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic groups trying to derail Glazer, in fact, are spending most of their time trying to link the Orinda official to Republicans -- the party whose voters no doubt helped him make it into the runoff in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10496868\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10496868\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-800x424.png\" alt=\"Mailer sent from independent group opposing Steve Glazer in the East Bay state Senate race.\" width=\"800\" height=\"424\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-800x424.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-400x212.png 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-768x407.png 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213-320x170.png 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/Screen-Shot-2015-04-20-at-11.06.53-AM-e1429553319213.png 1025w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mailer sent from independent group opposing Steve Glazer in the East Bay state Senate race. \u003ccite>(Independent PAC Mailer)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Who's Bankrolling Steve Glazer?\" asks a mailer sent by the pro-union group. The actual donor, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-bill-bloomfield-20141207-story.html#page=1\" target=\"_blank\">wealthy Southern California businessman Bill Bloomfield\u003c/a>, is somewhat beside the point: The flier offers up photos of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and President George W. Bush to really hammer home its point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money being spent on all of this is eye-popping; a review of campaign reports shows, just since the March 17 primary, more than $2 million in independent expenditures alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race may be the most bitter intraparty battle in recent memory in California politics. Whereas party fealty is a big part of the equation in any contest, it's especially true when it comes to who will sit in one of just 40 seats in the Senate -- a body where a handful of legislators can block the generally liberal leadership's agenda pretty easily. But even then, this race is full of quirky dynamics: Just last week, Bonilla and Glazer \u003ca href=\"http://www.ibabuzz.com/politics/2015/04/16/sd7-would-they-extend-prop-30-taxes/\" target=\"_blank\">clashed over their positions on extending the Prop. 30 taxes\u003c/a> -- with Bonilla's camp insisting she's always opposed an extension, just like Glazer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Reality check: in a March 11 email, Bonilla's campaign adviser wrote that the candidate \"supports voters passing an extension to Prop. 30, which has helped restore education funding after years of devastating cuts and is helping turn our local schools around.\")\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real question seems to be whether the jockeying for the governor's imprimatur is about the fight over Democrats or non-Democrats in the district. The Prop. 30 squabble is especially curious, given that Brown has made it clear he's opposed to an extension of the taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, both candidates no doubt need to reach out to the voters who cast ballots for one of three other contenders last month. And key to that is positioning whose values are, well, most politically valuable. On that question, you could do a lot worse in this Bay Area suburban community than aligning yourself with Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a45/\">Matthew Dababneh\u003c/a> had some compelling reasons for wanting to chair the state Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Fernando Valley Democrat worked for \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/\">U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Sherman Oaks)\u003c/a>, a senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, for nearly a decade, including during the recent recession as Sherman \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/media-center/opinion-editorials/regulating-wall-streets-abuses\">tackled Wall Street and credit rating reform\u003c/a>. Improving financial literacy in the congressional district was also a key issue during Dababneh’s time as Sherman’s district chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it.’ \u003ccite>Former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was really drawn because of experience and personal interest to serve on the Banking and Finance Committee,” Dababneh said. “For me, my (committee) requests were based on my experience, subject matter I thought was most relevant to my district, where my interests lie and wanting to focus my attention on some of the policies I want to pursue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s something besides expertise, however, that sets Dababneh apart from most of his Democratic colleagues in the state Assembly: his impressive fundraising prowess, which he’s used in part to help other Democrats get elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED and Maplight.org analysis of data, along with interviews with current and former lawmakers, shows that the most powerful committee chairs in the state Assembly share a knack for prolific fundraising and a propensity to funnel this money to the Democratic Party and other Democrats running for office. Our analysis looked at campaign finance contributions from when each current member entered office through the end of 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=1139646740&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Generosity is clearly not the only consideration for Assembly speakers when they are assigning committees — but former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano said it “absolutely” is a key factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Democrat said he was often asked why he needed to raise money when he was running virtually unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas.’ \u003ccite>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it. They are very nice about that, and they take it and you are able also, because you don’t give it all to the party. You are able to help candidates you like,” he said. “And a chairmanship will usually come with that — not necessarily … the final say is between a member and the speaker, and there are other political obligations that speaker might have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh questioned whether the Banking and Finance Committee chairmanship is even really a “juice” committee, as they are \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1988-10-30/local/me-788_1_insurance-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historically known\u003c/a> in Sacramento. He noted he was taken off the Governmental Organization Committee — a committee often seen as a fundraising bonanza because it regulates gambling, alcohol and tobacco — when he became Banking’s leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"http://abnk.assembly.ca.gov/\">Banking and Finance\u003c/a>, along with \u003ca href=\"http://agov.assembly.ca.gov/\">Governmental Organization\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ains.assembly.ca.gov/\">Insurance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://apro.assembly.ca.gov/\">Appropriations\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ahea.assembly.ca.gov/\">Health\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://autl.assembly.ca.gov/\">Utilities and Commerce\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://abp.assembly.ca.gov/\">Business and Professions\u003c/a> are typically seen as the most powerful committees in the Assembly because they oversee legislation that impacts the state’s most influential — and monied — industries and interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the purpose of this analysis, we also included a newly created committee, \u003ca href=\"http://privacycp.assembly.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Privacy and Consumer Protection\u003c/a>, which stands to wield an enormous amount of power in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of campaign finance data through the end of 2014 from the entire state Assembly Democratic Caucus revealed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Over their time in office, the current chairs of those eight committees raised nearly $20 million combined — on average, $847,000 more each than the rest of Democrats in the Assembly. Only two of those chairs, Asssemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a14/\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a43/\">Mike Gatto\u003c/a> (D-Glendale), have been in office longer than two years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Those chairs also funneled a total of $3.4 million to other campaigns over the past five years, with $1.9 million of it going straight to the California Democratic Party.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The biggest contributors were Gatto, who has funneled more than $630,000 to other Democrats since 2010; and Utilities and Commerce chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a63/\">Assemblyman Anthony Rendon \u003c/a> (D-Lakewood), who spread around an impressive $641,000 in just three years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Dababneh has been in office only since late 2013, but has proved to be a more prolific fundraiser on an annual basis than any other lawmaker besides Gatto. Dababneh raised an average of more than $840,000 a year; Gatto has brought in more than $1.1 million annually on average.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The average amount “juice” chairs gave away was $435,116 during their time in office, nearly twice as much as the rest of the Assembly Democratic Caucus, whose members contributed an average of $239,627.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Both Bonilla and Gatto saw big bumps in fundraising after they were named chairs of juice committees.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All of the chairs managed to dramatically increase their annual fundraising after being elected — some, including Health chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a18/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, D-Oakland, and Insurance chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a69/\">Tom Daly\u003c/a>, D-Anaheim, doubled their fundraising between their first and second terms.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=268275437&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rise of Party Politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the assumption has been that chairs of juice committees excel at fundraising largely because the powerful interest groups they are regulating want access and influence over the lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis didn’t find overwhelming connections between chairs’ campaign contributions and the businesses they regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and unions representing the building trades were the top two donors to nearly every committee chair. Other big donors included: the real estate and development industry; Indian tribes; public safety unions; and the medical and dental industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”UGUE8TRgs8Uwf9C8oAwHiZNmCsBH48Dg”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State political scientist Jason McDaniel said caucus leaders reward generosity to other Democrats because term limits and campaign finance laws have curbed the power of individual politicians and made the party more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s a quid pro quo. Look at it this way — who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort, is how they think about it,” he said. “And if you are on a team and someone is out for their own stats, like in basketball if you give them the ball and they never pass the ball — I think that’s how leadership sees these kind of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a question of “who can we trust more, not who can raise more money and has better connections to the big money industries,” McDaniel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort is how they think about it.’ \u003ccite>Political scientist Jason McDaniel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There are exceptions to the rule. Assemblyman\u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Adam Gray\u003c/a> (D-Merced) chairs the powerful Assembly Governmental Organization Committee. But Gray actually took way more from the party than he gave during a tough re-election battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gatto, who raised more than any other lawmaker in the Assembly, lost his plum position as head of the Appropriations Committee last year to Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a51/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jimmy Gomez\u003c/a> (D-Echo Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Assembly Privacy committee still stands to wield influence, but not nearly as much as Appropriations, which is where many bills live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been explained to me that I am the No. 1 fundraiser for the Democratic Party in the history of Assembly, yet I lost my chairmanship — so that’s either tremendous disloyalty on the part of the speaker or lack of correlation with money and chairmanships,” Gatto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez, who was termed out last year, said he considered a range of things when deciding who to name to leadership roles, including their desires, policy expertise, temperament and leadership skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s absolutely never been a litmus test that I have seen” for fundraising, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the same skills that make someone a successful legislator are usually found in strong fundraisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas, so sometimes it’s a skill set that people have in common,” he said. “But it’s not a dispositive skill set.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a45/\">Matthew Dababneh\u003c/a> had some compelling reasons for wanting to chair the state Assembly’s Banking and Finance Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Fernando Valley Democrat worked for \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/\">U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D-Sherman Oaks)\u003c/a>, a senior member of the House Financial Services Committee, for nearly a decade, including during the recent recession as Sherman \u003ca href=\"http://sherman.house.gov/media-center/opinion-editorials/regulating-wall-streets-abuses\">tackled Wall Street and credit rating reform\u003c/a>. Improving financial literacy in the congressional district was also a key issue during Dababneh’s time as Sherman’s district chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it.’ \u003ccite>Former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was really drawn because of experience and personal interest to serve on the Banking and Finance Committee,” Dababneh said. “For me, my (committee) requests were based on my experience, subject matter I thought was most relevant to my district, where my interests lie and wanting to focus my attention on some of the policies I want to pursue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s something besides expertise, however, that sets Dababneh apart from most of his Democratic colleagues in the state Assembly: his impressive fundraising prowess, which he’s used in part to help other Democrats get elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201697827″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED and Maplight.org analysis of data, along with interviews with current and former lawmakers, shows that the most powerful committee chairs in the state Assembly share a knack for prolific fundraising and a propensity to funnel this money to the Democratic Party and other Democrats running for office. Our analysis looked at campaign finance contributions from when each current member entered office through the end of 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=1139646740&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Generosity is clearly not the only consideration for Assembly speakers when they are assigning committees — but former Assemblyman Tom Ammiano said it “absolutely” is a key factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Democrat said he was often asked why he needed to raise money when he was running virtually unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas.’ \u003ccite>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Here’s why you need to raise money: You raise money and then the party takes it. They are very nice about that, and they take it and you are able also, because you don’t give it all to the party. You are able to help candidates you like,” he said. “And a chairmanship will usually come with that — not necessarily … the final say is between a member and the speaker, and there are other political obligations that speaker might have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh questioned whether the Banking and Finance Committee chairmanship is even really a “juice” committee, as they are \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1988-10-30/local/me-788_1_insurance-committee\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">historically known\u003c/a> in Sacramento. He noted he was taken off the Governmental Organization Committee — a committee often seen as a fundraising bonanza because it regulates gambling, alcohol and tobacco — when he became Banking’s leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"http://abnk.assembly.ca.gov/\">Banking and Finance\u003c/a>, along with \u003ca href=\"http://agov.assembly.ca.gov/\">Governmental Organization\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ains.assembly.ca.gov/\">Insurance\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://apro.assembly.ca.gov/\">Appropriations\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://ahea.assembly.ca.gov/\">Health\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://autl.assembly.ca.gov/\">Utilities and Commerce\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://abp.assembly.ca.gov/\">Business and Professions\u003c/a> are typically seen as the most powerful committees in the Assembly because they oversee legislation that impacts the state’s most influential — and monied — industries and interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the purpose of this analysis, we also included a newly created committee, \u003ca href=\"http://privacycp.assembly.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Privacy and Consumer Protection\u003c/a>, which stands to wield an enormous amount of power in years to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of campaign finance data through the end of 2014 from the entire state Assembly Democratic Caucus revealed:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Over their time in office, the current chairs of those eight committees raised nearly $20 million combined — on average, $847,000 more each than the rest of Democrats in the Assembly. Only two of those chairs, Asssemblywoman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a14/\">Susan Bonilla\u003c/a> (D-Concord) and Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a43/\">Mike Gatto\u003c/a> (D-Glendale), have been in office longer than two years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Those chairs also funneled a total of $3.4 million to other campaigns over the past five years, with $1.9 million of it going straight to the California Democratic Party.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The biggest contributors were Gatto, who has funneled more than $630,000 to other Democrats since 2010; and Utilities and Commerce chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a63/\">Assemblyman Anthony Rendon \u003c/a> (D-Lakewood), who spread around an impressive $641,000 in just three years.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Dababneh has been in office only since late 2013, but has proved to be a more prolific fundraiser on an annual basis than any other lawmaker besides Gatto. Dababneh raised an average of more than $840,000 a year; Gatto has brought in more than $1.1 million annually on average.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The average amount “juice” chairs gave away was $435,116 during their time in office, nearly twice as much as the rest of the Assembly Democratic Caucus, whose members contributed an average of $239,627.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Both Bonilla and Gatto saw big bumps in fundraising after they were named chairs of juice committees.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All of the chairs managed to dramatically increase their annual fundraising after being elected — some, including Health chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a18/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, D-Oakland, and Insurance chair \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a69/\">Tom Daly\u003c/a>, D-Anaheim, doubled their fundraising between their first and second terms.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter noborder\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1Gd6KHpKOv6nXDPbeYkpM6u_2SgXOC4O28SJtW_brVV0/pubchart?oid=268275437&format=interactive\" width=\"800\" height=\"400\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nData from California Secretary of State and MapLight.org (Lisa Pickoff-White/KQED)\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rise of Party Politics\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the assumption has been that chairs of juice committees excel at fundraising largely because the powerful interest groups they are regulating want access and influence over the lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis didn’t find overwhelming connections between chairs’ campaign contributions and the businesses they regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public employee unions and unions representing the building trades were the top two donors to nearly every committee chair. Other big donors included: the real estate and development industry; Indian tribes; public safety unions; and the medical and dental industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco State political scientist Jason McDaniel said caucus leaders reward generosity to other Democrats because term limits and campaign finance laws have curbed the power of individual politicians and made the party more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s a quid pro quo. Look at it this way — who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort, is how they think about it,” he said. “And if you are on a team and someone is out for their own stats, like in basketball if you give them the ball and they never pass the ball — I think that’s how leadership sees these kind of things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a question of “who can we trust more, not who can raise more money and has better connections to the big money industries,” McDaniel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Who would you trust more? This is a team, a team effort is how they think about it.’ \u003ccite>Political scientist Jason McDaniel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There are exceptions to the rule. Assemblyman\u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a21/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Adam Gray\u003c/a> (D-Merced) chairs the powerful Assembly Governmental Organization Committee. But Gray actually took way more from the party than he gave during a tough re-election battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Gatto, who raised more than any other lawmaker in the Assembly, lost his plum position as head of the Appropriations Committee last year to Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a51/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Jimmy Gomez\u003c/a> (D-Echo Park).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Assembly Privacy committee still stands to wield influence, but not nearly as much as Appropriations, which is where many bills live or die.