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"disqusTitle": "Five With a Fistful of Dollars for 2014 California Elections",
"title": "Five With a Fistful of Dollars for 2014 California Elections",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It's no secret that successful political campaigns are almost always driven by money. And lest you think that's a new thing, consider that one of California's most famous political maxims -- that \"money is the mother's milk of politics\" -- was first uttered by the state's legendary politico \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jesse_M._Unruh\" target=\"_blank\">Jesse Unruh\u003c/a> back in \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,872928,00.html\" target=\"_blank\">1962\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, more than ever, it's a system dominated by big money from wealthy individuals. Some are well known, others you've never heard of. No state, it seems, has more wealthy players than California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case in point: five people (four people, actually, and one family) whose combined California campaign contributions for 2014 now surpass $18.2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's not all. Dig deep down inside the archives of campaign finance records and you'll find these VIPs have collectively spent -- drum roll, please -- some $95 million in an attempt to influence local, regional, and statewide political races since 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our sample isn't scientific, but rather a glimpse into the world of big donor politics. And so the five with a fistful of dollars, ordered by the size of their political wallets...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>1. \u003cstrong>Charlie Munger, $69.8 million\u003c/strong>: The lion's share of this elite group's spending comes from just one man, whose own money largely came from his father. Charles T. Munger, Jr. is the son of \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/profile/charles-munger/\" target=\"_blank\">Charles T. Munger, Sr.\u003c/a>, the longtime business partner of investor Warren Buffett. The younger Munger is a Palo Alto physicist whose political donations, per state records, began in 2005. A Republican who wrote checks to help advance the agenda of former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, Munger was best known in the early years as the champion of changes to the once-a-decade system of political redistricting (which happened through successful \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_11,_Creation_of_the_California_Citizens_Redistricting_Commission_(2008)\" target=\"_blank\">2008\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_20,_Congressional_Redistricting_(2010)\" target=\"_blank\">2010\u003c/a> statewide initiatives he bankrolled, and ones \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/capitalnotes/2009/09/03/redistricting-redux-congress/\" target=\"_blank\">for which I first interviewed him back in 2009\u003c/a>). Perhaps it was that electoral success that prompted Charlie Munger to think bigger, as he began to write six and seven figure checks to state GOP committees, culminating in a $43 million losing battle in 2012 to help defeat Gov. Jerry Brown's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/30/long-term-debate-over-Jerry-Brown-temporary-tax-Proposition-30/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 30\u003c/a> (which won) and pass a limit on union political power, \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_32,_the_%22Paycheck_Protection%22_Initiative_(2012)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 32\u003c/a> (which lost). Munger has also spent generously on legislative races via \u003ca href=\"http://spiritofdemocracyamerica.com/\" target=\"_blank\">his own political action committee\u003c/a>, as well as a Republican voter registration drive (which led to \u003ca href=\"http://www.chatsports.com/anaheim-ducks/a/Riverside-County-GOP-registration-surge-raises-questions-of-fraud-0-6553873\" target=\"_blank\">accusations that some of the registered had their party preference switched without consent\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, records show that Munger has spent \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1277366&session=2013&view=late2\" target=\"_blank\">a little more than $7 million\u003c/a>, mostly on Republican party operations and candidates. All of this political spending recently earned the spotlight averse Californian some national media attention: \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/10/11/opinion/sunday/top-twelve-political-donors-in-twelve-years.html\" target=\"_blank\">number five on the New York Times' list of national big players over the past twelve years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>2. \u003cstrong>The Family of Don Fisher, $12.35 million\u003c/strong>: This isn't an individual, though it does begin with an individual -- the founder of the Gap, \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/29/business/29fisher.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">Donald G. Fisher\u003c/a>, who died in 2009. Fisher was a San Francisco native whose donations over the years made clear his passion for politics even as he went on to create a multibillion dollar clothing empire. Fisher was a Republican, but supported candidates across the spectrum, though campaign finance records make clear that business groups and causes were tops on the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $3.4 million in contributions by Fisher were reported just since 2002, an additional $2.4 million given jointly with his wife, \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/profile/doris-fisher/\" target=\"_blank\">Doris\u003c/a>. She is an active political player in her own right, having spent more than $3.6 million this decade, $1.5 million of it this year on causes ranging from Gov. Jerry Brown's campaign for \u003ca href=\"http://www.yesonprops1and2.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 1 and Proposition 2\u003c/a> to a big independent expenditure effort in support of state schools chief challenger \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article2620708.html\" target=\"_blank\">Marshall Tuck\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there are the Fisher children, the next generation of big spenders on California politics: Robert Fisher, John Fisher and wife Laura, William Fisher and wife Sakurako. Their causes vary, but common themes include support of groups who want education reform; moderate Republicans; environmental causes (especially opposition to \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_23,_the_Suspension_of_AB_32_(2010)\" target=\"_blank\">a 2010 initiative that would have rolled back the state's climate change law\u003c/a>); and the political efforts of Governor Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(It should be noted that Brown and the Fisher family have some fascinating back stories. Not only was First Lady \u003ca href=\"http://archive.news10.net/news/article/245562/2/Californias-First-Lady-comfortable-with-role-not-title\" target=\"_blank\">Anne Gust Brown\u003c/a> a long time Gap Inc. executive, but some \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2013/oct/24/local/la-me-pc-secret-donors-california-initiatives-20131024\" target=\"_blank\">journalistic sleuthing of redacted files in 2013 suggested that some Fisher family members handed over about $9 million\u003c/a> -- money not tracked by campaign records and thus not part of our total -- to \u003ca href=\"http://archive.news10.net/news/article/261647/525/State-levies-16-million-fine-over-2012-mystery-campaign-cash\" target=\"_blank\">an opaque effort to kill the governor's Prop. 30 and also pass Prop. 32 in 2012\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, the Fisher children have spent about $2.15 million on California politics in 2014 alone. And for a Bay Area based family, it's noteworthy that this includes contributions down south, to the Los Angeles County supervisor's race for Kennedy cousin \u003ca href=\"http://www.bobbyshriver.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Bobby Shriver\u003c/a> and a Santa Monica state senate candidate (who we'll get to in a moment).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>3. \u003cstrong>Bill Bloomfield, $7.8 million\u003c/strong>: No one on this list offers a better example in 2014 of the power of independent political contributions than Manhattan Beach businessman William Bloomfield, Jr. A contributor to mainly Republican political causes in California since at least 2005 (per state records), Bloomfield ran for office himself in 2012 -- \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailybreeze.com/government-and-politics/20121107/33rd-congressional-district-henry-waxman-survives-challenge-from-bill-bloomfield\" target=\"_blank\">challenging longtime U.S. Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Beverly Hills) in a newly drawn LA congressional district\u003c/a>. Bloomfield lost, but has remained engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the real estate investor has spent close to $5.8 million -- more than double the amount of money he's ever spent on statewide issues -- trying to help elect two men: Marshall Tuck in the race for state superintendent of public instruction, and Ben Allen as a state senator from Santa Monica. The money has been donated to independent committees -- the unlimited and legal avenue for big bucks, given the low contribution limits for donations given directly to Tuck or Allen's campaigns. Tuck is a Democrat who's received the backing of a lot of Republicans in this election cycle. Allen (who, as mentioned earlier, has also received help from the Fisher family) is a particularly interesting choice for the former Republican millionaire Bloomfield, as the Democrat is generally considered a left-of-center candidate in \u003ca href=\"http://www.jewishjournal.com/cover_story/article/school_board_member_allen_battles_womens_rights_activist_fluke_for_district\" target=\"_blank\">an intraparty state Senate race with national activist Sandra Fluke\u003c/a>. Bloomfield's wife, Susan, has also written campaign checks in 2014, though for a much more modest amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomfield \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-newton-column-fluke-allen-campaign-money-20141027-column.html\" target=\"_blank\">has been taking some heat for the big money\u003c/a> (now closing in on $3 million to help Allen and another $300,000 over the weekend in support of Tuck), and responded \u003ca href=\"http://www.billbloomfield.com/why-we-do-this-oct-27-2014/\" target=\"_blank\">on his website last week\u003c/a> to that criticism:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Until our campaign finance system is overhauled, we are trying to level the playing field for smart, ethical, good government type candidates who refuse to be part of the \"pay to play\" system that funnels cash from special interests who want favorable action from the government in return.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And a common thread with others on this list who lean Republican: Bloomfield was a financial supporter of Arnold Schwarzenegger, as well as the ex-governor's causes to change redistricting and the political primary process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>4. \u003cstrong>Michael Bloomberg, $2.57 million\u003c/strong>: Okay, so he's a New Yorker. Still, former New York mayor Michael Bloomberg has started making bigger and bigger plays in California politics, especially in 2014. The billionaire politician, whose \u003ca href=\"http://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/in-politics-mayor-bloomberg-operates-as-a-party-of-one/2012/08/09/0e5950be-e241-11e1-98e7-89d659f9c106_story.html\" target=\"_blank\">disdain for the major political parties seemed to grow by the year while in office\u003c/a>, now spends money on issues and races outside the Empire State where he thinks he can make a difference. In 2014, Bloomberg has focused more than $1.4 million in California on two things in particular: schools and soda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On schools, Bloomberg has joined others on this list to fund the independent expenditure campaign in support of schools chief candidate Marshall Tuck (and these contributions are proof, allege supporters of incumbent Tom Torlakson, that \u003ca href=\"https://talkingunion.wordpress.com/2014/10/25/millionaires-try-to-defeat-teachers-unions-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\">wealthy donors who dislike teachers unions\u003c/a> are trying to reshape schools). On soda, an issue he lost on in the Big City, the ex-mayor has jumped in with gusto to support to imposition of a local tax on sugary beverages in Berkeley, chipping in more than $647,000 so far -- a huge amount when it comes to a local ballot measure. In the past, Bloomberg has written checks in support of initiatives to boost California's cigarette tax (both were defeated) and even some legislative and local school board races. He may live in the City That Never Sleeps, but more and more his dollars are headed west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>5. \u003cstrong>Laurene Powell Jobs, $1.6 million\u003c/strong>: The wife of the late Apple impresario Steve Jobs makes the list not so much because of total dollars as the causes in which she seeks to engage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jobs had barely given any noticeable money to state political campaigns ($196, 000 over three election cycles) before 2010, when she wrote a $200,000 check to the campaign to defend California's climate change law and \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/climatewatch/2010/11/03/prop-23-lands-with-a-thud/\" target=\"_blank\">help defeat that year's Proposition 23\u003c/a>. Before that, Powell Jobs had stuck to fights against parental notification for a teen's abortion and support of \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_82,_Free_Half-Day_Public_Preschool_Program_(June_2006)\" target=\"_blank\">a universal preschool initiative that ultimately fizzled\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Powell Jobs has thrown the weight of her checkbook behind a candidate for schools chief. Guess which one? Yes, a $500,000 contribution to the independent effort for Tuck. She also supports the Shriver candidacy for L.A. supervisor; and she's put $100,000 into the \u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/sacramento/ballot-measures/2014/november/measure-l#.VFQHaVPF_gN\" target=\"_blank\">'strong mayor' ballot measure\u003c/a> in the city of Sacramento. The mayor, Kevin Johnson, has earned her financial support in his previous campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are, by no means, the only wealthy men and women whose checkbooks open wide for causes they care about in the world of California politics. And there are some common threads here -- most notably, the support for some kind of reworking of the state's education system. In particular, three people on the list -- Michael Bloomberg, Laurene Powell Jobs, and Doris Fisher -- have all spent money trying to elect men and women to local school boards, with Powell Jobs and Fisher both backers of \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/Los_Angeles_Unified_School_District_elections_(2013)#Coalition_for_School_Reform\" target=\"_blank\">a Los Angeles coalition in 2013\u003c/a> that saw two of three candidates defeated. Members of the Fisher family have been big donors to the advocacy nonprofit EdVoice, a group engaged in debates ranging from new teacher dismissal rules to charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 2014 has marked a big shift in their collective political engagement. Set aside Munger's explosion of 2012 cash and this has been the most active election cycle yet for this group of elite donors. The next question, of course: is 2014 an anomaly, or will they open their wallets even wider in 2016?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NOTE: This list only covers campaign money for state races and issues, as researched in the \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">online files of the California secretary of state\u003c/a>. It does \u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">not\u003c/span> cover money these individuals may have given to federal candidates or political action committees, as that money may not necessarily translate into attempting to influence the political conversation in the Golden State.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Here are the biggest players in a campaign finance system dominated by wealthy individuals.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It's no secret that successful political campaigns are almost always driven by money. And lest you think that's a new thing, consider that one of California's most famous political maxims -- that \"money is the mother's milk of politics\" -- was first uttered by the state's legendary politico \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jesse_M._Unruh\" target=\"_blank\">Jesse Unruh\u003c/a> back in \u003ca href=\"http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,872928,00.html\" target=\"_blank\">1962\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, more than ever, it's a system dominated by big money from wealthy individuals. Some are well known, others you've never heard of. No state, it seems, has more wealthy players than California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case in point: five people (four people, actually, and one family) whose combined California campaign contributions for 2014 now surpass $18.2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's not all. Dig deep down inside the archives of campaign finance records and you'll find these VIPs have collectively spent -- drum roll, please -- some $95 million in an attempt to influence local, regional, and statewide political races since 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our sample isn't scientific, but rather a glimpse into the world of big donor politics. And so the five with a fistful of dollars, ordered by the size of their political wallets...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>1. \u003cstrong>Charlie Munger, $69.8 million\u003c/strong>: The lion's share of this elite group's spending comes from just one man, whose own money largely came from his father. Charles T. Munger, Jr. is the son of \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/profile/charles-munger/\" target=\"_blank\">Charles T. Munger, Sr.\u003c/a>, the longtime business partner of investor Warren Buffett. The younger Munger is a Palo Alto physicist whose political donations, per state records, began in 2005. A Republican who wrote checks to help advance the agenda of former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, Munger was best known in the early years as the champion of changes to the once-a-decade system of political redistricting (which happened through successful \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_11,_Creation_of_the_California_Citizens_Redistricting_Commission_(2008)\" target=\"_blank\">2008\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_20,_Congressional_Redistricting_(2010)\" target=\"_blank\">2010\u003c/a> statewide initiatives he bankrolled, and ones \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/capitalnotes/2009/09/03/redistricting-redux-congress/\" target=\"_blank\">for which I first interviewed him back in 2009\u003c/a>). Perhaps it was that electoral success that prompted Charlie Munger to think bigger, as he began to write six and seven figure checks to state GOP committees, culminating in a $43 million losing battle in 2012 to help defeat Gov. Jerry Brown's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/30/long-term-debate-over-Jerry-Brown-temporary-tax-Proposition-30/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 30\u003c/a> (which won) and pass a limit on union political power, \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_32,_the_%22Paycheck_Protection%22_Initiative_(2012)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 32\u003c/a> (which lost). Munger has also spent generously on legislative races via \u003ca href=\"http://spiritofdemocracyamerica.com/\" target=\"_blank\">his own political action committee\u003c/a>, as well as a Republican voter registration drive (which led to \u003ca href=\"http://www.chatsports.com/anaheim-ducks/a/Riverside-County-GOP-registration-surge-raises-questions-of-fraud-0-6553873\" target=\"_blank\">accusations that some of the registered had their party preference switched without consent\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, records show that Munger has spent \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1277366&session=2013&view=late2\" target=\"_blank\">a little more than $7 million\u003c/a>, mostly on Republican party operations and candidates. All of this political spending recently earned the spotlight averse Californian some national media attention: \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2014/10/11/opinion/sunday/top-twelve-political-donors-in-twelve-years.html\" target=\"_blank\">number five on the New York Times' list of national big players over the past twelve years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>2. \u003cstrong>The Family of Don Fisher, $12.35 million\u003c/strong>: This isn't an individual, though it does begin with an individual -- the founder of the Gap, \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/29/business/29fisher.