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been explained to me that I am the No. 1 fundraiser for the Democratic Party in the history of Assembly, yet I lost my chairmanship — so that’s either tremendous disloyalty on the part of the speaker or lack of correlation with money and chairmanships,” Gatto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Assembly Speaker John Pérez, who was termed out last year, said he considered a range of things when deciding who to name to leadership roles, including their desires, policy expertise, temperament and leadership skills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s absolutely never been a litmus test that I have seen” for fundraising, Pérez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the same skills that make someone a successful legislator are usually found in strong fundraisers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes the folks who are the most successful fundraisers are also the most successful at being aggressive in a number of areas, so sometimes it’s a skill set that people have in common,” he said. “But it’s not a dispositive skill set.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On this week’s political podcast, we tackle three big subjects in the news: April tax receipts and the budget battle to come; the behind-the-scenes Capitol politics of the vaccination debate; and a new poll suggesting strong support for changes to the state’s teacher tenure laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m joined by Marisa Lagos of KQED News and Anthony York of the Grizzly Bear Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cscript src=\"//s3.amazonaws.com/s3.documentcloud.org/embed/loader.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript>\n dc.embed.load('http://www.documentcloud.org/search/embed/', {\n q: \"projectid: 19574-sponsored-bills \",\n container: \"#DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\",\n title: \"Sampling of 2015 Sponsored Bills\",\n order: \"title\",\n per_page: 12,\n search_bar: true,\n organization: 813\n });\n\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\nAsk Assemblyman Ken Cooley who wrote the bill he's carrying to make business-friendly changes to California's landmark climate change law, and he’ll be the first to tell you: It wasn't him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am certainly not an energy expert,\" Cooley said when asked about the complex language contained in his \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0701-0750/ab_720_bill_20150225_introduced.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly Bill 720\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooley is one of dozens of legislators who introduce \"sponsored bills,\" legislation instigated by outside groups. The term sounds benign, and it sometimes certainly is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also opaque. And optional. In fact, KQED News' detailed review of thousands of pieces of legislation over the past three years shows relatively few sponsored bills -- and staffers and lobbyists privately say that's because legislators often refuse to publicly identify the groups involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People ought to say who the sponsors are,\" said Cooley (D-Rancho Cordova).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'A Partner Along The Way'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \"sponsor\" can be any group that pushes a legislator to introduce a bill. The designation dates back to at least the 1920s, but neither the \u003ca href=\"http://assembly.ca.gov/sites/assembly.ca.gov/files/2013-14_CaliforniaAsmPamphlet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly\u003c/a> nor \u003ca href=\"http://senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/legislative%20process%20booklet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Senate's\u003c/a> official FAQs include the term. Capitol veterans point out that's probably because it was never meant for the public; rather, they say, it's usually a way for political heavyweights to put a \"Do Not Mess With This Bill\" label on legislation that they care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201088067\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\n\u003ch3>What is a sponsored bill?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislation prompted by an outside group rather than a member of the Assembly or Senate. In many cases, an interest group writes the first draft of the actual bill. Legislators have even been known to agree to allow an interest group to approve or reject bill changes during the committee process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sponsors often write talking points, take the lead in testifying at hearings and work to secure the bill’s passage. Historically, a bill’s committee analysis will list sponsorship; but there is no requirement to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Still, one definition seems to be universal: A bill's sponsors are more than just supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, you're drafting the legislation, you're drafting talking points, you're lobbying the bill,\" said Shaudi Falamaki Fulp, a former Capitol lobbyist. \"You are a partner along the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fulp, now a political and public relations strategist, said that the most powerful Capitol players will use teams of people behind the scenes to win a legislative battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That means not only hiring the best lobbyists,\" she said, \"but also the best lawyers, pollsters and PR firms who carefully craft legislation to maximize success.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some define the role of bill sponsorship in a narrower way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sponsoring a bill means we work closely with the author,\" said Steve Smith of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.californialabor.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Labor Federation\u003c/a>, \"and play a big role in mounting a public campaign to urge for its passage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some politically powerful groups are quite forceful. \"Sponsorship means we take ownership,\" said David Wolfe, legislative director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there's no bright line as to just what level of work by an interest group qualifies it as a bill's sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff contacted by KQED News with a simple question -- what defines sponsorship? -- offered a range of answers:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento) said sponsors bring the \"idea\" and they work alongside the staff to craft bill language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Ed Chau (D-Monterey Park) said sponsors \"share similar priorities\" with the lawmaker.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Sen. Ben Hueso (D-San Diego) called bill sponsorship a \"nuanced process.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Very little of that activity is transparent, said former Assembly Republican leader Sam Blakeslee, for one simple reason: perception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everyone can define what is or isn't a sponsored bill using their own lexicon,\" he said. \"And if they think it’s a bad thing, they can state categorically they never carry a sponsored bill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Helpers, Not Sponsors\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the world of legislative negotiations, the December meeting in the state Capitol office of Sen. Jerry Hill (D-San Mateo) wasn't that unusual. It also wasn't for public consumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The private meeting brought together lobbyists from the airline industry and local government to mull a possible 2015 bill that would change the method of assessing property taxes on commercial aircraft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-10491623 size-thumbnail\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg\" alt=\"vert\" width=\"400\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-800x966.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-768x928.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-320x387.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg 894w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I thought it would be good to have the discussion,\" Hill said in a recent interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the meeting's attendees said that the airlines had drafted bill language, often a key step toward the creation of a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hill sees what happened, and what it means, quite differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't believe in sponsored bills,\" said Hill in a recent interview about the airline tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator argues for a narrow definition: only bills that lobbyists and interest groups \u003cem>control\u003c/em> throughout the entire process, including even what amendments are accepted or rejected. On his bills, Hill said he's the one calling the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If a bill or an issue comes before me, I'm the author,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, the bill resulting from the December discussions about airline taxes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_661_bill_20150413_amended_sen_v98.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Senate Bill 661\u003c/a>, is not labeled as a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No Disclosure Required\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every legislative staffer or lobbyist interviewed for this story admitted that there's little to stop anyone from concealing the role, or even the existence, of sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What happens when a bill gets hijacked?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists who work to craft a sponsored bill don’t like surprises, especially when a legislator decides along the way that he or she -- not the interest group -- is now calling the shots. Lobbyists call these bills “hijacked,” and will sometimes end up trying to kill the very bill they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"It's really the way business is done in Sacramento,\" said former Assembly GOP leader Blakeslee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only public designation for sponsored bills is found deep in the legislative analyses written by policy committee staffers, not in the bill itself. And where do staff get their information? From legislators, who voluntarily \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261917032/KQED-Political-Muscle-Senate-Committee-Bill-Form\" target=\"_blank\">identify sponsors on a background information form\u003c/a>. There are no rules in either house of the Legislature for disclosing either the existence of sponsors or what work they did -- including writing every word of the proposed law in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying disclosure laws offer little information, requiring only a list of the bills worked on every quarter -- not what kind of work was actually conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sunlight Shrinks the Sponsored Bills List?