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">Donald G. Fisher\u003c/a>, who died in 2009. Fisher was a San Francisco native whose donations over the years made clear his passion for politics even as he went on to create a multibillion dollar clothing empire. Fisher was a Republican, but supported candidates across the spectrum, though campaign finance records make clear that business groups and causes were tops on the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $3.4 million in contributions by Fisher were reported just since 2002, an additional $2.4 million given jointly with his wife, \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/profile/doris-fisher/\" target=\"_blank\">Doris\u003c/a>. She is an active political player in her own right, having spent more than $3.6 million this decade, $1.5 million of it this year on causes ranging from Gov. Jerry Brown's campaign for \u003ca href=\"http://www.yesonprops1and2.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 1 and Proposition 2\u003c/a> to a big independent expenditure effort in support of state schools chief challenger \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/article2620708.html\" target=\"_blank\">Marshall Tuck\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there are the Fisher children, the next generation of big spenders on California politics: Robert Fisher, John Fisher and wife Laura, William Fisher and wife Sakurako. Their causes vary, but common themes include support of groups who want education reform; moderate Republicans; environmental causes (especially opposition to \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_23,_the_Suspension_of_AB_32_(2010)\" target=\"_blank\">a 2010 initiative that would have rolled back the state's climate change law\u003c/a>); and the political efforts of Governor Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(It should be noted that Brown and the Fisher family have some fascinating back stories. Not only was First Lady \u003ca href=\"http://archive.news10.net/news/article/245562/2/Californias-First-Lady-comfortable-with-role-not-title\" target=\"_blank\">Anne Gust Brown\u003c/a> a long time Gap Inc. executive, but some \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2013/oct/24/local/la-me-pc-secret-donors-california-initiatives-20131024\" target=\"_blank\">journalistic sleuthing of redacted files in 2013 suggested that some Fisher family members handed over about $9 million\u003c/a> -- money not tracked by campaign records and thus not part of our total -- to \u003ca href=\"http://archive.news10.net/news/article/261647/525/State-levies-16-million-fine-over-2012-mystery-campaign-cash\" target=\"_blank\">an opaque effort to kill the governor's Prop. 30 and also pass Prop. 32 in 2012\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, the Fisher children have spent about $2.15 million on California politics in 2014 alone. And for a Bay Area based family, it's noteworthy that this includes contributions down south, to the Los Angeles County supervisor's race for Kennedy cousin \u003ca href=\"http://www.bobbyshriver.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Bobby Shriver\u003c/a> and a Santa Monica state senate candidate (who we'll get to in a moment).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>3. \u003cstrong>Bill Bloomfield, $7.8 million\u003c/strong>: No one on this list offers a better example in 2014 of the power of independent political contributions than Manhattan Beach businessman William Bloomfield, Jr. A contributor to mainly Republican political causes in California since at least 2005 (per state records), Bloomfield ran for office himself in 2012 -- \u003ca href=\"http://www.dailybreeze.com/government-and-politics/20121107/33rd-congressional-district-henry-waxman-survives-challenge-from-bill-bloomfield\" target=\"_blank\">challenging longtime U.S. Rep. Henry Waxman (D-Beverly Hills) in a newly drawn LA congressional district\u003c/a>. Bloomfield lost, but has remained engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, the real estate investor has spent close to $5.8 million -- more than double the amount of money he's ever spent on statewide issues -- trying to help elect two men: Marshall Tuck in the race for state superintendent of public instruction, and Ben Allen as a state senator from Santa Monica. The money has been donated to independent committees -- the unlimited and legal avenue for big bucks, given the low contribution limits for donations given directly to Tuck or Allen's campaigns. Tuck is a Democrat who's received the backing of a lot of Republicans in this election cycle. Allen (who, as mentioned earlier, has also received help from the Fisher family) is a particularly interesting choice for the former Republican millionaire Bloomfield, as the Democrat is generally considered a left-of-center candidate in \u003ca href=\"http://www.jewishjournal.com/cover_story/article/school_board_member_allen_battles_womens_rights_activist_fluke_for_district\" target=\"_blank\">an intraparty state Senate race with national activist Sandra Fluke\u003c/a>. Bloomfield's wife, Susan, has also written campaign checks in 2014, though for a much more modest amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bloomfield \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-newton-column-fluke-allen-campaign-money-20141027-column.html\" target=\"_blank\">has been taking some heat for the big money\u003c/a> (now closing in on $3 million to help Allen and another $300,000 over the weekend in support of Tuck), and responded \u003ca href=\"http://www.billbloomfield.com/why-we-do-this-oct-27-2014/\" target=\"_blank\">on his website last week\u003c/a> to that criticism:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Until our campaign finance system is overhauled, we are trying to level the playing field for smart, ethical, good government type candidates who refuse to be part of the \"pay to play\" system that funnels cash from special interests who want favorable action from the government in return.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And a common thread with others on this list who lean Republican: Bloomfield was a financial supporter of Arnold Schwarzenegger, as well as the ex-governor's causes to change redistricting and the political primary process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>4. \u003cstrong>Michael Bloomberg, $2.57 million\u003c/strong>: Okay, so he's a New Yorker. Still, former New York mayor Michael Bloomberg has started making bigger and bigger plays in California politics, especially in 2014. The billionaire politician, whose \u003ca href=\"http://www.washingtonpost.com/lifestyle/style/in-politics-mayor-bloomberg-operates-as-a-party-of-one/2012/08/09/0e5950be-e241-11e1-98e7-89d659f9c106_story.html\" target=\"_blank\">disdain for the major political parties seemed to grow by the year while in office\u003c/a>, now spends money on issues and races outside the Empire State where he thinks he can make a difference. In 2014, Bloomberg has focused more than $1.4 million in California on two things in particular: schools and soda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On schools, Bloomberg has joined others on this list to fund the independent expenditure campaign in support of schools chief candidate Marshall Tuck (and these contributions are proof, allege supporters of incumbent Tom Torlakson, that \u003ca href=\"https://talkingunion.wordpress.com/2014/10/25/millionaires-try-to-defeat-teachers-unions-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\">wealthy donors who dislike teachers unions\u003c/a> are trying to reshape schools). On soda, an issue he lost on in the Big City, the ex-mayor has jumped in with gusto to support to imposition of a local tax on sugary beverages in Berkeley, chipping in more than $647,000 so far -- a huge amount when it comes to a local ballot measure. In the past, Bloomberg has written checks in support of initiatives to boost California's cigarette tax (both were defeated) and even some legislative and local school board races. He may live in the City That Never Sleeps, but more and more his dollars are headed west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>5. \u003cstrong>Laurene Powell Jobs, $1.6 million\u003c/strong>: The wife of the late Apple impresario Steve Jobs makes the list not so much because of total dollars as the causes in which she seeks to engage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jobs had barely given any noticeable money to state political campaigns ($196, 000 over three election cycles) before 2010, when she wrote a $200,000 check to the campaign to defend California's climate change law and \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/climatewatch/2010/11/03/prop-23-lands-with-a-thud/\" target=\"_blank\">help defeat that year's Proposition 23\u003c/a>. Before that, Powell Jobs had stuck to fights against parental notification for a teen's abortion and support of \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_82,_Free_Half-Day_Public_Preschool_Program_(June_2006)\" target=\"_blank\">a universal preschool initiative that ultimately fizzled\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Powell Jobs has thrown the weight of her checkbook behind a candidate for schools chief. Guess which one? Yes, a $500,000 contribution to the independent effort for Tuck. She also supports the Shriver candidacy for L.A. supervisor; and she's put $100,000 into the \u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/sacramento/ballot-measures/2014/november/measure-l#.VFQHaVPF_gN\" target=\"_blank\">'strong mayor' ballot measure\u003c/a> in the city of Sacramento. The mayor, Kevin Johnson, has earned her financial support in his previous campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are, by no means, the only wealthy men and women whose checkbooks open wide for causes they care about in the world of California politics. And there are some common threads here -- most notably, the support for some kind of reworking of the state's education system. In particular, three people on the list -- Michael Bloomberg, Laurene Powell Jobs, and Doris Fisher -- have all spent money trying to elect men and women to local school boards, with Powell Jobs and Fisher both backers of \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/Los_Angeles_Unified_School_District_elections_(2013)#Coalition_for_School_Reform\" target=\"_blank\">a Los Angeles coalition in 2013\u003c/a> that saw two of three candidates defeated. Members of the Fisher family have been big donors to the advocacy nonprofit EdVoice, a group engaged in debates ranging from new teacher dismissal rules to charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, 2014 has marked a big shift in their collective political engagement. Set aside Munger's explosion of 2012 cash and this has been the most active election cycle yet for this group of elite donors. The next question, of course: is 2014 an anomaly, or will they open their wallets even wider in 2016?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>NOTE: This list only covers campaign money for state races and issues, as researched in the \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/default.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">online files of the California secretary of state\u003c/a>. It does \u003cspan style=\"text-decoration: underline\">not\u003c/span> cover money these individuals may have given to federal candidates or political action committees, as that money may not necessarily translate into attempting to influence the political conversation in the Golden State.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Long-Term Debate Over Jerry Brown's Short-Term Taxes",
"title": "Long-Term Debate Over Jerry Brown's Short-Term Taxes",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Even Jerry Brown's critics often concede that he's a skilled politician, and so no one should be surprised about one part of this, his final campaign for governor: He's not going to even suggest any additional taxes on Californians beyond those already on the books.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not be a problem now. But there's a debate on the horizon over the taxes he helped persuade voters to approve in 2012, one that may test his political and policy skills if he's re-elected on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I can imagine there will be some hesitancy on the part of the governor,\" says Joshua Pechthalt, president of the California Federation of Teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hesitancy: to go along with those who want to make 2012's temporary taxes permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a campaign that's both brief in its existence and broad in its promises for the next four years, the governor makes only passing references to Proposition 30, the 2012 initiative he championed that temporarily raised income taxes on the most wealthy and sales taxes on everyone in California. And those references are about funding for schools, the centerpiece of the Prop. 30 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/174558721\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Fiscal Lifeline\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our schools, instead of laying off 30,000 people, we're now increasing the funding available by 30 percent for all the kids,\" said Brown in this season's only gubernatorial debate on Sept. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The taxes collected under Prop. 30 have amounted to at least some $13 billion so far, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://trackprop30.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">state controller's website tracking the funds\u003c/a>. But the earmarking of those dollars for schools is only part of the story, as they helped provide a fiscal lifeline for the struggling state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"More money from a tax increase like Prop. 30 means more money for other programs,\" says Jason Sisney, deputy analyst for the independent Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's largely because the 2012 initiative scored all of the new tax revenues as counting toward California's constitutional guarantee for K-14 school funding. Money that might have otherwise have gone to schools could then go to other budget priorities, from social services to debt repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2012/30_11_2012.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">Prop. 30 increased personal income taxes\u003c/a> on single filers making more than $250,000 a year and joint filers earning more than $500,000 a year. It also raised the state portion of the sales tax a quarter-cent from 2013 through 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total tax revenue collected by Prop. 30 continues to grow. Data from the state Department of Finance peg the projected revenue from the initiative this fiscal year at $7.4 billion, peaking at almost $7.7 billion in the fiscal year that begins next July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after that, Prop. 30's tax dollars start to fade ... which is where the uncertainty lies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brown's Gamble On California's Recovery\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think of the dimmer switch on a light. It doesn't turn the light off suddenly, it allows the light to be slowly faded down. Prop. 30 operates much the same way with the temporary taxes, turning them off slowly between 2016 and 2018. That fading impact affects four successive budget years for state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The biggest variable,\" says LAO analyst Sisney, \"is the economic environment that the state is in as the taxes phase out.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If California's economy grows, the sunset on the Prop. 30 taxes may be mildly felt -- or not felt at all. But if the economy sputters or stalls, the absence of some $7 billion in state general fund revenues could cause a big blow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The state's revenue situation could be pretty bad,\" says Sisney of that scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For starters, the missing revenue could create more instability to school funding. The 2012 initiative did more than just temporarily raise some taxes; it also permanently transferred a portion of sales taxes to local governments to help finance Brown's 2011 realignment of public safety. Those sales tax revenues used to count toward setting the school funding levels ... but no longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some scenarios laid out by budget analysts, the expiring Prop. 30 taxes could make schools financially worse off than they would have been if the transferred sales tax dollars were kept by the state. In other scenarios, the school funding guarantee would be higher because of Prop. 30. But that higher level of base funding might -- if the economy suffers -- put pressure on funding for other state services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all of this, say some of Prop. 30's most vocal backers, is why the governor should embrace something different from what voters were told in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make Prop. 30 Taxes Permanent?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there's absolutely no reason why we shouldn't make Prop. 30 permanent,\" says teachers union president Pechthalt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The buzz over extending, or forever enshrining, the 2012 taxes began earlier this year and may hit a fever pitch when the new Legislature convenes in January. Key to the debate will be both the political muscle of tax supporters and the solid economic data, if any, about the impact of the taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, opponents of Proposition 30 warned that the temporary income and sales tax hike would impede California's economic recovery. Now the issue could simply be whether the current recovery would have been stronger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pechthalt argues that the past two years have shown growth and taxes are not incompatible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California has really set a model for the rest of the nation,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, however, would likely focus on the part of the Prop. 30 story not really emphasized in 2012 -- the breathing room the tax revenues create for other expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-tax activist Joel Fox \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxandhoundsdaily.com/2014/10/see-tax-increases-think-pensions/\" target=\"_blank\">wrote earlier this week that extending the Prop. 30 taxes\u003c/a> would simply make it easier to shore up underfunded public employee pensions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>When you see tax increases on the ballot think pension costs. Money in government budgets is fungible to some extent. If you cover specific agency costs with a tax increase, that frees up general fund money for other items, including pensions.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Whether the Legislature would consider extending the taxes, or making them permanent, is a function of the ballot box; Democrats may struggle next week to hold on to a supermajority of seats in each house, and losing that grip on power would all but kill any notion of action in the state Capitol (remember, tax increases require a two-thirds vote of both houses).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Brown has been adamant that voters should have the say on taxes. And he doesn't seem inclined to wage that campaign anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I said when I campaigned for Prop. 30 that it was a temporary tax,\" the governor told KQED's Scott Detrow earlier this week. \"So that's my belief. And I'm going to do everything I can to live within our means.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has prided himself in this, his third term as governor, at overseeing a relatively more lean state government and focusing extra money on paying off debts accumulated during the depths of California's fiscal crisis. A fourth term would likely see the same kind of approach, but the impact of the 2012 taxes fading away will force some kind of response -- an easier one if times are relatively good the next four years, a much more complicated one if the fiscal recovery slows down or stops.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even Jerry Brown's critics often concede that he's a skilled politician, and so no one should be surprised about one part of this, his final campaign for governor: He's not going to even suggest any additional taxes on Californians beyond those already on the books.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not be a problem now. But there's a debate on the horizon over the taxes he helped persuade voters to approve in 2012, one that may test his political and policy skills if he's re-elected on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I can imagine there will be some hesitancy on the part of the governor,\" says Joshua Pechthalt, president of the California Federation of Teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hesitancy: to go along with those who want to make 2012's temporary taxes permanent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a campaign that's both brief in its existence and broad in its promises for the next four years, the governor makes only passing references to Proposition 30, the 2012 initiative he championed that temporarily raised income taxes on the most wealthy and sales taxes on everyone in California. And those references are about funding for schools, the centerpiece of the Prop. 30 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/174558721&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/174558721'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Fiscal Lifeline\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our schools, instead of laying off 30,000 people, we're now increasing the funding available by 30 percent for all the kids,\" said Brown in this season's only gubernatorial debate on Sept. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The taxes collected under Prop. 30 have amounted to at least some $13 billion so far, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://trackprop30.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">state controller's website tracking the funds\u003c/a>. But the earmarking of those dollars for schools is only part of the story, as they helped provide a fiscal lifeline for the struggling state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"More money from a tax increase like Prop. 30 means more money for other programs,\" says Jason Sisney, deputy analyst for the independent Legislative Analyst's Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's largely because the 2012 initiative scored all of the new tax revenues as counting toward California's constitutional guarantee for K-14 school funding. Money that might have otherwise have gone to schools could then go to other budget priorities, from social services to debt repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2012/30_11_2012.aspx\" target=\"_blank\">Prop. 30 increased personal income taxes\u003c/a> on single filers making more than $250,000 a year and joint filers earning more than $500,000 a year. It also raised the state portion of the sales tax a quarter-cent from 2013 through 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The total tax revenue collected by Prop. 30 continues to grow. Data from the state Department of Finance peg the projected revenue from the initiative this fiscal year at $7.4 billion, peaking at almost $7.7 billion in the fiscal year that begins next July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after that, Prop. 30's tax dollars start to fade ... which is where the uncertainty lies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brown's Gamble On California's Recovery\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Think of the dimmer switch on a light. It doesn't turn the light off suddenly, it allows the light to be slowly faded down. Prop. 30 operates much the same way with the temporary taxes, turning them off slowly between 2016 and 2018. That fading impact affects four successive budget years for state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The biggest variable,\" says LAO analyst Sisney, \"is the economic environment that the state is in as the taxes phase out.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If California's economy grows, the sunset on the Prop. 30 taxes may be mildly felt -- or not felt at all. But if the economy sputters or stalls, the absence of some $7 billion in state general fund revenues could cause a big blow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The state's revenue situation could be pretty bad,\" says Sisney of that scenario.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For starters, the missing revenue could create more instability to school funding. The 2012 initiative did more than just temporarily raise some taxes; it also permanently transferred a portion of sales taxes to local governments to help finance Brown's 2011 realignment of public safety. Those sales tax revenues used to count toward setting the school funding levels ... but no longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some scenarios laid out by budget analysts, the expiring Prop. 30 taxes could make schools financially worse off than they would have been if the transferred sales tax dollars were kept by the state. In other scenarios, the school funding guarantee would be higher because of Prop. 30. But that higher level of base funding might -- if the economy suffers -- put pressure on funding for other state services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And all of this, say some of Prop. 30's most vocal backers, is why the governor should embrace something different from what voters were told in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make Prop. 30 Taxes Permanent?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think there's absolutely no reason why we shouldn't make Prop. 30 permanent,\" says teachers union president Pechthalt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The buzz over extending, or forever enshrining, the 2012 taxes began earlier this year and may hit a fever pitch when the new Legislature convenes in January. Key to the debate will be both the political muscle of tax supporters and the solid economic data, if any, about the impact of the taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, opponents of Proposition 30 warned that the temporary income and sales tax hike would impede California's economic recovery. Now the issue could simply be whether the current recovery would have been stronger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pechthalt argues that the past two years have shown growth and taxes are not incompatible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"California has really set a model for the rest of the nation,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, however, would likely focus on the part of the Prop. 30 story not really emphasized in 2012 -- the breathing room the tax revenues create for other expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anti-tax activist Joel Fox \u003ca href=\"http://www.foxandhoundsdaily.com/2014/10/see-tax-increases-think-pensions/\" target=\"_blank\">wrote earlier this week that extending the Prop. 30 taxes\u003c/a> would simply make it easier to shore up underfunded public employee pensions:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>When you see tax increases on the ballot think pension costs. Money in government budgets is fungible to some extent. If you cover specific agency costs with a tax increase, that frees up general fund money for other items, including pensions.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Whether the Legislature would consider extending the taxes, or making them permanent, is a function of the ballot box; Democrats may struggle next week to hold on to a supermajority of seats in each house, and losing that grip on power would all but kill any notion of action in the state Capitol (remember, tax increases require a two-thirds vote of both houses).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Brown has been adamant that voters should have the say on taxes. And he doesn't seem inclined to wage that campaign anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I said when I campaigned for Prop. 30 that it was a temporary tax,\" the governor told KQED's Scott Detrow earlier this week. \"So that's my belief. And I'm going to do everything I can to live within our means.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has prided himself in this, his third term as governor, at overseeing a relatively more lean state government and focusing extra money on paying off debts accumulated during the depths of California's fiscal crisis. A fourth term would likely see the same kind of approach, but the impact of the 2012 taxes fading away will force some kind of response -- an easier one if times are relatively good the next four years, a much more complicated one if the fiscal recovery slows down or stops.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Brown Launches Re-Election Bid. Sort Of.",
"title": "Brown Launches Re-Election Bid. Sort Of.",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>It was the summer of 2010, as Democrats nervously watched a billionaire GOP candidate roll out her massive general election campaign, that Jerry Brown invoked the American Revolution as a guidebook to a smart political campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're holding our fire,\" the then-attorney general \u003ca href=\"http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/2010/07/12/jerry-brown-i-can-withstand-another-100-mill-of-gop-money-like-the-latest-meg-tv-ad-plus-a-word-about-teabaggers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told KGO Radio\u003c/a> when asked why he wasn't engaging challenger Meg Whitman. \"If you remember the Battle of Lexington, the American revolutionaries said, \"Wait until you see the whites of their eyes before you start firing.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(And yes, he \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Bunker_Hill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">botched the actual reference\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Brown decided to wait until he could see his challenger's razor stubble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight days away from what many say could be his last big election, the Democratic incumbent finally seems to have launched an active re-election campaign. And even now, Jerry Brown is campaigning as though his policies are the only thing at stake -- not his own job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign began quietly with the release of a new television ad, followed by a midday rally Monday with Bay Area Democrats in Pleasanton. But none of this has offered voters more than a cursory nod to his GOP challenger, Neel Kashkari.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dtRkTGaOtVg?rel=0&w=640&h=360]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The TV ad itself is virtually indistinguishable from the ads he's recently released in support of Proposition 1 and Proposition 2 on next week's ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've made tremendous progress,\" says Brown to the camera, before pivoting to the virtues of the water bond and budget reserve measures on which he's relied for political PR these past few weeks. His noontime rally, though, suggested there won't be much more than this over the final few days of the 2014 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you run for a fourth term, it's not like you’re running for your first or your second term,\" Brown told reporters. \"I'm very well-known.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From a pure political strategy perspective, there's been no real reason for Jerry Brown to do more than he's done. He's amassed four times more money than Kashkari (who actually spent most of even that money vying against another Republican for the second of the two top in the June primary). He's also consistently held a double-digit lead in the polls, with the latest poll last week pegging his lead at 16 points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari has launched a fusillade of smaller attacks at Brown over the past few weeks on the issue of teacher tenure -- pegged to the governor's decision to appeal a Los Angeles judge's summertime ruling that California's generous tenure rules have helped create a system that sticks kids in low-income communities with the worst teachers. As we reported on Monday on \u003cem>The California Report,\u003c/em> the Vergara v. California ruling has found its way into a number of closely watched races this fall. But Kashkari's lack of money to really hammer home the issue in a blitz of TV ads has allowed Brown to sidestep the substance of the issue altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also worth noting that Brown's final-week blitz across California comes after a lot of voters have already cast their ballots. Calculations from the firm Political Data Inc. show more than 1.3 million Californians had already voted by the time the governor started telling them why he wants another four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, try as the challenger might and as relevant as some of the issues he's raised really are, it's unlikely that there will be much history made in the 2014 battle for governor of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just consider Brown's take on the race, not terribly uplifting but also probably true, when speaking to reporters in Pleasanton on Monday afternoon:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've laid markers in the ground that people can look at. If they don't like it, then they don’t vote for me. They like it? They vote for me. If they don't care, they probably don't vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Scott Detrow contributed to this story, reporting from Pleasanton.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It was the summer of 2010, as Democrats nervously watched a billionaire GOP candidate roll out her massive general election campaign, that Jerry Brown invoked the American Revolution as a guidebook to a smart political campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're holding our fire,\" the then-attorney general \u003ca href=\"http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/2010/07/12/jerry-brown-i-can-withstand-another-100-mill-of-gop-money-like-the-latest-meg-tv-ad-plus-a-word-about-teabaggers/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told KGO Radio\u003c/a> when asked why he wasn't engaging challenger Meg Whitman. \"If you remember the Battle of Lexington, the American revolutionaries said, \"Wait until you see the whites of their eyes before you start firing.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(And yes, he \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Bunker_Hill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">botched the actual reference\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Brown decided to wait until he could see his challenger's razor stubble.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight days away from what many say could be his last big election, the Democratic incumbent finally seems to have launched an active re-election campaign. And even now, Jerry Brown is campaigning as though his policies are the only thing at stake -- not his own job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign began quietly with the release of a new television ad, followed by a midday rally Monday with Bay Area Democrats in Pleasanton. But none of this has offered voters more than a cursory nod to his GOP challenger, Neel Kashkari.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/dtRkTGaOtVg?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/dtRkTGaOtVg?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The TV ad itself is virtually indistinguishable from the ads he's recently released in support of Proposition 1 and Proposition 2 on next week's ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've made tremendous progress,\" says Brown to the camera, before pivoting to the virtues of the water bond and budget reserve measures on which he's relied for political PR these past few weeks. His noontime rally, though, suggested there won't be much more than this over the final few days of the 2014 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you run for a fourth term, it's not like you’re running for your first or your second term,\" Brown told reporters. \"I'm very well-known.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From a pure political strategy perspective, there's been no real reason for Jerry Brown to do more than he's done. He's amassed four times more money than Kashkari (who actually spent most of even that money vying against another Republican for the second of the two top in the June primary). He's also consistently held a double-digit lead in the polls, with the latest poll last week pegging his lead at 16 points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari has launched a fusillade of smaller attacks at Brown over the past few weeks on the issue of teacher tenure -- pegged to the governor's decision to appeal a Los Angeles judge's summertime ruling that California's generous tenure rules have helped create a system that sticks kids in low-income communities with the worst teachers. As we reported on Monday on \u003cem>The California Report,\u003c/em> the Vergara v. California ruling has found its way into a number of closely watched races this fall. But Kashkari's lack of money to really hammer home the issue in a blitz of TV ads has allowed Brown to sidestep the substance of the issue altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also worth noting that Brown's final-week blitz across California comes after a lot of voters have already cast their ballots. Calculations from the firm Political Data Inc. show more than 1.3 million Californians had already voted by the time the governor started telling them why he wants another four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, try as the challenger might and as relevant as some of the issues he's raised really are, it's unlikely that there will be much history made in the 2014 battle for governor of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just consider Brown's take on the race, not terribly uplifting but also probably true, when speaking to reporters in Pleasanton on Monday afternoon:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've laid markers in the ground that people can look at. If they don't like it, then they don’t vote for me. They like it? They vote for me. If they don't care, they probably don't vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Scott Detrow contributed to this story, reporting from Pleasanton.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Proposition 2 Struggles; Can Brown Get It Over Finish Line?",
"title": "Proposition 2 Struggles; Can Brown Get It Over Finish Line?",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>This certainly isn't the way political players in Sacramento thought things were going to go in this fall's election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through most of the early part of 2014, it was assumed that of this year's two legislative ballot measures -- a multibillion-dollar water bond and a constitutional amendment \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/jerry-brown-makes-pitch-for-rainy-day-fund\" target=\"_blank\">to boost the size of state government's stash of cash\u003c/a> -- the budget reserve proposal would be the easier sell. Asking voters to borrow money, went the thinking, is tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So much for conventional wisdom in California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1118\" target=\"_blank\">latest statewide poll\u003c/a> from the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California finds just the opposite: continued strong support for the water bond, Proposition 1, and a weak position for the budget measure, Proposition 2, as Election Day draws ever more near.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC's poll finds Prop. 2 with the support of 49 percent of those surveyed -- 6 points better than last month, but still below the majority threshold it will need to win on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if that’s going to change, it may all come down to one guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The burden is now on the governor,\" said Mark Baldassare, PPIC's pollster and president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/04/jerry-brown-re-election-bid-quiet-just-like-he-wants-it\" target=\"_blank\">as we've mentioned before\u003c/a>, is running what amounts to a non-campaign for another four years, choosing instead to run a campaign for passage of Prop. 1 and Prop. 2 -- a proxy, of sorts, for his own re-election efforts. His only television ads in this election season have been for the two propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PL8lhH2qNUE?rel=0&w=640&h=360]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Save water, save money,\" says Brown in the ads. Yes, but the visuals of those ads -- and the message that really resonates -- is the one about the state's drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the ads connect with voters, the new statewide poll suggests there could be a different problem: Brown may not be the best person to reach some parts of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dig down deep into the survey and you’ll find what at best is skepticism from a number of voter subgroups. Conservative voters? Only 41 percent support Prop. 2. Voters who think the state is headed in the wrong direction? Only 42 percent support for the budget reserve measure. Latino voters? Only 44 percent are backing Prop. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may not be all the governor's fault, of course. And lest we forget to mention it, the new poll continues to show him poised to win an unprecedented fourth term on Nov. 4, besting GOP challenger Neel Kashkari in this latest poll by 16 percentage points. Still, those aren't all necessarily voters who are fans of Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Republicans, for example. The new poll finds Prop. 2 support among GOP voters at 49 percent (and, as said earlier, self-described conservatives are even less enamored). But these should be the natural base for a proposal that automatically transfers more tax revenues to a reserve fund while also paying off billions in government debt over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're seeing Republican support lagging\" for the proposition, said PPIC's Baldassare. \"They are only hearing about Proposition 2 from the Democratic governor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of a more visible bipartisan team hasn't gone unnoticed by the official Yes on Prop. 2 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would be benefiting if there were a more high-profile Republican spokesperson,\" said campaign manager Phillip Ung. \"We haven't been able to identify that person.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, it's not just Republicans. Even more striking are the Latino voter numbers. PPIC's new poll shows Brown's re-election bid supported by an overwhelming 73 percent of Latinos surveyed -- 29 points higher than their support for the state budget measure on which Brown is starring in TV ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 2 is also struggling in the Bay Area, with only 44 percent support in the new poll. Pollster Baldassare suggests that some of the weakness among Democrats or liberals could be with those who believe the state needs to restore public services cut during the recession more than it needs to sock money away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of these numbers are a sign that the complex budget reserve proposition is a sure-fire loser, with a little less than two weeks to go before Election Day. But there are three reasons that Prop. 2 backers would be right to worry about the trend lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, the historic tendency of California voters who sit on the fence up until the last minute when it comes to a ballot measure is to ultimately vote against it (or leave it blank, which is really the same thing). As political consultants know, it's much harder to get a \"yes\" than a \"no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, with more voters casting ballots by mail, and more of those ballots coming in every day, there's precious little time to change minds. The days of a last-minute campaign turnaround are dwindling in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And third -- perhaps most importantly -- Brown is unlikely to do much more PR to sway voters in the final days. His campaign in support of Prop. 2 has slowly started to include others, but it's still a pretty quiet effort. And even then, these are ads that are really geared toward the water bond. Check out the latest ad, featuring a woman called \"Farmer Jenny.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ytVk8uxOdDA?rel=0&w=640&h=360]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official Prop. 2 campaign, which is not affiliated with Brown's re-election, believes there is some momentum. But this measure, long championed by the governor, in so many ways is really his to carry over the goal line. It may be in scoring position, but there's not a lot of time left on the clock.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This certainly isn't the way political players in Sacramento thought things were going to go in this fall's election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through most of the early part of 2014, it was assumed that of this year's two legislative ballot measures -- a multibillion-dollar water bond and a constitutional amendment \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/jerry-brown-makes-pitch-for-rainy-day-fund\" target=\"_blank\">to boost the size of state government's stash of cash\u003c/a> -- the budget reserve proposal would be the easier sell. Asking voters to borrow money, went the thinking, is tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So much for conventional wisdom in California politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1118\" target=\"_blank\">latest statewide poll\u003c/a> from the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California finds just the opposite: continued strong support for the water bond, Proposition 1, and a weak position for the budget measure, Proposition 2, as Election Day draws ever more near.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC's poll finds Prop. 2 with the support of 49 percent of those surveyed -- 6 points better than last month, but still below the majority threshold it will need to win on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if that’s going to change, it may all come down to one guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The burden is now on the governor,\" said Mark Baldassare, PPIC's pollster and president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/04/jerry-brown-re-election-bid-quiet-just-like-he-wants-it\" target=\"_blank\">as we've mentioned before\u003c/a>, is running what amounts to a non-campaign for another four years, choosing instead to run a campaign for passage of Prop. 1 and Prop. 2 -- a proxy, of sorts, for his own re-election efforts. His only television ads in this election season have been for the two propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/PL8lhH2qNUE?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/PL8lhH2qNUE?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Save water, save money,\" says Brown in the ads. Yes, but the visuals of those ads -- and the message that really resonates -- is the one about the state's drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the ads connect with voters, the new statewide poll suggests there could be a different problem: Brown may not be the best person to reach some parts of the electorate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dig down deep into the survey and you’ll find what at best is skepticism from a number of voter subgroups. Conservative voters? Only 41 percent support Prop. 2. Voters who think the state is headed in the wrong direction? Only 42 percent support for the budget reserve measure. Latino voters? Only 44 percent are backing Prop. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may not be all the governor's fault, of course. And lest we forget to mention it, the new poll continues to show him poised to win an unprecedented fourth term on Nov. 4, besting GOP challenger Neel Kashkari in this latest poll by 16 percentage points. Still, those aren't all necessarily voters who are fans of Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Republicans, for example. The new poll finds Prop. 2 support among GOP voters at 49 percent (and, as said earlier, self-described conservatives are even less enamored). But these should be the natural base for a proposal that automatically transfers more tax revenues to a reserve fund while also paying off billions in government debt over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're seeing Republican support lagging\" for the proposition, said PPIC's Baldassare. \"They are only hearing about Proposition 2 from the Democratic governor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of a more visible bipartisan team hasn't gone unnoticed by the official Yes on Prop. 2 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would be benefiting if there were a more high-profile Republican spokesperson,\" said campaign manager Phillip Ung. \"We haven't been able to identify that person.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But again, it's not just Republicans. Even more striking are the Latino voter numbers. PPIC's new poll shows Brown's re-election bid supported by an overwhelming 73 percent of Latinos surveyed -- 29 points higher than their support for the state budget measure on which Brown is starring in TV ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 2 is also struggling in the Bay Area, with only 44 percent support in the new poll. Pollster Baldassare suggests that some of the weakness among Democrats or liberals could be with those who believe the state needs to restore public services cut during the recession more than it needs to sock money away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of these numbers are a sign that the complex budget reserve proposition is a sure-fire loser, with a little less than two weeks to go before Election Day. But there are three reasons that Prop. 2 backers would be right to worry about the trend lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, the historic tendency of California voters who sit on the fence up until the last minute when it comes to a ballot measure is to ultimately vote against it (or leave it blank, which is really the same thing). As political consultants know, it's much harder to get a \"yes\" than a \"no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Second, with more voters casting ballots by mail, and more of those ballots coming in every day, there's precious little time to change minds. The days of a last-minute campaign turnaround are dwindling in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And third -- perhaps most importantly -- Brown is unlikely to do much more PR to sway voters in the final days. His campaign in support of Prop. 2 has slowly started to include others, but it's still a pretty quiet effort. And even then, these are ads that are really geared toward the water bond. Check out the latest ad, featuring a woman called \"Farmer Jenny.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ytVk8uxOdDA?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ytVk8uxOdDA?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official Prop. 2 campaign, which is not affiliated with Brown's re-election, believes there is some momentum. But this measure, long championed by the governor, in so many ways is really his to carry over the goal line. It may be in scoring position, but there's not a lot of time left on the clock.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Two Races, One Theme in Orange County",
"title": "Two Races, One Theme in Orange County",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>FULLERTON — Steven Logwood seems to have a pretty good BS detector when it comes to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing on the front door step of his modest Fullerton home, the father of two knows who that knock on the door is coming from this time of year, with candidates in this battleground community of Orange County vying for his vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he's very clear about what won’t work to win his vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344736\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 412px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/IMG_1468.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10344736\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/IMG_1468-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblymember Sharon Quirk Silva responds to questions from voter Steven Logwood at his Fullerton home.\" width=\"412\" height=\"309\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk Silva responds to questions from voter Steven Logwood at his Fullerton home. (John Myers/KQED) \u003ccite>(John Myers, KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of time with politicians, it's this 'political speak',\" said Logwood. \"'I'm for education, I'm for low crime.' Well, who's not? 'I'm for more jobs.' Well, who's not?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what does he want instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's really important to enumerate your ideas,\" said Logwood. \"Specific things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The focus of his quizzing on this particular day was Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk Silva (D-Fullerton), a freshman legislator in a heated contest in one of California’s most closely watched legislative races this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County is, in fact, home to two of the season's biggest battles: the 65th Assembly district contest between \u003ca href=\"http://www.sharonquirksilva.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Quirk Silva\u003c/a> and GOP challenger \u003ca href=\"http://www.youngkim2014.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Young Kim\u003c/a>, as well as the race for the 34th state Senate district between Republican \u003ca href=\"http://www.janet2014.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Janet Nguyen\u003c/a> and Democrat \u003ca href=\"http://www.solorioforsenate.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Jose Solorio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/173360962\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On paper, the two districts share only a fraction of voters and geography in Orange County's bustling cities. But in practice, the races feature much of the same messaging; the same swirling mix of partisan and ethnic appeals; and the same focus by Republicans to block -- or even break -- the supermajority power of Democrats in the statehouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are very fascinating races,\" said Scott Lay, whose \u003ca href=\"http://www.aroundthecapitol.com/nooner/\" target=\"_blank\">daily state politics email, The Nooner\u003c/a>, has closely covered the electoral fight in his native Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is, after all, what used to be the beating heart of California Republican politics. And although Republican registration still prevails in Orange County, the numbers are ever so shifting toward future elections decided by razor-thin margins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state Senate race, an open seat due to term limits, Democrats held an almost 5 percentage point lead in voter registration in the most recent report (new numbers are coming before Nov. 4). Still, elections are won by those who show up. The historic low turnout in the June primary, resulting in perhaps a more GOP-friendly electorate, helped Republican Nguyen best Democrat Solorio by almost 17,000 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344750\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 376px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10344750\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim-400x313.jpg\" alt=\"Young Kim, GOP challenger in the 65th Assembly district race. (Young Kim Campaign)\" width=\"376\" height=\"294\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim-400x313.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim-800x627.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 376px) 100vw, 376px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Young Kim, GOP challenger in the 65th Assembly district race. (Young Kim Campaign)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since June, the battle has intensified. Campaign finance records show about a combined $6 million raised by the candidates and independent groups, the most of any state Senate race in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've invested a lot of dollars into our field program,\" said Solorio, a former assemblyman and current community college trustee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a telling comment, Solorio also talked about how door-to-door, get-out-the-vote efforts are a way to \"mitigate\" what's seen as a Democratic base that may not be so motivated to cast a ballot this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that can easily swing the electoral outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Democrats were energized by presidential politics in 2012, Barack Obama beat Mitt Romney by almost 9 percentage points in this Orange County legislative district. But roll back the clock just two years earlier, to the last nonpresidential election, and you'll find that GOP gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman beat Jerry Brown in the governor's race here by 5 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344754\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10344754\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-400x403.jpg\" alt=\"Jose Solorio\" width=\"400\" height=\"403\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-400x403.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-800x807.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-75x75.jpg 75w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jose Solorio, Democratic candidate for the 34th state Senate district and a former assemblyman. (Jose Solorio Campaign)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Republicans are also motivated by another factor: If they win in Orange County, they very likely will block Democrats from having a supermajority of seats in the Senate -- a power with which Democrats can block or pass anything they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It comes down to issues,\" said GOP candidate Nguyen, a sitting county supervisor. \"I believe in limited government, but I also believe that the government needs to work for the people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen and her fellow Republican, Assembly candidate Kim, are running campaigns aimed at blocking Democratic power in Sacramento. Both are also warning Orange County voters that Democrats could -- if they retain their two-thirds legislative supermajorities -- tinker with the sacrosanct property tax limits under 1978's Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving across the two districts, north from Huntington Beach through Westminster and Buena Park, one sees signs plastered everywhere for two GOP women urging voters to \"Protect Prop. 13.\" Some legislative Democrats have indeed suggested possible changes or alterations to the tax-limiting constitutional amendment, but a largely centrist bloc of lawmakers has kept those proposals from gaining steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the GOP candidates here think that won't last if their Democratic challengers win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The time is now,\" said Kim, a former aide to U.S. Rep. Ed Royce (R-Fullerton), of the need to win her Assembly race and block changes to Prop. 13. \"If we don't do it, we may be stuck.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim's battle against incumbent Quirk Silva has also been an expensive one, nearing the $4 million mark in candidate and independent committee cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344757\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 370px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10344757\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen-400x530.jpg\" alt=\"Janet Nguyen\" width=\"370\" height=\"490\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen-400x530.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen-800x1060.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 370px) 100vw, 370px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Nguyen, Republican candidate for for the 34th state Senate district. (Janet Nguyen Campaign)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two races also feature matchups that raise an interesting question -- both in this election and in future elections -- about how the diverse community prioritizes its politics. In both contests, a Latino Democrat faces an Asian-American Republican. Neither community, though, is monolithic -- especially Orange County's Asian community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Are voters looking at candidates with party loyalty or ethnic loyalty?\" asks political observer Scott Lay. \"And then is ethnic loyalty, particularly in the Asian-American community, broken down by Koreans, Vietnamese, Chinese, Filipinos?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This helps explain why all four candidates have turned to what politicians do in uncertain times: try to maximize turnout among their party's base, then try to peel off just enough fence-sitting voters to make it across the finish line first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And none of the candidates seem to offer much hope for voters who may be seeking some political middle ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are striking differences,\" Quirk Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In its former stronghold, the GOP is fighting hard to reclaim two seats in the Legislature.",