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sponsors consciously choose to remain in the shadows, especially those who could be politically toxic to either the lawmaker or the proposed law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, legislators might ask certain interest groups to stay at a distance,\" said former lobbyist Fulp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several legislative staffers and lobbyists pointed to a series of newspaper stories in 2010 as a turning point in the Capitol's relationship with disclosure of the political muscle behind many bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That summer, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/california/ci_15489181\" target=\"_blank\">San Jose Mercury News waded through the sponsored bill process\u003c/a>, and reported that 39 percent of the 2007-2008 legislative session's bills were sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democratic legislator's chief of staff, who did not want to speak publicly, said the lesson learned by the Capitol community from the 2010 news coverage was: stop identifying so many bills as having sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent data from the Legislature seem to confirm that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED News did an extensive review, using a legislative database of bill analyses, to find when sponsors were publicly identified. Where the previous news investigation found 39 percent were sponsored in 2007-08, KQED News found only 15 percent (716 of 4,800) of all bills in 2013-14 were listed as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results were even smaller for the legislative session now underway. Of the 908 pending bills that had published committee analyses as of April 13, only 49 of them -- slightly more than 5 percent -- are identified as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\" class=\"DC-search-container\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'The Subject Matter Is Pretty Darn Arcane'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Cooley first introduced his plan to modify the state's 2006 climate change law last summer, likely too late in the legislative season to be fully considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, he introduced it in February. If enacted, AB720 would loosen some of the existing restrictions that state officials have placed on the number of carbon emissions credits or \"allowances\" that a company can hold at any one time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What is bill shopping?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff and lobbyists use this term to describe the process that plays out in the fall and early winter of every year in Sacramento – when influential groups start crafting bills and “shopping” their plan to potential legislative authors. Some legislators also eagerly seek out any bills they think might boost their policy or political profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Cooley said he worked with manufacturing and oil industry representatives to draft AB720, and the bill's sponsor is listed as the California Manufacturers and Technology Alliance. The group's president said they asked \"technical and legal experts\" to draft bill language. A spokesperson for an oil industry trade group confirmed that \"ideas\" were shared with Cooley on how to change California's greenhouse gas law, but declined to characterize Big Oil's precise level of involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The subject matter is pretty darn arcane,\" said the moderate Democratic assemblyman. Still, it's a subject -- making the state's climate change policy more business-friendly -- that Cooley said he believes in strongly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My constituents are worried,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261920955/Asm-Cooley-to-ARB-Chair-Nichols\" target=\"_blank\">he wrote in a letter last summer to the chairwoman of the state's Air Resources Board\u003c/a> about the potential economic impacts of the cap-and-trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even those who agree the bill-writing process has become too controlled by outside groups also seem to believe that sponsored bills have a place, especially in the California Legislature, where term limits have shrunk the level of policy experience and expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing intrinsically wrong with a sponsored bill,\" said former state Sen. Joe Simitian, now a Santa Clara County supervisor. \"But then it's on you, as a legislator, to say, 'Is this something that serves a narrow special interest? Or is this something that serves the broad public interest?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News producer Guy Marzorati, senior interactive producer Lisa Pickoff-White and editor Kat Snow contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cscript src=\"//s3.amazonaws.com/s3.documentcloud.org/embed/loader.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript>\n dc.embed.load('http://www.documentcloud.org/search/embed/', {\n q: \"projectid: 19574-sponsored-bills \",\n container: \"#DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\",\n title: \"Sampling of 2015 Sponsored Bills\",\n order: \"title\",\n per_page: 12,\n search_bar: true,\n organization: 813\n });\n\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\nAsk Assemblyman Ken Cooley who wrote the bill he's carrying to make business-friendly changes to California's landmark climate change law, and he’ll be the first to tell you: It wasn't him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am certainly not an energy expert,\" Cooley said when asked about the complex language contained in his \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0701-0750/ab_720_bill_20150225_introduced.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly Bill 720\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooley is one of dozens of legislators who introduce \"sponsored bills,\" legislation instigated by outside groups. The term sounds benign, and it sometimes certainly is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also opaque. And optional. In fact, KQED News' detailed review of thousands of pieces of legislation over the past three years shows relatively few sponsored bills -- and staffers and lobbyists privately say that's because legislators often refuse to publicly identify the groups involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People ought to say who the sponsors are,\" said Cooley (D-Rancho Cordova).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'A Partner Along The Way'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \"sponsor\" can be any group that pushes a legislator to introduce a bill. The designation dates back to at least the 1920s, but neither the \u003ca href=\"http://assembly.ca.gov/sites/assembly.ca.gov/files/2013-14_CaliforniaAsmPamphlet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly\u003c/a> nor \u003ca href=\"http://senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/legislative%20process%20booklet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Senate's\u003c/a> official FAQs include the term. Capitol veterans point out that's probably because it was never meant for the public; rather, they say, it's usually a way for political heavyweights to put a \"Do Not Mess With This Bill\" label on legislation that they care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201088067&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201088067'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\n\u003ch3>What is a sponsored bill?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislation prompted by an outside group rather than a member of the Assembly or Senate. In many cases, an interest group writes the first draft of the actual bill. Legislators have even been known to agree to allow an interest group to approve or reject bill changes during the committee process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sponsors often write talking points, take the lead in testifying at hearings and work to secure the bill’s passage. Historically, a bill’s committee analysis will list sponsorship; but there is no requirement to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Still, one definition seems to be universal: A bill's sponsors are more than just supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, you're drafting the legislation, you're drafting talking points, you're lobbying the bill,\" said Shaudi Falamaki Fulp, a former Capitol lobbyist. \"You are a partner along the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fulp, now a political and public relations strategist, said that the most powerful Capitol players will use teams of people behind the scenes to win a legislative battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That means not only hiring the best lobbyists,\" she said, \"but also the best lawyers, pollsters and PR firms who carefully craft legislation to maximize success.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some define the role of bill sponsorship in a narrower way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sponsoring a bill means we work closely with the author,\" said Steve Smith of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.californialabor.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Labor Federation\u003c/a>, \"and play a big role in mounting a public campaign to urge for its passage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some politically powerful groups are quite forceful. \"Sponsorship means we take ownership,\" said David Wolfe, legislative director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there's no bright line as to just what level of work by an interest group qualifies it as a bill's sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff contacted by KQED News with a simple question -- what defines sponsorship? -- offered a range of answers:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento) said sponsors bring the \"idea\" and they work alongside the staff to craft bill language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Ed Chau (D-Monterey Park) said sponsors \"share similar priorities\" with the lawmaker.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Sen. Ben Hueso (D-San Diego) called bill sponsorship a \"nuanced process.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Very little of that activity is transparent, said former Assembly Republican leader Sam Blakeslee, for one simple reason: perception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everyone can define what is or isn't a sponsored bill using their own lexicon,\" he said. \"And if they think it’s a bad thing, they can state categorically they never carry a sponsored bill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Helpers, Not Sponsors\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the world of legislative negotiations, the December meeting in the state Capitol office of Sen. Jerry Hill (D-San Mateo) wasn't that unusual. It also wasn't for public consumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The private meeting brought together lobbyists from the airline industry and local government to mull a possible 2015 bill that would change the method of assessing property taxes on commercial aircraft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-10491623 size-thumbnail\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg\" alt=\"vert\" width=\"400\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-800x966.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-768x928.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-320x387.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg 894w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I thought it would be good to have the discussion,\" Hill said in a recent interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the meeting's attendees said that the airlines had drafted bill language, often a key step toward the creation of a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hill sees what happened, and what it means, quite differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't believe in sponsored bills,\" said Hill in a recent interview about the airline tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator argues for a narrow definition: only bills that lobbyists and interest groups \u003cem>control\u003c/em> throughout the entire process, including even what amendments are accepted or rejected. On his bills, Hill said he's the one calling the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If a bill or an issue comes before me, I'm the author,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, the bill resulting from the December discussions about airline taxes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_661_bill_20150413_amended_sen_v98.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Senate Bill 661\u003c/a>, is not labeled as a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No Disclosure Required\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every legislative staffer or lobbyist interviewed for this story admitted that there's little to stop anyone from concealing the role, or even the existence, of sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What happens when a bill gets hijacked?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists who work to craft a sponsored bill don’t like surprises, especially when a legislator decides along the way that he or she -- not the interest group -- is now calling the shots. Lobbyists call these bills “hijacked,” and will sometimes end up trying to kill the very bill they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"It's really the way business is done in Sacramento,\" said former Assembly GOP leader Blakeslee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only public designation for sponsored bills is found deep in the legislative analyses written by policy committee staffers, not in the bill itself. And where do staff get their information? From legislators, who voluntarily \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261917032/KQED-Political-Muscle-Senate-Committee-Bill-Form\" target=\"_blank\">identify sponsors on a background information form\u003c/a>. There are no rules in either house of the Legislature for disclosing either the existence of sponsors or what work they did -- including writing every word of the proposed law in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying disclosure laws offer little information, requiring only a list of the bills worked on every quarter -- not what kind of work was actually conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sunlight Shrinks the Sponsored Bills List?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sponsors consciously choose to remain in the shadows, especially those who could be politically toxic to either the lawmaker or the proposed law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, legislators might ask certain interest groups to stay at a distance,\" said former lobbyist Fulp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several legislative staffers and lobbyists pointed to a series of newspaper stories in 2010 as a turning point in the Capitol's relationship with disclosure of the political muscle behind many bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That summer, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/california/ci_15489181\" target=\"_blank\">San Jose Mercury News waded through the sponsored bill process\u003c/a>, and reported that 39 percent of the 2007-2008 legislative session's bills were sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democratic legislator's chief of staff, who did not want to speak publicly, said the lesson learned by the Capitol community from the 2010 news coverage was: stop identifying so many bills as having sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent data from the Legislature seem to confirm that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED News did an extensive review, using a legislative database of bill analyses, to find when sponsors were publicly identified. Where the previous news investigation found 39 percent were sponsored in 2007-08, KQED News found only 15 percent (716 of 4,800) of all bills in 2013-14 were listed as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results were even smaller for the legislative session now underway. Of the 908 pending bills that had published committee analyses as of April 13, only 49 of them -- slightly more than 5 percent -- are identified as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\" class=\"DC-search-container\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'The Subject Matter Is Pretty Darn Arcane'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Cooley first introduced his plan to modify the state's 2006 climate change law last summer, likely too late in the legislative season to be fully considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, he introduced it in February. If enacted, AB720 would loosen some of the existing restrictions that state officials have placed on the number of carbon emissions credits or \"allowances\" that a company can hold at any one time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What is bill shopping?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff and lobbyists use this term to describe the process that plays out in the fall and early winter of every year in Sacramento – when influential groups start crafting bills and “shopping” their plan to potential legislative authors. Some legislators also eagerly seek out any bills they think might boost their policy or political profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Cooley said he worked with manufacturing and oil industry representatives to draft AB720, and the bill's sponsor is listed as the California Manufacturers and Technology Alliance. The group's president said they asked \"technical and legal experts\" to draft bill language. A spokesperson for an oil industry trade group confirmed that \"ideas\" were shared with Cooley on how to change California's greenhouse gas law, but declined to characterize Big Oil's precise level of involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The subject matter is pretty darn arcane,\" said the moderate Democratic assemblyman. Still, it's a subject -- making the state's climate change policy more business-friendly -- that Cooley said he believes in strongly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My constituents are worried,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261920955/Asm-Cooley-to-ARB-Chair-Nichols\" target=\"_blank\">he wrote in a letter last summer to the chairwoman of the state's Air Resources Board\u003c/a> about the potential economic impacts of the cap-and-trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even those who agree the bill-writing process has become too controlled by outside groups also seem to believe that sponsored bills have a place, especially in the California Legislature, where term limits have shrunk the level of policy experience and expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing intrinsically wrong with a sponsored bill,\" said former state Sen. Joe Simitian, now a Santa Clara County supervisor. \"But then it's on you, as a legislator, to say, 'Is this something that serves a narrow special interest? Or is this something that serves the broad public interest?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News producer Guy Marzorati, senior interactive producer Lisa Pickoff-White and editor Kat Snow contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s a risky proposition for politicians to sit on the sidelines when public frustration or anger mounts over something, especially in a state like California, where voters wield immense power through the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet a new public poll suggests all the ingredients are there for a political explosion on the value, even the existence, of tenure protection for the state’s public school teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a more nuanced view,” said pollster Drew Lieberman about Californians, citing a new survey that shows the public likes teachers but isn’t as enamored of their job protections — the same ones that a Los Angeles judge declared unconstitutional last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/4/12/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">released this past weekend by the University of Southern California and the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> finds 73 percent of those surveyed would pick some kind of tenure system other than the one that now exists for the state’s teachers. And the single largest bloc of Californians — 38 percent — said that teachers should have no tenure system at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was last summer when the current tenure system, which generally provides strong job protections for teachers after two years on the job, was on the losing end of a \u003ca href=\"http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/local/court-decision-in-vergara-v-california/1031/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nationally watched case\u003c/a>, \u003cem>Vergara v. California\u003c/em>. \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-governor-appeals-vergara-20140829-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gov. Jerry Brown and education leaders, as well as teachers unions, have appealed the ruling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has produced a lot of headlines but very little movement inside the state Capitol. And yet the new poll suggests real skepticism among the public. Just 7 percent of those surveyed believe the current two-year tenure threshold is the right level. And a whopping 82 percent believe that performance should play more of a role in deciding which teachers to keep and which ones to fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters overwhelmingly like teachers,” said pollster Lieberman in a Monday conference call with reporters. “But at the same time, they do want this level of accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll asks which kinds of teachers should be let go first in the event layoffs are needed at a California public school. Of those surveyed, 53 percent say it should be a teacher who “received poor marks” in classroom observations. Only 8 percent said it should be “a teacher who has less seniority,” even though that is the foundation of California’s “last in, first out” system of teacher job protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not to say Californians don’t value experienced teachers; the poll finds support for seniority privileges in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You still have a majority that say seniority should count for something,” said Lieberman. “It just shouldn’t count for everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s fascinating that the issue hasn’t gained any traction in Sacramento, where the Vergara ruling hasn’t seemed to produce any noticeable ripples. Only one bill was introduced this winter to address the system that is now in legal limbo. And politically speaking, tenure has withstood almost every challenge. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/20/national/20tenure.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last, and most prominent, fight over the system came in 2005\u003c/a>, when organized labor helped defeat Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_74,_Waiting_Period_for_Permanent_Employment_as_a_Teacher_%282005%29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 74\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the pollsters who conducted the USC/LAT survey believe there are signs of new — and important — divisions on how to reward or punish teachers. In particular, the poll found a racial and ethnic gap when it comes to the value of standardized testing in holding educators accountable. Whites were more leery of the value of testing (40 percent) than were black (55 percent), Latino (52 percent) or Asian Californians (56 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pollster Dave Kanevsky called it a “cultural gap” on how to reward educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is not whether performance matters” for nonwhites, he said, “but in how to measure performance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this juncture, no one seems to be clamoring for a 2016 battle over new teacher tenure rules or performance-based measurements. But the poll numbers suggest an appetite for the debate among many Californians — one that, absent a more thorough and measured discussion in the legislative arena, could become a noisy hunger should tenure critics decide to champion changes on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NOTE: An original version of this story said that no bills had been introduced to change the tenure system. That was incorrect; Assembly Bill 1248, to lengthen the tenure process to three years, was introduced in February by Asm. Rocky Chavez (R-Oceanside).