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"description": "Two legislative races in this former GOP stronghold could determine the fate of political power in Sacramento.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>FULLERTON — Steven Logwood seems to have a pretty good BS detector when it comes to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing on the front door step of his modest Fullerton home, the father of two knows who that knock on the door is coming from this time of year, with candidates in this battleground community of Orange County vying for his vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he's very clear about what won’t work to win his vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344736\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 412px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/IMG_1468.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10344736\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/IMG_1468-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblymember Sharon Quirk Silva responds to questions from voter Steven Logwood at his Fullerton home.\" width=\"412\" height=\"309\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk Silva responds to questions from voter Steven Logwood at his Fullerton home. (John Myers/KQED) \u003ccite>(John Myers, KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"A lot of time with politicians, it's this 'political speak',\" said Logwood. \"'I'm for education, I'm for low crime.' Well, who's not? 'I'm for more jobs.' Well, who's not?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what does he want instead?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's really important to enumerate your ideas,\" said Logwood. \"Specific things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The focus of his quizzing on this particular day was Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk Silva (D-Fullerton), a freshman legislator in a heated contest in one of California’s most closely watched legislative races this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County is, in fact, home to two of the season's biggest battles: the 65th Assembly district contest between \u003ca href=\"http://www.sharonquirksilva.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Quirk Silva\u003c/a> and GOP challenger \u003ca href=\"http://www.youngkim2014.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Young Kim\u003c/a>, as well as the race for the 34th state Senate district between Republican \u003ca href=\"http://www.janet2014.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Janet Nguyen\u003c/a> and Democrat \u003ca href=\"http://www.solorioforsenate.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Jose Solorio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/173360962&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/173360962'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On paper, the two districts share only a fraction of voters and geography in Orange County's bustling cities. But in practice, the races feature much of the same messaging; the same swirling mix of partisan and ethnic appeals; and the same focus by Republicans to block -- or even break -- the supermajority power of Democrats in the statehouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are very fascinating races,\" said Scott Lay, whose \u003ca href=\"http://www.aroundthecapitol.com/nooner/\" target=\"_blank\">daily state politics email, The Nooner\u003c/a>, has closely covered the electoral fight in his native Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is, after all, what used to be the beating heart of California Republican politics. And although Republican registration still prevails in Orange County, the numbers are ever so shifting toward future elections decided by razor-thin margins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the state Senate race, an open seat due to term limits, Democrats held an almost 5 percentage point lead in voter registration in the most recent report (new numbers are coming before Nov. 4). Still, elections are won by those who show up. The historic low turnout in the June primary, resulting in perhaps a more GOP-friendly electorate, helped Republican Nguyen best Democrat Solorio by almost 17,000 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344750\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 376px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10344750\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim-400x313.jpg\" alt=\"Young Kim, GOP challenger in the 65th Assembly district race. (Young Kim Campaign)\" width=\"376\" height=\"294\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim-400x313.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim-800x627.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/YoungKim.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 376px) 100vw, 376px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Young Kim, GOP challenger in the 65th Assembly district race. (Young Kim Campaign)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since June, the battle has intensified. Campaign finance records show about a combined $6 million raised by the candidates and independent groups, the most of any state Senate race in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We've invested a lot of dollars into our field program,\" said Solorio, a former assemblyman and current community college trustee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a telling comment, Solorio also talked about how door-to-door, get-out-the-vote efforts are a way to \"mitigate\" what's seen as a Democratic base that may not be so motivated to cast a ballot this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that can easily swing the electoral outcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Democrats were energized by presidential politics in 2012, Barack Obama beat Mitt Romney by almost 9 percentage points in this Orange County legislative district. But roll back the clock just two years earlier, to the last nonpresidential election, and you'll find that GOP gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman beat Jerry Brown in the governor's race here by 5 percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344754\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10344754\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-400x403.jpg\" alt=\"Jose Solorio\" width=\"400\" height=\"403\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-400x403.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-800x807.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio-75x75.jpg 75w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JoseSolorio.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jose Solorio, Democratic candidate for the 34th state Senate district and a former assemblyman. (Jose Solorio Campaign)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Republicans are also motivated by another factor: If they win in Orange County, they very likely will block Democrats from having a supermajority of seats in the Senate -- a power with which Democrats can block or pass anything they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It comes down to issues,\" said GOP candidate Nguyen, a sitting county supervisor. \"I believe in limited government, but I also believe that the government needs to work for the people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen and her fellow Republican, Assembly candidate Kim, are running campaigns aimed at blocking Democratic power in Sacramento. Both are also warning Orange County voters that Democrats could -- if they retain their two-thirds legislative supermajorities -- tinker with the sacrosanct property tax limits under 1978's Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving across the two districts, north from Huntington Beach through Westminster and Buena Park, one sees signs plastered everywhere for two GOP women urging voters to \"Protect Prop. 13.\" Some legislative Democrats have indeed suggested possible changes or alterations to the tax-limiting constitutional amendment, but a largely centrist bloc of lawmakers has kept those proposals from gaining steam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the GOP candidates here think that won't last if their Democratic challengers win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The time is now,\" said Kim, a former aide to U.S. Rep. Ed Royce (R-Fullerton), of the need to win her Assembly race and block changes to Prop. 13. \"If we don't do it, we may be stuck.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim's battle against incumbent Quirk Silva has also been an expensive one, nearing the $4 million mark in candidate and independent committee cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10344757\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 370px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\" wp-image-10344757\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen-400x530.jpg\" alt=\"Janet Nguyen\" width=\"370\" height=\"490\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen-400x530.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen-800x1060.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/JanetNguyen.jpg 1440w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 370px) 100vw, 370px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Nguyen, Republican candidate for for the 34th state Senate district. (Janet Nguyen Campaign)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two races also feature matchups that raise an interesting question -- both in this election and in future elections -- about how the diverse community prioritizes its politics. In both contests, a Latino Democrat faces an Asian-American Republican. Neither community, though, is monolithic -- especially Orange County's Asian community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Are voters looking at candidates with party loyalty or ethnic loyalty?\" asks political observer Scott Lay. \"And then is ethnic loyalty, particularly in the Asian-American community, broken down by Koreans, Vietnamese, Chinese, Filipinos?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This helps explain why all four candidates have turned to what politicians do in uncertain times: try to maximize turnout among their party's base, then try to peel off just enough fence-sitting voters to make it across the finish line first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And none of the candidates seem to offer much hope for voters who may be seeking some political middle ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are striking differences,\" Quirk Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Jerry Brown Re-Election Bid Quiet -- Just Like He Wants It",
"title": "Jerry Brown Re-Election Bid Quiet -- Just Like He Wants It",
"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>In the nation's most populous state, where it's often considered a birthright to be thinking big ideas and making big plans, the race for the state's most powerful job seems awfully ... small.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So small that even though Jerry Brown's name is on the ballot, he's not -- in a sense -- actually running for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some four weeks before the final votes are cast, the veteran Democrat's political operation is only slowly starting to show signs of life. And even then, it's an effort in support of two ballot measures, not to boost his quest for an unprecedented fourth term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Smart strategy for playing with the lead,\" said Rob Stutzman, a Republican strategist who worked for Brown's 2010 opponent, Meg Whitman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps. But it doesn't offer more than a glimpse of the man who hopes voters will fill in the oval next to his name on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Brown ever so slowly dipped his toes into the waters of the 2014 campaign season, sending two emails to supporters and then firing off a series of tweets in support of \u003ca href=\"http://www.jerrybrown.org/yes_on_propositions_1_and_2\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 1 and Proposition 2\u003c/a>. Proposition 1 is the $7.5 billion water bond proposal facing voters; Proposition 2 is the new effort to create a more stable and viable cash reserve fund for the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(You can read about all the statewide issues in \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/03/california-watch-2014-election-guide/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED’s new California Election Watch 2014 online guide.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown played a key role in shaping both measures as they made their way through the state Legislature this year, and he has proclaimed both as essential to the Golden State's future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are only two things,\" wrote Brown in one of the week's emails, \"that could derail California's recovery: lack of water, and a return to the fiscal irresponsibility we've seen over the last few decades in Sacramento.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But are ballot measures really the way to take a measure of the man? Yes, says his political team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The props,\" said Brown adviser Dan Newman, \"are inextricably linked with his philosophy, his agenda, his priorities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In truth, Brown was \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2014/06/24/brown-opposes-existing-water-bond,-wants-%246-billion-replacement/\" target=\"_blank\">skittish for much of the legislative year\u003c/a> about a multibillion dollar water bond on the fall ballot. After all, when you're boasting about your efforts to reduce the state's debt, it can be a bit awkward to then ask the voters to add to that debt. In the end, though, the politics of the drought probably convinced him to strike the deal that became Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 2, on the other hand, has always been pitch-perfect for Brown. The proposition's \"tough-to-raid-the-piggy bank\" plan for a new state savings account, coupled with insistence on paying off debt, are very much in line with the governor's message these past few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, they no doubt present an electoral narrative much to Brown's liking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The propositions \"give him substantive issues to talk about,\" said GOP strategist Stutzman. \"They put him in campaign mode, but in a policy context.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They do not, however, give the actual race for governor much oxygen. And that has left \u003ca href=\"http://www.neelkashkari.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Neel Kashkari\u003c/a>, Brown's long-shot, newcomer challenger, doing a lot of shadow boxing. The Republican has kept a busy campaign schedule, speaking to \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/neelkashkari/status/517380029773516801\" target=\"_blank\">small groups around California\u003c/a> and even \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LTwoC/status/516056712156307456\" target=\"_blank\">joining in barnstorming treks with other GOP statewide contenders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his now-familiar jabs at Brown -- that the governor can't relate to average voters, that he's failed to focus on things that could spark the economy in still-distressed parts of California -- have hardly left a mark on the governor. In fact, Team Kashkari isn't even taking the bait to criticize Brown for ducking the campaign; they declined to comment when contacted for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early polls show that the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/drought/ci_26592606/poll-strong-support-state-water-bond-and-local\" target=\"_blank\">Prop. 1 water bond is in good shape\u003c/a>, while Prop. 2 is \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/johnmyers/status/514626325349269504\" target=\"_blank\">struggling\u003c/a> -- perhaps because voters don't yet understand it. That certainly sounds like the kind of professorial task that Brown enjoys. Kashkari took a small swipe at the water bond in the candidates' only debate on Sept. 4, but it's doubtful he's going to spend much energy criticizing either measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Brown's popularity is wide, it's hard to call it deep. After all, recent statewide surveys show a lot of voters still think California is on the wrong track, and they don't overwhelmingly approve of how Brown has done his job. Still, they also don't seem to have found a reason to cast their lot with the new guy, who not only has raised less than half the money that the incumbent has since Labor Day ($995,000 to $394,000), but is staring at that incumbent's already existing $22.3 million war chest. He is also behind \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/23/six-weeks-out-jerry-brown-holds-commanding-lead/\" target=\"_blank\">in the most recent public poll by 21 points\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even four years ago, in a closely watched and expensive slugfest of a race, Brown resisted calls to fully launch his campaign before the last lap. In 2014, with those dynamics long gone, it's hard to see the incumbent governor really making the case for a final four years until he can almost touch the yellow tape stretched across the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "But his operation is slowly showing signs of life, backing two ballot measures he views as essential.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the nation's most populous state, where it's often considered a birthright to be thinking big ideas and making big plans, the race for the state's most powerful job seems awfully ... small.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So small that even though Jerry Brown's name is on the ballot, he's not -- in a sense -- actually running for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some four weeks before the final votes are cast, the veteran Democrat's political operation is only slowly starting to show signs of life. And even then, it's an effort in support of two ballot measures, not to boost his quest for an unprecedented fourth term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Smart strategy for playing with the lead,\" said Rob Stutzman, a Republican strategist who worked for Brown's 2010 opponent, Meg Whitman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps. But it doesn't offer more than a glimpse of the man who hopes voters will fill in the oval next to his name on Nov. 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Brown ever so slowly dipped his toes into the waters of the 2014 campaign season, sending two emails to supporters and then firing off a series of tweets in support of \u003ca href=\"http://www.jerrybrown.org/yes_on_propositions_1_and_2\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 1 and Proposition 2\u003c/a>. Proposition 1 is the $7.5 billion water bond proposal facing voters; Proposition 2 is the new effort to create a more stable and viable cash reserve fund for the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(You can read about all the statewide issues in \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/03/california-watch-2014-election-guide/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED’s new California Election Watch 2014 online guide.\u003c/a>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown played a key role in shaping both measures as they made their way through the state Legislature this year, and he has proclaimed both as essential to the Golden State's future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are only two things,\" wrote Brown in one of the week's emails, \"that could derail California's recovery: lack of water, and a return to the fiscal irresponsibility we've seen over the last few decades in Sacramento.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But are ballot measures really the way to take a measure of the man? Yes, says his political team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The props,\" said Brown adviser Dan Newman, \"are inextricably linked with his philosophy, his agenda, his priorities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In truth, Brown was \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2014/06/24/brown-opposes-existing-water-bond,-wants-%246-billion-replacement/\" target=\"_blank\">skittish for much of the legislative year\u003c/a> about a multibillion dollar water bond on the fall ballot. After all, when you're boasting about your efforts to reduce the state's debt, it can be a bit awkward to then ask the voters to add to that debt. In the end, though, the politics of the drought probably convinced him to strike the deal that became Prop. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 2, on the other hand, has always been pitch-perfect for Brown. The proposition's \"tough-to-raid-the-piggy bank\" plan for a new state savings account, coupled with insistence on paying off debt, are very much in line with the governor's message these past few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, they no doubt present an electoral narrative much to Brown's liking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The propositions \"give him substantive issues to talk about,\" said GOP strategist Stutzman. \"They put him in campaign mode, but in a policy context.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They do not, however, give the actual race for governor much oxygen. And that has left \u003ca href=\"http://www.neelkashkari.