\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s a risky proposition for politicians to sit on the sidelines when public frustration or anger mounts over something, especially in a state like California, where voters wield immense power through the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And yet a new public poll suggests all the ingredients are there for a political explosion on the value, even the existence, of tenure protection for the state’s public school teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a more nuanced view,” said pollster Drew Lieberman about Californians, citing a new survey that shows the public likes teachers but isn’t as enamored of their job protections — the same ones that a Los Angeles judge declared unconstitutional last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll \u003ca href=\"http://www.gqrr.com/articles/2015/4/12/new-university-of-southern-california-dornsife-college-of-letters-arts-and-scienceslos-angeles-times-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">released this past weekend by the University of Southern California and the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a> finds 73 percent of those surveyed would pick some kind of tenure system other than the one that now exists for the state’s teachers. And the single largest bloc of Californians — 38 percent — said that teachers should have no tenure system at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was last summer when the current tenure system, which generally provides strong job protections for teachers after two years on the job, was on the losing end of a \u003ca href=\"http://apps.washingtonpost.com/g/documents/local/court-decision-in-vergara-v-california/1031/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nationally watched case\u003c/a>, \u003cem>Vergara v. California\u003c/em>. \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-governor-appeals-vergara-20140829-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Gov. Jerry Brown and education leaders, as well as teachers unions, have appealed the ruling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has produced a lot of headlines but very little movement inside the state Capitol. And yet the new poll suggests real skepticism among the public. Just 7 percent of those surveyed believe the current two-year tenure threshold is the right level. And a whopping 82 percent believe that performance should play more of a role in deciding which teachers to keep and which ones to fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Voters overwhelmingly like teachers,” said pollster Lieberman in a Monday conference call with reporters. “But at the same time, they do want this level of accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll asks which kinds of teachers should be let go first in the event layoffs are needed at a California public school. Of those surveyed, 53 percent say it should be a teacher who “received poor marks” in classroom observations. Only 8 percent said it should be “a teacher who has less seniority,” even though that is the foundation of California’s “last in, first out” system of teacher job protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not to say Californians don’t value experienced teachers; the poll finds support for seniority privileges in general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You still have a majority that say seniority should count for something,” said Lieberman. “It just shouldn’t count for everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s fascinating that the issue hasn’t gained any traction in Sacramento, where the Vergara ruling hasn’t seemed to produce any noticeable ripples. Only one bill was introduced this winter to address the system that is now in legal limbo. And politically speaking, tenure has withstood almost every challenge. The \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/20/national/20tenure.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last, and most prominent, fight over the system came in 2005\u003c/a>, when organized labor helped defeat Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_74,_Waiting_Period_for_Permanent_Employment_as_a_Teacher_%282005%29\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 74\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the pollsters who conducted the USC/LAT survey believe there are signs of new — and important — divisions on how to reward or punish teachers. In particular, the poll found a racial and ethnic gap when it comes to the value of standardized testing in holding educators accountable. Whites were more leery of the value of testing (40 percent) than were black (55 percent), Latino (52 percent) or Asian Californians (56 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pollster Dave Kanevsky called it a “cultural gap” on how to reward educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is not whether performance matters” for nonwhites, he said, “but in how to measure performance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this juncture, no one seems to be clamoring for a 2016 battle over new teacher tenure rules or performance-based measurements. But the poll numbers suggest an appetite for the debate among many Californians — one that, absent a more thorough and measured discussion in the legislative arena, could become a noisy hunger should tenure critics decide to champion changes on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NOTE: An original version of this story said that no bills had been introduced to change the tenure system. That was incorrect; Assembly Bill 1248, to lengthen the tenure process to three years, was introduced in February by Asm. Rocky Chavez (R-Oceanside).\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This week, we tackle the ongoing state response to California's drought (are almonds really the state's enemy No. 1?). We also discuss the biggest fine ever levied against a state utility and a package of immigration bills touted by Democratic lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The inimitable John Myers is out of town, so the Grizzly Bear Project's Anthony York and I are flying solo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "Report: As in Ferguson, California's Poor Subject to Unfair Fines, Fees",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maybe California isn't so far from Ferguson, Missouri, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scathing report released by a civil rights group today says the Golden State's structure of spiraling court fees and fines -- which tend to disproportionately affect poor Californians -- are \"chillingly similar\" to \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-holder-delivers-update-investigations-ferguson-missouri\" target=\"_blank\">practices in Ferguson recently slammed by federal justice officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, by the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights in San Francisco, concludes that \"a litany of practices and policies in California turn a citation offense into a poverty sentence.\" The group found that more than 4 million Californians have lost their driver's licenses because they failed to appear in court or pay a citation -- some of which have nothing to do with driving at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/199860203\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This has created a major barrier to employment for folks,\" said Lawyers' Committee attorney Meredith Desautels. \"When someone's license is suspended as a result of them not being able to pay a fine, it becomes a poverty trap -- they can't get a job because they can't pay their fine, and they can't pay their fine because their license is suspended.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report includes the story of Andrew, a 22-year-old single father and mechanic who had an installment payment plan to pay off some traffic tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A few months into the payments, his two-year-old son was diagnosed with leukemia,\" the report reads. \"As his son’s sole caretaker, Andrew had to leave his job to care for his son. His sudden loss of income meant that he could not meet the terms of his payment plan, and the court suspended his driver’s license. His fines were handed off to a collections agency, with an extra $300 'civil assessment' tacked on for his 'failure to pay' as planned. Andrew needed to travel over 25 miles to and from chemotherapy treatments several times a week without a car, and he was terrified to bring his immuno-compromised 2-year-old on the bus. The court refused to hear his case unless he paid the full fine amount, and he was told he could not get a license until the full amount of fines and fees was paid, even if he resumed making installment payments.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desautels says the report doesn't address serious criminal offenders, but normal people who violate minor laws. Fees and fines are being assessed for low-level offenses -- a broken tail light, speeding, jaywalking . But what looks like a $100 ticket comes with some hefty add-ons: Once you tack on all the automatic state and county fees, that $100 total jumps to $490. If you miss your court date or deadline to pay, the fine jumps again, to $815.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a person doesn't have $490, they probably don't have $815, Desautels said -- and if they don't pay, they are likely to have their license suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compounding these woes, she said, after individuals lose their licenses, courts are often unwilling to schedule a hearing with a judge until the fines are paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report notes that budget shortfalls in recent years have caused public agencies to raise fees and to increasingly rely on them to balance their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lawyer’s Committee recommends a change to state law so that authorities no longer use license suspensions as a collection tool for citation-related debt -- and says the change should be retroactive. The group also recommends reducing current fees by 50 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some public officials in San Francisco and Sacramento\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/02/renewed-push-to-reform-law-on-drivers-license-suspensions\" target=\"_blank\"> are taking note\u003c/a> -- Sen. Robert M. Hertzberg (D-Van Nuys) is exploring legislation to tackle the problem, and San Francisco Supervisor John Avalos recently called for a hearing to explore driver's license suspensions and their impact on low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261258383/Not-Just-a-Ferguson-Problem-How-Traffic-Courts-Drive-Inequality-in-California\" target=\"_blank\">Read the report\u003c/a>\u003c/em>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[scribd id=261258383 key=key-7DMtUEfHLXmvmJ9grYhS mode=scroll]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maybe California isn't so far from Ferguson, Missouri, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scathing report released by a civil rights group today says the Golden State's structure of spiraling court fees and fines -- which tend to disproportionately affect poor Californians -- are \"chillingly similar\" to \u003ca href=\"http://www.justice.gov/opa/speech/attorney-general-holder-delivers-update-investigations-ferguson-missouri\" target=\"_blank\">practices in Ferguson recently slammed by federal justice officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, by the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights in San Francisco, concludes that \"a litany of practices and policies in California turn a citation offense into a poverty sentence.\" The group found that more than 4 million Californians have lost their driver's licenses because they failed to appear in court or pay a citation -- some of which have nothing to do with driving at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/199860203&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/199860203'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This has created a major barrier to employment for folks,\" said Lawyers' Committee attorney Meredith Desautels. \"When someone's license is suspended as a result of them not being able to pay a fine, it becomes a poverty trap -- they can't get a job because they can't pay their fine, and they can't pay their fine because their license is suspended.