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Neel Kashkari\u003c/a>, Brown's long-shot, newcomer challenger, doing a lot of shadow boxing. The Republican has kept a busy campaign schedule, speaking to \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/neelkashkari/status/517380029773516801\" target=\"_blank\">small groups around California\u003c/a> and even \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LTwoC/status/516056712156307456\" target=\"_blank\">joining in barnstorming treks with other GOP statewide contenders\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But his now-familiar jabs at Brown -- that the governor can't relate to average voters, that he's failed to focus on things that could spark the economy in still-distressed parts of California -- have hardly left a mark on the governor. In fact, Team Kashkari isn't even taking the bait to criticize Brown for ducking the campaign; they declined to comment when contacted for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early polls show that the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/drought/ci_26592606/poll-strong-support-state-water-bond-and-local\" target=\"_blank\">Prop. 1 water bond is in good shape\u003c/a>, while Prop. 2 is \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/johnmyers/status/514626325349269504\" target=\"_blank\">struggling\u003c/a> -- perhaps because voters don't yet understand it. That certainly sounds like the kind of professorial task that Brown enjoys. Kashkari took a small swipe at the water bond in the candidates' only debate on Sept. 4, but it's doubtful he's going to spend much energy criticizing either measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Brown's popularity is wide, it's hard to call it deep. After all, recent statewide surveys show a lot of voters still think California is on the wrong track, and they don't overwhelmingly approve of how Brown has done his job. Still, they also don't seem to have found a reason to cast their lot with the new guy, who not only has raised less than half the money that the incumbent has since Labor Day ($995,000 to $394,000), but is staring at that incumbent's already existing $22.3 million war chest. He is also behind \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/23/six-weeks-out-jerry-brown-holds-commanding-lead/\" target=\"_blank\">in the most recent public poll by 21 points\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even four years ago, in a closely watched and expensive slugfest of a race, Brown resisted calls to fully launch his campaign before the last lap. In 2014, with those dynamics long gone, it's hard to see the incumbent governor really making the case for a final four years until he can almost touch the yellow tape stretched across the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Think of it as a deep dive into the cracks and crevices of California politics, an effort to better map where we're really joined together as a state... and where we are, ever so slowly, coming apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our new project, \u003cem>FaultLines: California Politics In Depth\u003c/em>, is a big step forward in the creation of KQED's California Politics and Government Desk -- a multimedia project that's the first of its kind in the state when it comes to covering the world of elections, legislation, and governing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in many ways, it's simply the next step in a long journey for me into trying to better explain what makes our politics tick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2004, I launched KQED's first blog -- \u003cem>Capital Notes\u003c/em> -- with the goal of simply adding some layers of context to our already thoughtful radio reporting. At that point, online was at best a companion to the broadcast journalism... something we did after filling the airwaves. Ten years later, online reporting goes hand in hand with broadcasting -- and yet, never has it been more clear that there's simply not enough in depth examinations of California's political past, present, and future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This project, for me, was shaped by two remarkable mentors who passed away within weeks of each other in late 2013: venerable political journalist Susan F. Rasky and KQED's executive director of news and public affairs, Raul Ramirez. Both would have been thrilled, I think, with the goals we have for this project in the days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rasky, an award winning former congressional correspondent and longtime lecturer at U.C. Berkeley's Graduate School of Journalism, had a sixth sense of sorts when it came to finding the real meaning behind the political events of her time. She implored legions of young journalists to better explain not only what was happening in her native state... but why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez, the true moral compass of KQED's news team, was a great champion of conquering new journalistic frontiers -- from using the latest technology to searching for stories that offered a better glimpse into the rich tapestry of California's civic and cultural life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mention them because they are part of the reason that I have such enthusiasm about this project. We'll attempt to better explain how, or if, your government really represents you. We'll search for more understandable ways of examining the complex and conflicting choices facing both the electorate and the elected. And we'll experiment with new ways of engaging you in the choices that lie ahead for California -- from video to data and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All along, our goal will be to better map the state's true political fault lines -- the places where powerful forces collide, where ultimately something's got to give. Some of those intersections may surprise you, as the political pressure of today aren't always in the familiar places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We welcome your thoughts about not only the political system you now see in California, but also the one you wish you saw. There's a lot of ground to cover. Let's get started.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Think of it as a deep dive into the cracks and crevices of California politics, an effort to better map where we're really joined together as a state... and where we are, ever so slowly, coming apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our new project, \u003cem>FaultLines: California Politics In Depth\u003c/em>, is a big step forward in the creation of KQED's California Politics and Government Desk -- a multimedia project that's the first of its kind in the state when it comes to covering the world of elections, legislation, and governing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in many ways, it's simply the next step in a long journey for me into trying to better explain what makes our politics tick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2004, I launched KQED's first blog -- \u003cem>Capital Notes\u003c/em> -- with the goal of simply adding some layers of context to our already thoughtful radio reporting. At that point, online was at best a companion to the broadcast journalism... something we did after filling the airwaves. Ten years later, online reporting goes hand in hand with broadcasting -- and yet, never has it been more clear that there's simply not enough in depth examinations of California's political past, present, and future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This project, for me, was shaped by two remarkable mentors who passed away within weeks of each other in late 2013: venerable political journalist Susan F. Rasky and KQED's executive director of news and public affairs, Raul Ramirez. Both would have been thrilled, I think, with the goals we have for this project in the days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rasky, an award winning former congressional correspondent and longtime lecturer at U.C. Berkeley's Graduate School of Journalism, had a sixth sense of sorts when it came to finding the real meaning behind the political events of her time. She implored legions of young journalists to better explain not only what was happening in her native state... but why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez, the true moral compass of KQED's news team, was a great champion of conquering new journalistic frontiers -- from using the latest technology to searching for stories that offered a better glimpse into the rich tapestry of California's civic and cultural life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mention them because they are part of the reason that I have such enthusiasm about this project. We'll attempt to better explain how, or if, your government really represents you. We'll search for more understandable ways of examining the complex and conflicting choices facing both the electorate and the elected. And we'll experiment with new ways of engaging you in the choices that lie ahead for California -- from video to data and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All along, our goal will be to better map the state's true political fault lines -- the places where powerful forces collide, where ultimately something's got to give. Some of those intersections may surprise you, as the political pressure of today aren't always in the familiar places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We welcome your thoughts about not only the political system you now see in California, but also the one you wish you saw. There's a lot of ground to cover. Let's get started.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "FaultLines | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_81220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1028px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/SF-Voter-2012.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-81220\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/SF-Voter-2012-1028x771.jpg\" alt=\"A voter scans her ballot in San Francisco on Nov. 6, 2012. (Aarti Shahani/KQED)\" width=\"1028\" height=\"771\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter scans her ballot in San Francisco on Nov. 6, 2012. (Aarti Shahani/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Public opinion polls have time and again made two things clear about California's system of allowing citizens to write laws themselves: Voters like the system, in operation now for more than a century, but they also wish it would work better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday, Gov. Jerry Brown agreed to a plan on which many reform groups have pinned their hopes for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18735\" target=\"_blank\">signed into law\u003c/a> what is arguably the most substantive change to California's initiative process in decades, a bill that backers promise will add more transparency and more chances for constructive dialogue to a system that has become dominated by big-money campaigns that leave voters confused and frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're taking an important step to modernize and strengthen direct democracy,\" said the governor in an emailed statement from his office on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key elements of \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_1251-1300/sb_1253_bill_20140903_enrolled.htm\" target=\"_blank\">SB1253\u003c/a>, by outgoing Senate President pro Tem Darrell Steinberg (D-Sacramento), are threefold: a new monthlong public review of initiatives in which backers can make changes; a process for legislators and initiative proponents to craft a compromise in the state Capitol and avoid an election altogether; and a new, continually updated online list of top initiative donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government reform activists, business groups and political activists all joined in to help draft and line up support for SB1253. That may have made Brown's decision relatively easy, an endorsement that stands in contrast to a number of other changes to the initiative process over the past three years that legislators have passed and he's vetoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Too often, ballot measures are confusing and poorly written.'\u003ccite>-- Ron George,\u003cbr>\nFormer California chief justice\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"Too often,\" said former state Supreme Court Chief Justice Ron George in a written statement, \"ballot measures are confusing and poorly written and there has been no chance for initiative backers to make even the most routine changes, let alone drive compromise.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law's key element -- a chance for initiative backers to tweak or even abandon their effort -- was no doubt drafted with an eye toward recent polls like the one conducted by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California last spring. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/pressrelease.asp?i=1338\" target=\"_blank\">The PPIC poll found\u003c/a> 78 percent of likely voters favored a new mechanism for allowing initiative backers and the Legislature to negotiate; 77 percent favored the creation of a review process to catch potential mistakes or drafting errors. The new law does both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of particular interest to many government watchers is the new law's creation of a process by which a political campaign fight over an initiative can be avoided through a legislative process designed to encourage compromise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, it harkens back to California's era of the \"indirect initiative,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.newamerica.net/blog/blockbuster-democracy/2009/indirect-initiative-california-13239\" target=\"_blank\">a similar process that was rarely used and ultimately abolished by voters in 1966\u003c/a>. Skeptics point to that history as proof that this might not change anything, though supporters argue the current era of blockbuster initiatives didn't really begin until 1978, with the passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/news/2010/feb/23/proposition-13-1978/\" target=\"_blank\">landmark tax rollback Proposition 13\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law gives the Legislature a role in examining an initiative after 25 percent of the signatures needed for its qualification have been gathered. That could mean the measure's political backers have weeks, or even months, to prompt lawmakers to take action on their own. And unlike now, where an initiative cannot be pulled back once backers submit voter signatures to elections officials, the new law allows supporters of a proposed proposition to scuttle it at any point before those signatures are fully counted and the measure actually qualifies for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Californians deserve an improved initiative process,\" said Phillip Ung, director of public affairs for the bipartisan group California Forward. \"SB1253 starts us down the road.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a number of other changes rolled into the new law, including a simplified but extended fiscal analysis of proposed initiatives. And, as mentioned before, it requires a new effort by the secretary of state to keep the public informed about the identity of an initiative's major donors -- again, a change widely supported by voters (84 percent in 2013's PPIC poll liked this idea).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real question, of course, is whether these changes will improve California's system of direct democracy that, while cherished by voters, is often manipulated by well-funded interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One wonders, for example, whether an extended window of opportunity for a truce would have staved off what became \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_46,_Medical_Malpractice_Lawsuits_Cap_and_Drug_Testing_of_Doctors_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 46\u003c/a> -- this fall's megamillions fight over medical malpractice awards. Legislators \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4758601/\" target=\"_blank\">couldn't broker a compromise on the issue in Sacramento\u003c/a>. Would the political campaign have happened no matter what? And if so, then is it reasonable to assume that the new law actually defuses some political powder kegs ... or not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming the law takes effect as planned and no other changes are made, one thing's for sure: The maneuvering for what's anticipated on the fall 2016 ballot, and the agenda for 2015 in the statehouse, could be quite interesting.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_81220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1028px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/SF-Voter-2012.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-81220\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/11/SF-Voter-2012-1028x771.jpg\" alt=\"A voter scans her ballot in San Francisco on Nov. 6, 2012. (Aarti Shahani/KQED)\" width=\"1028\" height=\"771\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter scans her ballot in San Francisco on Nov. 6, 2012. (Aarti Shahani/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Public opinion polls have time and again made two things clear about California's system of allowing citizens to write laws themselves: Voters like the system, in operation now for more than a century, but they also wish it would work better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Saturday, Gov. Jerry Brown agreed to a plan on which many reform groups have pinned their hopes for change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=18735\" target=\"_blank\">signed into law\u003c/a> what is arguably the most substantive change to California's initiative process in decades, a bill that backers promise will add more transparency and more chances for constructive dialogue to a system that has become dominated by big-money campaigns that leave voters confused and frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're taking an important step to modernize and strengthen direct democracy,\" said the governor in an emailed statement from his office on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key elements of \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_1251-1300/sb_1253_bill_20140903_enrolled.htm\" target=\"_blank\">SB1253\u003c/a>, by outgoing Senate President pro Tem Darrell Steinberg (D-Sacramento), are threefold: a new monthlong public review of initiatives in which backers can make changes; a process for legislators and initiative proponents to craft a compromise in the state Capitol and avoid an election altogether; and a new, continually updated online list of top initiative donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Government reform activists, business groups and political activists all joined in to help draft and line up support for SB1253. That may have made Brown's decision relatively easy, an endorsement that stands in contrast to a number of other changes to the initiative process over the past three years that legislators have passed and he's vetoed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'Too often, ballot measures are confusing and poorly written.'\u003ccite>-- Ron George,\u003cbr>\nFormer California chief justice\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"Too often,\" said former state Supreme Court Chief Justice Ron George in a written statement, \"ballot measures are confusing and poorly written and there has been no chance for initiative backers to make even the most routine changes, let alone drive compromise.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law's key element -- a chance for initiative backers to tweak or even abandon their effort -- was no doubt drafted with an eye toward recent polls like the one conducted by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California last spring. \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/pressrelease.asp?i=1338\" target=\"_blank\">The PPIC poll found\u003c/a> 78 percent of likely voters favored a new mechanism for allowing initiative backers and the Legislature to negotiate; 77 percent favored the creation of a review process to catch potential mistakes or drafting errors. The new law does both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of particular interest to many government watchers is the new law's creation of a process by which a political campaign fight over an initiative can be avoided through a legislative process designed to encourage compromise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways, it harkens back to California's era of the \"indirect initiative,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.newamerica.net/blog/blockbuster-democracy/2009/indirect-initiative-california-13239\" target=\"_blank\">a similar process that was rarely used and ultimately abolished by voters in 1966\u003c/a>. Skeptics point to that history as proof that this might not change anything, though supporters argue the current era of blockbuster initiatives didn't really begin until 1978, with the passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/news/2010/feb/23/proposition-13-1978/\" target=\"_blank\">landmark tax rollback Proposition 13\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new law gives the Legislature a role in examining an initiative after 25 percent of the signatures needed for its qualification have been gathered. That could mean the measure's political backers have weeks, or even months, to prompt lawmakers to take action on their own. And unlike now, where an initiative cannot be pulled back once backers submit voter signatures to elections officials, the new law allows supporters of a proposed proposition to scuttle it at any point before those signatures are fully counted and the measure actually qualifies for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Californians deserve an improved initiative process,\" said Phillip Ung, director of public affairs for the bipartisan group California Forward. \"SB1253 starts us down the road.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a number of other changes rolled into the new law, including a simplified but extended fiscal analysis of proposed initiatives. And, as mentioned before, it requires a new effort by the secretary of state to keep the public informed about the identity of an initiative's major donors -- again, a change widely supported by voters (84 percent in 2013's PPIC poll liked this idea).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The real question, of course, is whether these changes will improve California's system of direct democracy that, while cherished by voters, is often manipulated by well-funded interest groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One wonders, for example, whether an extended window of opportunity for a truce would have staved off what became \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_46,_Medical_Malpractice_Lawsuits_Cap_and_Drug_Testing_of_Doctors_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 46\u003c/a> -- this fall's megamillions fight over medical malpractice awards. Legislators \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4758601/\" target=\"_blank\">couldn't broker a compromise on the issue in Sacramento\u003c/a>. Would the political campaign have happened no matter what? And if so, then is it reasonable to assume that the new law actually defuses some political powder kegs ... or not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming the law takes effect as planned and no other changes are made, one thing's for sure: The maneuvering for what's anticipated on the fall 2016 ballot, and the agenda for 2015 in the statehouse, could be quite interesting.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Six Weeks Out, Jerry Brown Holds Commanding Lead",
"title": "Six Weeks Out, Jerry Brown Holds Commanding Lead",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146857\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1028px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/CAJC104_Governor-California-Debate12880.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-146857\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/CAJC104_Governor-California-Debate12880-1028x696.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown, left, shakes hands with Republican challenger Neel Kashkari before a gubernatorial debate in Sacramento, Calif., Thursday, Sept. 4, 2014. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli, Pool)\" width=\"1028\" height=\"696\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown, left, shakes hands with Republican challenger Neel Kashkari before a gubernatorial debate in Sacramento, Calif., Thursday, Sept. 4, 2014. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli, Pool)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Perhaps it's a stretch, but let's try it anyway: Republican gubernatorial challenger Neel Kashkari appears to be facing his very own California political version of the infamous Kobayashi Maru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not familiar with that term? Well, just ask any devoted fan of \"Star Trek\" and you'll find that the Kobayashi Maru is \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kobayashi_Maru\" target=\"_blank\">the no-win training scenario faced by cadets at Starfleet Academy\u003c/a>. No matter which choice a cadet made in the simulation of a starship crisis, it seemed to end in failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest statewide public poll in the race for governor suggests that Kashkari, the newcomer who's been blasting Gov. Jerry Brown and \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/2014/09/22/6724613/video-neel-kashkari-calls-candidacy.html\" target=\"_blank\">promising a transformation of the Republican Party\u003c/a>, may be running out of options -- not so unlike the Starfleet cadets who learn the hard way that, sometimes, there's nothing to do but retreat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1115\" target=\"_blank\">Tuesday night's Public Policy Institute of California poll\u003c/a> finds Brown with a 21-point lead over Kashkari, 54 percent to 33 percent. That's a similar, though slightly larger, gap between the two candidates than what the PPIC found in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there's a way to beat this scenario, then cadet -- candidate -- Kashkari is running out of time to find it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reading the tea leaves is always a dangerous practice in a poll, which simply catches voters at a moment in time. This poll sampled opinions of Californians in the roughly 10-day period after what was likely \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/04/-brown-kashkari-clash-in-debate/\" target=\"_blank\">the only gubernatorial debate between the two men\u003c/a>. If there was going to be a bump in support for Kashkari, who most pundits think did well in that hourlong conversation, it would seem that it should show up here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC finds strong to overwhelming support for the veteran Democrat among just about every subgroup of voters -- from an 11-point edge over Kashkari with men to a 55-point dominance over the GOP candidate with Latinos. Even in the solidly Republican Inland Empire, Brown holds a 4-point plurality lead over Kashkari.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican is also failing to win over self-described moderates, 60 percent of which in this poll say they're voting for Brown. And even as Kashkari has preached that the governor is failing on the issue of poverty, 64 percent of poll respondents who earn less than $40,000 a year are backing Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And rubbing maybe a little more salt in the wound: Jerry Brown, the scion of a Democratic family, is the choice for governor of almost one in five Republicans and 26 percent of self-described conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's been no secret that Kashkari faced very long odds from the start, and it's been a tough slog for the young, articulate former assistant U.S. Treasury secretary. Brown was sitting on \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1333789&session=2013\" target=\"_blank\">$22.3 million in his campaign war chest as of late June\u003c/a>, and has since raised about another $1.2 million; Kashkari has raised about $990,000 in the last three months and began the period with only \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Candidates/Detail.aspx?id=1362979\" target=\"_blank\">$198,000 in the bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Fifty-five percent of likely voters think Brown is doing a good job as governor, including about three in 10 likely Republican voters.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>You can't win a statewide race in California with that kind of money, especially when the new poll shows 55 percent of likely voters think Brown is doing a good job as governor, including about three in 10 likely Republican voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new poll numbers suggest Brown could be on the verge of cruising to victory on Election Day, absent some very unexpected development. Almost exactly eight years ago, then-incumbent Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger was ahead of an outmatched Democratic challenger Phil Angelides \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/pressrelease.asp?p=644\" target=\"_blank\">by 17 points in a PPIC poll\u003c/a> -- the same margin by which Schwarzenegger won that fall. Also worth noting: No sitting governor on California has lost a race for re-election since … well ... Jerry Brown's father, the late Gov. Pat Brown, lost to Ronald Reagan in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neel Kashkari has faced another big challenge: unifying the uber-marginalized GOP behind his candidacy, most recently at last weekend's state Republican convention in Los Angeles. But the gathering was somewhat overshadowed by news that two prominent statewide GOP candidates -- Fresno Mayor Ashley Swearengin, who's running for state controller, and secretary of state hopeful Pete Peterson -- \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-california-republicans-20140921-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">declined to endorse Kashkari for governor\u003c/a>. And in PPIC's new poll, 43 percent of Republicans surveyed say they are not satisfied with their choices in the gubernatorial election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may explain why Kashkari, for now, seems focused on his core constituency. He's carried on with a campaign-long strategy of \u003ca href=\"http://www.neelkashkari.com/neel-kashkaris-campaign-turns-talk-radio/\" target=\"_blank\">guest-hosting conservative talk radio shows\u003c/a> across California, and his scheduled events seem to \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/neelkashkari/status/514503113123057666\" target=\"_blank\">remain focused on small GOP groups around the state\u003c/a>. Kashkari may also be pivoting, ever so slightly, to a campaign focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.economist.com/news/united-states/21616962-neel-kashkari-will-not-unseat-californias-democratic-governor-he-may-help-his-party\" target=\"_blank\">rebranding the California Republican Party\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there is a window of opportunity for Kashkari in his quest to send Jerry Brown packing, it's going to be very small. The governor is only days away from wrapping up his work signing or vetoing bills sent to his desk, a low-profile schedule that has not hurt him in the polls. Many expect the campaign events Brown will do -- if any -- may be more focused on \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_1,_Water_Bond_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, this fall's $7 billion water bond (which has 58 percent support in the new poll), and \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_2,_Rainy_Day_Budget_Stabilization_Fund_Act_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 2\u003c/a>, the budget reserve proposal he helped craft (which is flailing in the PPIC poll with only 43 percent support). That kind of campaign strategy may make Brown an elusive target, even as Kashkari continues to launch broadsides ridiculing Brown as a son of privilege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back to \"Star Trek.\" The Kobayashi Maru, as fans know, was a test designed to build character -- a learning experience. Given how many people wonder whether Neel Kashkari is running in 2014 more to build a brand for future campaigns than win this one, it seems a reasonable analogy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as Trekkies also know, the Kobayashi Maru \u003cem>can\u003c/em> be beaten. \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8N-H1lz3OJ4\" target=\"_blank\">Just ask James T. Kirk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Governor is ahead of GOP rival Kashkari by 21 points in the latest statewide poll. Is this race over?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146857\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1028px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/CAJC104_Governor-California-Debate12880.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-146857\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/CAJC104_Governor-California-Debate12880-1028x696.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown, left, shakes hands with Republican challenger Neel Kashkari before a gubernatorial debate in Sacramento, Calif., Thursday, Sept. 4, 2014. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli, Pool)\" width=\"1028\" height=\"696\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown, left, shakes hands with Republican challenger Neel Kashkari before a gubernatorial debate in Sacramento, Calif., Thursday, Sept. 4, 2014. (AP Photo/Rich Pedroncelli, Pool)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Perhaps it's a stretch, but let's try it anyway: Republican gubernatorial challenger Neel Kashkari appears to be facing his very own California political version of the infamous Kobayashi Maru.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not familiar with that term? Well, just ask any devoted fan of \"Star Trek\" and you'll find that the Kobayashi Maru is \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kobayashi_Maru\" target=\"_blank\">the no-win training scenario faced by cadets at Starfleet Academy\u003c/a>. No matter which choice a cadet made in the simulation of a starship crisis, it seemed to end in failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest statewide public poll in the race for governor suggests that Kashkari, the newcomer who's been blasting Gov. Jerry Brown and \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/2014/09/22/6724613/video-neel-kashkari-calls-candidacy.html\" target=\"_blank\">promising a transformation of the Republican Party\u003c/a>, may be running out of options -- not so unlike the Starfleet cadets who learn the hard way that, sometimes, there's nothing to do but retreat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/publication.asp?i=1115\" target=\"_blank\">Tuesday night's Public Policy Institute of California poll\u003c/a> finds Brown with a 21-point lead over Kashkari, 54 percent to 33 percent. That's a similar, though slightly larger, gap between the two candidates than what the PPIC found in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there's a way to beat this scenario, then cadet -- candidate -- Kashkari is running out of time to find it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reading the tea leaves is always a dangerous practice in a poll, which simply catches voters at a moment in time. This poll sampled opinions of Californians in the roughly 10-day period after what was likely \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/04/-brown-kashkari-clash-in-debate/\" target=\"_blank\">the only gubernatorial debate between the two men\u003c/a>. If there was going to be a bump in support for Kashkari, who most pundits think did well in that hourlong conversation, it would seem that it should show up here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PPIC finds strong to overwhelming support for the veteran Democrat among just about every subgroup of voters -- from an 11-point edge over Kashkari with men to a 55-point dominance over the GOP candidate with Latinos. Even in the solidly Republican Inland Empire, Brown holds a 4-point plurality lead over Kashkari.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican is also failing to win over self-described moderates, 60 percent of which in this poll say they're voting for Brown. And even as Kashkari has preached that the governor is failing on the issue of poverty, 64 percent of poll respondents who earn less than $40,000 a year are backing Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And rubbing maybe a little more salt in the wound: Jerry Brown, the scion of a Democratic family, is the choice for governor of almost one in five Republicans and 26 percent of self-described conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's been no secret that Kashkari faced very long odds from the start, and it's been a tough slog for the young, articulate former assistant U.S. Treasury secretary. Brown was sitting on \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Committees/Detail.aspx?id=1333789&session=2013\" target=\"_blank\">$22.3 million in his campaign war chest as of late June\u003c/a>, and has since raised about another $1.2 million; Kashkari has raised about $990,000 in the last three months and began the period with only \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Campaign/Candidates/Detail.aspx?id=1362979\" target=\"_blank\">$198,000 in the bank\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Fifty-five percent of likely voters think Brown is doing a good job as governor, including about three in 10 likely Republican voters.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>You can't win a statewide race in California with that kind of money, especially when the new poll shows 55 percent of likely voters think Brown is doing a good job as governor, including about three in 10 likely Republican voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new poll numbers suggest Brown could be on the verge of cruising to victory on Election Day, absent some very unexpected development. Almost exactly eight years ago, then-incumbent Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger was ahead of an outmatched Democratic challenger Phil Angelides \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/pressrelease.asp?p=644\" target=\"_blank\">by 17 points in a PPIC poll\u003c/a> -- the same margin by which Schwarzenegger won that fall. Also worth noting: No sitting governor on California has lost a race for re-election since … well ... Jerry Brown's father, the late Gov. Pat Brown, lost to Ronald Reagan in 1966.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neel Kashkari has faced another big challenge: unifying the uber-marginalized GOP behind his candidacy, most recently at last weekend's state Republican convention in Los Angeles. But the gathering was somewhat overshadowed by news that two prominent statewide GOP candidates -- Fresno Mayor Ashley Swearengin, who's running for state controller, and secretary of state hopeful Pete Peterson -- \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/politics/la-me-pol-california-republicans-20140921-story.html\" target=\"_blank\">declined to endorse Kashkari for governor\u003c/a>. And in PPIC's new poll, 43 percent of Republicans surveyed say they are not satisfied with their choices in the gubernatorial election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may explain why Kashkari, for now, seems focused on his core constituency. He's carried on with a campaign-long strategy of \u003ca href=\"http://www.neelkashkari.com/neel-kashkaris-campaign-turns-talk-radio/\" target=\"_blank\">guest-hosting conservative talk radio shows\u003c/a> across California, and his scheduled events seem to \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/neelkashkari/status/514503113123057666\" target=\"_blank\">remain focused on small GOP groups around the state\u003c/a>. Kashkari may also be pivoting, ever so slightly, to a campaign focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.economist.com/news/united-states/21616962-neel-kashkari-will-not-unseat-californias-democratic-governor-he-may-help-his-party\" target=\"_blank\">rebranding the California Republican Party\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If there is a window of opportunity for Kashkari in his quest to send Jerry Brown packing, it's going to be very small. The governor is only days away from wrapping up his work signing or vetoing bills sent to his desk, a low-profile schedule that has not hurt him in the polls. Many expect the campaign events Brown will do -- if any -- may be more focused on \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_1,_Water_Bond_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, this fall's $7 billion water bond (which has 58 percent support in the new poll), and \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_2,_Rainy_Day_Budget_Stabilization_Fund_Act_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 2\u003c/a>, the budget reserve proposal he helped craft (which is flailing in the PPIC poll with only 43 percent support). That kind of campaign strategy may make Brown an elusive target, even as Kashkari continues to launch broadsides ridiculing Brown as a son of privilege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back to \"Star Trek.\" The Kobayashi Maru, as fans know, was a test designed to build character -- a learning experience. Given how many people wonder whether Neel Kashkari is running in 2014 more to build a brand for future campaigns than win this one, it seems a reasonable analogy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as Trekkies also know, the Kobayashi Maru \u003cem>can\u003c/em> be beaten. \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8N-H1lz3OJ4\" target=\"_blank\">Just ask James T. Kirk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mpL92TAkUSs&w=640&h=360]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be the best sign of not only change coming to the center of California government, but also the clearest sign of just how bad things have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It happened, says Assemblymember Marc Levine (D-San Rafael), during a heated debate over one of his pieces of legislation. Levine, a member of the freshman class that just finished its first two-year term in the Assembly, was approached by fellow freshmen from the Republican side of the aisle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They were asked to speak against my bill,\" said Levine. His fellow newcomers weren't going to vote for the bill, but \"they were refusing to speak on the floor against [it].\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, they were rejecting the time-honored Sacramento tradition of scoring cheap political points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that says something about the relationships that we're building,\" said Levine. And he's not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\"> 'Look, you're going to have to work together for a long time, so make it work'\u003ccite>— Assemblymember Melissa Melendez (R-Lake Elsinore)\u003c/cite>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Interviews and informal conversations with a number of the state Capitol's newest legislators and their observers think there is a sign that this class -- the largest in the Legislature since 1966 -- may be making the most of the governance and electoral changes recently enacted by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're seeing movement away from that gridlock, movement away from that inability to deal with the state's most basic issues,\" said Steve Boilard, executive director of CSU Sacramento's Center for California Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2010, voters have created an independent commission to draw legislative districts; enacted new primary rules that deemphasize the role of political parties; made it easier to pass state budgets by lowering the legislative vote threshold; and reconfigured legislative term limits, allowing lawmakers to serve up to 12 years in a single house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last change -- via 2012's Proposition 28 -- means this freshman class could gain more experience, and power, than any since the enactment of term limits in 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think we all have that long term kind of thinking in our heads of, 'Look, you're going to have to work together for a long time, so make it work,'\" said Assemblymember Melissa Melendez (R-Lake Elsinore).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_147050\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 362px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-147050 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblymember Marc Levine, who represents California's 10th Assembly District, on the floor of the State Assembly. (KQED Staff)\" width=\"362\" height=\"203\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine-400x225.