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report includes the story of Andrew, a 22-year-old single father and mechanic who had an installment payment plan to pay off some traffic tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A few months into the payments, his two-year-old son was diagnosed with leukemia,\" the report reads. \"As his son’s sole caretaker, Andrew had to leave his job to care for his son. His sudden loss of income meant that he could not meet the terms of his payment plan, and the court suspended his driver’s license. His fines were handed off to a collections agency, with an extra $300 'civil assessment' tacked on for his 'failure to pay' as planned. Andrew needed to travel over 25 miles to and from chemotherapy treatments several times a week without a car, and he was terrified to bring his immuno-compromised 2-year-old on the bus. The court refused to hear his case unless he paid the full fine amount, and he was told he could not get a license until the full amount of fines and fees was paid, even if he resumed making installment payments.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desautels says the report doesn't address serious criminal offenders, but normal people who violate minor laws. Fees and fines are being assessed for low-level offenses -- a broken tail light, speeding, jaywalking . But what looks like a $100 ticket comes with some hefty add-ons: Once you tack on all the automatic state and county fees, that $100 total jumps to $490. If you miss your court date or deadline to pay, the fine jumps again, to $815.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a person doesn't have $490, they probably don't have $815, Desautels said -- and if they don't pay, they are likely to have their license suspended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compounding these woes, she said, after individuals lose their licenses, courts are often unwilling to schedule a hearing with a judge until the fines are paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report notes that budget shortfalls in recent years have caused public agencies to raise fees and to increasingly rely on them to balance their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Lawyer’s Committee recommends a change to state law so that authorities no longer use license suspensions as a collection tool for citation-related debt -- and says the change should be retroactive. The group also recommends reducing current fees by 50 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some public officials in San Francisco and Sacramento\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/02/renewed-push-to-reform-law-on-drivers-license-suspensions\" target=\"_blank\"> are taking note\u003c/a> -- Sen. Robert M. Hertzberg (D-Van Nuys) is exploring legislation to tackle the problem, and San Francisco Supervisor John Avalos recently called for a hearing to explore driver's license suspensions and their impact on low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261258383/Not-Just-a-Ferguson-Problem-How-Traffic-Courts-Drive-Inequality-in-California\" target=\"_blank\">Read the report\u003c/a>\u003c/em>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ciframe\n class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\"\n src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/261258383/content?start_page=1&view_mode=&access_key=key-7DMtUEfHLXmvmJ9grYhS\"\n title=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/261258383\"\n data-auto-height=\"true\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"scribd_261258383\"\n width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n \u003ca class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__scribdShortcode__scribd_footer\"\n href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/261258383\"\n target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">View this document on Scribd\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Package of Bills Seeks to Protect Undocumented Immigrants in State",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in Sacramento made one thing crystal clear Tuesday as they\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dTy2nTDovFA\"> touted a package of 10 bills \u003c/a>aimed at expanding the rights of undocumented Californians: They are doing this because Congress will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President pro Tem Kevin de León said the bills, which would expand legal rights and protections to the state's estimated 2.5 million undocumented immigrants, are the \"direct reflection of the brokenness of Washington, D.C.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a reflection of the dereliction of duty of these members of Congress -- either their intellectual laziness or lack of work ethic on this issue,\" said de León (D-Los Angeles). \"Today we remind the rest of the nation that California is different -- we respect immigrants and recognize the contributions they have made to this state. From the very beginning, we have served as a model for the country.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills tackle a wide range of issues, including health care access, civil rights protections, due process for those accused of crimes and help for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, said Angie Junck, an attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, the proposed laws will \"right many wrongs that currently exist in the federal immigration system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These bills will help ensure that immigrant children will have protections that they need to grow up safe and free from violence and neglect,\" she said. \"They will help ensure that immigrants have access to fair, honest and competent legal representation when they need it. And they will help ensure that immigrants aren’t punished unfairly for offenses they have already faced justice for.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the proposals:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_10_bill_20141201_introduced.pdf\">SB10\u003c/a> would create an Office of New Americans under the governor to coordinate immigration programs and services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_4_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB4 \u003c/a>would expand health care coverage to undocumented immigrants; it would require a waiver from the federal government to enact.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0601-0650/ab_622_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB622 \u003c/a>would prohibit employers from using the federal E-Verify system to see if a person is here legally, unless the business owner must do so under federal law.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0551-0600/sb_600_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB600 \u003c/a>would make it illegal for businesses to discriminate on the basis of immigration status, citizenship and language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0051-0100/ab_60_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v96.pdf\">AB60 \u003c/a>would protect people from paying in advance for services related to federal immigration reform that has yet to be enacted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_674_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">SB674 \u003c/a>would require law enforcement to help undocumented victims of crime apply for a U-Visa.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli> \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_899_bill_20150226_introduced.pdf\">AB899 \u003c/a>would protect state juvenile court records from immigration authorities unless they secured a court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1301-1350/ab_1343_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB1343\u003c/a> would require defense attorneys to tell clients when their actions, such as accepting a plea deal, could result in deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_900_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB900 \u003c/a>would help more juveniles apply for a special humanitarian visa and stay in the U.S.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1351-1400/ab_1352_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">AB1352\u003c/a> would wipe the criminal record of undocumented immigrants who avoided criminal prosecution for drug possession by going to treatment, letting them avoid deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) said the package is a heavy lift, even in California, but she expects bipartisan support on at least some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why? Because what affects California affects every single one of us,\" she said, adding she has heard too many stories of families being ripped apart by deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are hard-working individuals who just want an opportunity … this is the right thing to do and if we thought this were easy, it would be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers in Sacramento made one thing crystal clear Tuesday as they\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dTy2nTDovFA\"> touted a package of 10 bills \u003c/a>aimed at expanding the rights of undocumented Californians: They are doing this because Congress will not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate President pro Tem Kevin de León said the bills, which would expand legal rights and protections to the state's estimated 2.5 million undocumented immigrants, are the \"direct reflection of the brokenness of Washington, D.C.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a reflection of the dereliction of duty of these members of Congress -- either their intellectual laziness or lack of work ethic on this issue,\" said de León (D-Los Angeles). \"Today we remind the rest of the nation that California is different -- we respect immigrants and recognize the contributions they have made to this state. From the very beginning, we have served as a model for the country.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills tackle a wide range of issues, including health care access, civil rights protections, due process for those accused of crimes and help for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, said Angie Junck, an attorney with the Immigrant Legal Resource Center in San Francisco, the proposed laws will \"right many wrongs that currently exist in the federal immigration system.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These bills will help ensure that immigrant children will have protections that they need to grow up safe and free from violence and neglect,\" she said. \"They will help ensure that immigrants have access to fair, honest and competent legal representation when they need it. And they will help ensure that immigrants aren’t punished unfairly for offenses they have already faced justice for.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the proposals:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_10_bill_20141201_introduced.pdf\">SB10\u003c/a> would create an Office of New Americans under the governor to coordinate immigration programs and services.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0001-0050/sb_4_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB4 \u003c/a>would expand health care coverage to undocumented immigrants; it would require a waiver from the federal government to enact.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0601-0650/ab_622_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB622 \u003c/a>would prohibit employers from using the federal E-Verify system to see if a person is here legally, unless the business owner must do so under federal law.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0551-0600/sb_600_bill_20150406_amended_sen_v98.pdf\">SB600 \u003c/a>would make it illegal for businesses to discriminate on the basis of immigration status, citizenship and language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0051-0100/ab_60_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v96.pdf\">AB60 \u003c/a>would protect people from paying in advance for services related to federal immigration reform that has yet to be enacted.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_674_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">SB674 \u003c/a>would require law enforcement to help undocumented victims of crime apply for a U-Visa.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli> \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_899_bill_20150226_introduced.pdf\">AB899 \u003c/a>would protect state juvenile court records from immigration authorities unless they secured a court order.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1301-1350/ab_1343_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB1343\u003c/a> would require defense attorneys to tell clients when their actions, such as accepting a plea deal, could result in deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0851-0900/ab_900_bill_20150326_amended_asm_v98.pdf\">AB900 \u003c/a>would help more juveniles apply for a special humanitarian visa and stay in the U.S.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_1351-1400/ab_1352_bill_20150227_introduced.pdf\">AB1352\u003c/a> would wipe the criminal record of undocumented immigrants who avoided criminal prosecution for drug possession by going to treatment, letting them avoid deportation.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) said the package is a heavy lift, even in California, but she expects bipartisan support on at least some of the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Why? Because what affects California affects every single one of us,\" she said, adding she has heard too many stories of families being ripped apart by deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are hard-working individuals who just want an opportunity … this is the right thing to do and if we thought this were easy, it would be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It has become an annual ritual in Sacramento: watching the daily tally from millions of taxpayers handing over their cash, a tally that largely sets the course for many of the year's political and policy debates in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as those tax dollars start to trickle in to the California Franchise Tax Board, the general consensus is that the state is headed for another year of better-than-expected revenues. After years of deep fiscal holes, the state treasury will likely soon be home to a mound of moolah that's a few billion dollars higher than expected in projections made by Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"April may give us an indication of how many billions we are talking about,\" said Jason Sisney of the independent Legislative Analyst's Office (LAO) and one of California's leading fiscal experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, projections from both the LAO and the governor's budget team show a windfall of at least $2 billion in the fiscal year that ends on June 30. While unexpected, it was hardly a surprise; California's economy has gradually been revving back up from its recession depths, and Brown has made conservative fiscal forecasting one of his trademarks since returning as governor in 2011. In other words, Californians are earning more and paying more in taxes ... but the governor has kept expectations so modest that the windfalls have almost become predictable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it's good news. Through the end of February, cash revenues collected by state agencies totaled $633 million more than forecast. Early March data, said LAO's Sisney, show cash totals ahead of projections by \"hundreds of millions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which brings us to April, one of the two biggest months for the state to collect enough tax revenues to fund a projected $113.3 billion general fund for the fiscal year that begins on July 1. (The other big month: June, based in part on changes made during the depths of the budget crisis to the system for quarterly tax filers.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor's proposed 2015-16 state budget expects that April tax returns will bring in almost $12.3 billion from personal income taxes. That's the projection of the month's net proceeds, which means the state has to subtract refunds from the money that comes in. But in terms of just cash that comes in the door, look for the totals to peak right around the magic date of April 15. In 2014, the biggest single day was actually April 16 -- where the one day's gross tax collections amounted to $2.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So all of this means more money for all kinds of programs (or, some would hope, tax refunds), right? Probably not. And here's where things get complicated. For months, budget experts have been warning that a windfall will do little to boost available revenues for lots of state services. Under the complex formulas in the state constitution (created through \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm\" target=\"_blank\">1988's Proposition 98\u003c/a>), the expected $2 billion windfall will largely be earmarked for K-12 schools and community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And other obligations are also going to get a first call on any extra cash, Sisney said. They include \u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/2/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 2\u003c/a>, the enhanced budget reserve fund approved by voters last fall, and automatic payoffs of money owed to local governments from years gone by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The growing complexity of California's intertwined budget formulas mean that many different scenarios are possible,\" Sisney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But keep in mind that the rules are malleable in many cases, subject to the forces of Capitol politics. The Prop. 98 school funding formulas, in particular, have become a bit of a budget \u003ca href=\"http://toped.svefoundation.org/2012/01/11/browns-prop-98-contortion/\" target=\"_blank\">\"black box,\"\u003c/a> where the bottom line is that the rules are whatever are agreed to by political leaders and powerful education interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative Democrats believe, as they have now for several years, that the state needs to restore some of the programmatic cutbacks made during the Great Recession. And this year, they've largely shifted their tactics from defending the poor to promoting fairness and equity. Their challenge, though, has long been to convince Brown to go along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the news from this April is likely to be good when it comes to giving state leaders choices. California's growing workforce is sending more tax dollars than ever to Sacramento. Taxpayers may wish they could skip the month of April, but in the state's capital city, it's bigger than the Oscars.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It has become an annual ritual in Sacramento: watching the daily tally from millions of taxpayers handing over their cash, a tally that largely sets the course for many of the year's political and policy debates in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as those tax dollars start to trickle in to the California Franchise Tax Board, the general consensus is that the state is headed for another year of better-than-expected revenues. After years of deep fiscal holes, the state treasury will likely soon be home to a mound of moolah that's a few billion dollars higher than expected in projections made by Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"April may give us an indication of how many billions we are talking about,\" said Jason Sisney of the independent Legislative Analyst's Office (LAO) and one of California's leading fiscal experts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far this year, projections from both the LAO and the governor's budget team show a windfall of at least $2 billion in the fiscal year that ends on June 30. While unexpected, it was hardly a surprise; California's economy has gradually been revving back up from its recession depths, and Brown has made conservative fiscal forecasting one of his trademarks since returning as governor in 2011. In other words, Californians are earning more and paying more in taxes ... but the governor has kept expectations so modest that the windfalls have almost become predictable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it's good news. Through the end of February, cash revenues collected by state agencies totaled $633 million more than forecast. Early March data, said LAO's Sisney, show cash totals ahead of projections by \"hundreds of millions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which brings us to April, one of the two biggest months for the state to collect enough tax revenues to fund a projected $113.3 billion general fund for the fiscal year that begins on July 1. (The other big month: June, based in part on changes made during the depths of the budget crisis to the system for quarterly tax filers.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor's proposed 2015-16 state budget expects that April tax returns will bring in almost $12.3 billion from personal income taxes. That's the projection of the month's net proceeds, which means the state has to subtract refunds from the money that comes in. But in terms of just cash that comes in the door, look for the totals to peak right around the magic date of April 15. In 2014, the biggest single day was actually April 16 -- where the one day's gross tax collections amounted to $2.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So all of this means more money for all kinds of programs (or, some would hope, tax refunds), right? Probably not. And here's where things get complicated. For months, budget experts have been warning that a windfall will do little to boost available revenues for lots of state services. Under the complex formulas in the state constitution (created through \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/2005/prop_98_primer/prop_98_primer_020805.htm\" target=\"_blank\">1988's Proposition 98\u003c/a>), the expected $2 billion windfall will largely be earmarked for K-12 schools and community colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And other obligations are also going to get a first call on any extra cash, Sisney said. They include \u003ca href=\"http://www.voterguide.sos.ca.gov/en/propositions/2/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 2\u003c/a>, the enhanced budget reserve fund approved by voters last fall, and automatic payoffs of money owed to local governments from years gone by.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The growing complexity of California's intertwined budget formulas mean that many different scenarios are possible,\" Sisney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But keep in mind that the rules are malleable in many cases, subject to the forces of Capitol politics. The Prop. 98 school funding formulas, in particular, have become a bit of a budget \u003ca href=\"http://toped.svefoundation.org/2012/01/11/browns-prop-98-contortion/\" target=\"_blank\">\"black box,\"\u003c/a> where the bottom line is that the rules are whatever are agreed to by political leaders and powerful education interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative Democrats believe, as they have now for several years, that the state needs to restore some of the programmatic cutbacks made during the Great Recession. And this year, they've largely shifted their tactics from defending the poor to promoting fairness and equity. Their challenge, though, has long been to convince Brown to go along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the news from this April is likely to be good when it comes to giving state leaders choices. California's growing workforce is sending more tax dollars than ever to Sacramento. Taxpayers may wish they could skip the month of April, but in the state's capital city, it's bigger than the Oscars.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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}
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"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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