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 362px) 100vw, 362px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Marc Levine (D-San Rafael), represents California's 10th Assembly District, on the floor of the State Assembly. (KQED Staff)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Systemic changes, of course, aren't the only thing the newest crop of legislators have been given; a recovering economy has also helped. That and other factors may explain why voters have given steadily higher job approval ratings to the Legislature, even in the face of isolated scandals involving allegations of bribery and corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the rewritten rules of California politics might allow enough breathing room for legislators to find their public policy footing in a Capitol now dominated by lobbyists and veteran staff and consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Members knowing they're going to be here a little bit longer,\" said Assemblymember Susan Eggman (D-Stockton), \"have pushed back a lot on consultants these first two years. And thereby, you begin to change dynamics.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of legislators in the class of 2012 chose to introduce fewer bills in their first two years, and some suggest it's a sign that there's not so much hurry to legislate when you know you could be in office longer (twice as long now in the Assembly as under the former term limits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Legislators in one house or the other, they've known they've got an expiration date,\" said Assemblymember Levine. \"And it means that they're looking more short-term, that they're basing their legislation on how to get that next job. And that hasn't been good for us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measuring change in the Legislature, though, may not be so easy. Some might, for example, suggest that a higher number of bipartisan votes on bills would signal less rancor. Others, though, argue that only the biggest issues -- those most critical to California's future -- should be held to that standard. A number of legislators point to this summer's work, and agreement, on crafting Proposition 1, a $7.1 billion water bond on the Nov. 4 statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There weren't a lot of floor speeches. There wasn't a lot of argument,\" said Assemblymember Melendez. \"It was just, 'Here's what we've got. Let's get it done.'\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED NEWSROOM\u003c/a> is a weekly news magazine program on television, radio and online. Watch Fridays at 8 p.m. on KQED Public Television 9, listen on Sundays at 6 p.m. on KQED Public Radio 88.5 FM and watch on demand \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/newsroom/\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mpL92TAkUSs'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mpL92TAkUSs'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be the best sign of not only change coming to the center of California government, but also the clearest sign of just how bad things have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It happened, says Assemblymember Marc Levine (D-San Rafael), during a heated debate over one of his pieces of legislation. Levine, a member of the freshman class that just finished its first two-year term in the Assembly, was approached by fellow freshmen from the Republican side of the aisle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They were asked to speak against my bill,\" said Levine. His fellow newcomers weren't going to vote for the bill, but \"they were refusing to speak on the floor against [it].\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, they were rejecting the time-honored Sacramento tradition of scoring cheap political points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think that says something about the relationships that we're building,\" said Levine. And he's not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\"> 'Look, you're going to have to work together for a long time, so make it work'\u003ccite>— Assemblymember Melissa Melendez (R-Lake Elsinore)\u003c/cite>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Interviews and informal conversations with a number of the state Capitol's newest legislators and their observers think there is a sign that this class -- the largest in the Legislature since 1966 -- may be making the most of the governance and electoral changes recently enacted by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You're seeing movement away from that gridlock, movement away from that inability to deal with the state's most basic issues,\" said Steve Boilard, executive director of CSU Sacramento's Center for California Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2010, voters have created an independent commission to draw legislative districts; enacted new primary rules that deemphasize the role of political parties; made it easier to pass state budgets by lowering the legislative vote threshold; and reconfigured legislative term limits, allowing lawmakers to serve up to 12 years in a single house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That last change -- via 2012's Proposition 28 -- means this freshman class could gain more experience, and power, than any since the enactment of term limits in 1990.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think we all have that long term kind of thinking in our heads of, 'Look, you're going to have to work together for a long time, so make it work,'\" said Assemblymember Melissa Melendez (R-Lake Elsinore).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_147050\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 362px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-147050 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblymember Marc Levine, who represents California's 10th Assembly District, on the floor of the State Assembly. (KQED Staff)\" width=\"362\" height=\"203\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine.jpg 640w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/levine-400x225.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 362px) 100vw, 362px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Marc Levine (D-San Rafael), represents California's 10th Assembly District, on the floor of the State Assembly. (KQED Staff)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Systemic changes, of course, aren't the only thing the newest crop of legislators have been given; a recovering economy has also helped. That and other factors may explain why voters have given steadily higher job approval ratings to the Legislature, even in the face of isolated scandals involving allegations of bribery and corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the rewritten rules of California politics might allow enough breathing room for legislators to find their public policy footing in a Capitol now dominated by lobbyists and veteran staff and consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Members knowing they're going to be here a little bit longer,\" said Assemblymember Susan Eggman (D-Stockton), \"have pushed back a lot on consultants these first two years. And thereby, you begin to change dynamics.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of legislators in the class of 2012 chose to introduce fewer bills in their first two years, and some suggest it's a sign that there's not so much hurry to legislate when you know you could be in office longer (twice as long now in the Assembly as under the former term limits).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Legislators in one house or the other, they've known they've got an expiration date,\" said Assemblymember Levine. \"And it means that they're looking more short-term, that they're basing their legislation on how to get that next job. And that hasn't been good for us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Measuring change in the Legislature, though, may not be so easy. Some might, for example, suggest that a higher number of bipartisan votes on bills would signal less rancor. Others, though, argue that only the biggest issues -- those most critical to California's future -- should be held to that standard. 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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146909\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/RS11947_CAJC117_Governor-California-Debate12893-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-146909\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/RS11947_CAJC117_Governor-California-Debate12893-lpr-640x416.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown and GOP challenger Neel Kashkari clash in Sept. 4 gubernatorial debate. (Photo: Rich Pedroncelli, AP/Pool)\" width=\"640\" height=\"416\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown and GOP challenger Neel Kashkari clash in a Sept. 4 gubernatorial debate. (Photo: Rich Pedroncelli, AP/Pool)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Gov. Jerry Brown walked into the studios of The California Channel Thursday night, ten minutes before the cameras went live, he so completely ignored Neel Kashkari that the challenger awkwardly decided to get up, walk over, and gently introduce himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the debate was over, as everyone saw, the GOP contender clearly had Brown's attention. Still, don't be surprised if that doesn't last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate, a full two months to the day before voters go to the polls, was Kashkari's best shot at convincing Californians that he's a legitimate contender. It may also be the only time an audience has a chance to measure the two men side by side. Brown made it clear to all media organizations offering to host a debate that he would only do so in this first week of September -- aides said he has a busy schedule of signing or vetoing bills sent to him by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps, but it's also smart politics for an incumbent like Brown -- 16 points ahead in the newest statewide poll and with perhaps 20 times more campaign cash on hand -- not to give his challenger's campaign any more oxygen to fuel an electoral fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can play [this debate] over and over again at your house,\" said the governor dismissively when I asked him in my role as moderator of Thursday night's clash whether he'd consent to another event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So ... that's a no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most notable narrative, at least from my vantage point as moderator, was how each man's experience had led them to such vastly different viewpoints about how to govern. For Brown, this is probably the last campaign of an unprecedented life in the public eye, and an effort to continue what he started in his third term as governor in 2011 -- a slow but steady untangling of some of California's most long-running problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Anything in government takes time,\" Brown said during the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that with Neel Kashkari, a man who's singular government achievement may have succeeded precisely because \u003cem>there was no time\u003c/em>. That's the creation and execution of the 2008 \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Troubled_Asset_Relief_Program\" target=\"_blank\">Troubled Assets Relief Program\u003c/a> (or TARP), the federal bank bailout that Kashkari's boss at the time, U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, \u003ca href=\"http://money.usnews.com/money/blogs/the-inside-job/2008/09/26/hank-paulson-kneeling-before-pelosi\" target=\"_blank\">begged congressional leaders to accept if they wanted to keep the nation's financial system from collapsing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari seems to have taken from that experience a particularly strong belief in his power to effect big change. He certainly demonstrated that in Thursday's debate over Brown's record in tackling California's biggest fiscal and economic problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said, \"We are making incremental progress.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To which Kashkari fired back: \"The time for incrementalism has long since passed, Governor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be, but Kashkari would be wise to look at what's happened to previous California governors who have sought big change and demanded state lawmakers follow along. After all, many believe the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Davis-Says-He-Calls-All-The-Shots-Legislature-s-2919596.php\" target=\"_blank\">cocksure attitude by former Gov. Gray Davis that the Legislature was there \"to implement my vision,\"\u003c/a> ended with intraparty fighting, gridlock ... and Davis' recall from office. His successor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, didn't fare much better at times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, on the other hand, seems to have fully matured into a behind-the-scenes negotiator, a governor who helps shape dozens of bills before they ever reach his desk and who concedes some issues to win others. Of course, that's not so easy to explain (or defend) in a political campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate (\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HKjuxVjPbMk#t=3198\" target=\"_blank\">a partnership of KQED, The California Channel, The Los Angeles Times, and Telemundo52\u003c/a>) offered Neel Kashkari the first real chance to introduce himself to the public; after all, \u003ca href=\"http://field.com/fieldpollonline/subscribers/Rls2481.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">a new Field Poll\u003c/a> shows 41% of likely voters still have no opinion of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican newcomer took great pains in the live TV and radio debate to portray himself as \"an aerospace engineer\" (his first job before a pivot to investment banking) and \"the son of immigrants\" (his parents were born in India). The incumbent governor, of course, came prepared to talk about Kashkari's well-paid work on Wall Street prior to his challenger's efforts on the federal bank bailout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's kind of like the arsonist putting out the fire,\" said Brown of Kashkari's jobs before and after the 2008 recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, neither candidate fully explained beliefs or actions on some thorny issues. Brown launched into the crisis of climate change when asked how to explain \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/science/2014/08/07/cap-and-trade-faces-first-major-political-test/\" target=\"_blank\">an expected rise in gas prices in 2015 from California's climate regulations\u003c/a> (and he boasted of finding a listing for $1.50 gas in California online).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari, meantime, promised to inspire some kind of national action on immigration reform and warned of \"open borders,\" rather than answering a question about the 58 percent of Californians in a new poll who support \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_26382526/gov-jerry-brown-top-lawmakers-back-legal-aid\" target=\"_blank\">state funding for legal assistance to the recent wave of unaccompanied and undocumented children\u003c/a>. Kashkari is opposed to that plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing's for sure: If Neel Kashkari wants to remain viable or even relevant over the next eight weeks, he's got to find a way to not let Jerry Brown go back to the quiet work of governing. And should he provoke a fight, he will have to find a way to deflect the powerful TV ads that Brown's $22 million war chest could easily finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari definitely landed some punches on Thursday; winning a heavyweight championship bout, though, takes a lot more than one good round.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_146909\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/RS11947_CAJC117_Governor-California-Debate12893-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-146909\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/RS11947_CAJC117_Governor-California-Debate12893-lpr-640x416.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Jerry Brown and GOP challenger Neel Kashkari clash in Sept. 4 gubernatorial debate. (Photo: Rich Pedroncelli, AP/Pool)\" width=\"640\" height=\"416\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Jerry Brown and GOP challenger Neel Kashkari clash in a Sept. 4 gubernatorial debate. (Photo: Rich Pedroncelli, AP/Pool)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When Gov. Jerry Brown walked into the studios of The California Channel Thursday night, ten minutes before the cameras went live, he so completely ignored Neel Kashkari that the challenger awkwardly decided to get up, walk over, and gently introduce himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the debate was over, as everyone saw, the GOP contender clearly had Brown's attention. Still, don't be surprised if that doesn't last.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate, a full two months to the day before voters go to the polls, was Kashkari's best shot at convincing Californians that he's a legitimate contender. It may also be the only time an audience has a chance to measure the two men side by side. Brown made it clear to all media organizations offering to host a debate that he would only do so in this first week of September -- aides said he has a busy schedule of signing or vetoing bills sent to him by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps, but it's also smart politics for an incumbent like Brown -- 16 points ahead in the newest statewide poll and with perhaps 20 times more campaign cash on hand -- not to give his challenger's campaign any more oxygen to fuel an electoral fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can play [this debate] over and over again at your house,\" said the governor dismissively when I asked him in my role as moderator of Thursday night's clash whether he'd consent to another event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So ... that's a no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most notable narrative, at least from my vantage point as moderator, was how each man's experience had led them to such vastly different viewpoints about how to govern. For Brown, this is probably the last campaign of an unprecedented life in the public eye, and an effort to continue what he started in his third term as governor in 2011 -- a slow but steady untangling of some of California's most long-running problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Anything in government takes time,\" Brown said during the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contrast that with Neel Kashkari, a man who's singular government achievement may have succeeded precisely because \u003cem>there was no time\u003c/em>. That's the creation and execution of the 2008 \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Troubled_Asset_Relief_Program\" target=\"_blank\">Troubled Assets Relief Program\u003c/a> (or TARP), the federal bank bailout that Kashkari's boss at the time, U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson, \u003ca href=\"http://money.usnews.com/money/blogs/the-inside-job/2008/09/26/hank-paulson-kneeling-before-pelosi\" target=\"_blank\">begged congressional leaders to accept if they wanted to keep the nation's financial system from collapsing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari seems to have taken from that experience a particularly strong belief in his power to effect big change. He certainly demonstrated that in Thursday's debate over Brown's record in tackling California's biggest fiscal and economic problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said, \"We are making incremental progress.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To which Kashkari fired back: \"The time for incrementalism has long since passed, Governor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may be, but Kashkari would be wise to look at what's happened to previous California governors who have sought big change and demanded state lawmakers follow along. After all, many believe the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/Davis-Says-He-Calls-All-The-Shots-Legislature-s-2919596.php\" target=\"_blank\">cocksure attitude by former Gov. Gray Davis that the Legislature was there \"to implement my vision,\"\u003c/a> ended with intraparty fighting, gridlock ... and Davis' recall from office. His successor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, didn't fare much better at times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown, on the other hand, seems to have fully matured into a behind-the-scenes negotiator, a governor who helps shape dozens of bills before they ever reach his desk and who concedes some issues to win others. Of course, that's not so easy to explain (or defend) in a political campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate (\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HKjuxVjPbMk#t=3198\" target=\"_blank\">a partnership of KQED, The California Channel, The Los Angeles Times, and Telemundo52\u003c/a>) offered Neel Kashkari the first real chance to introduce himself to the public; after all, \u003ca href=\"http://field.com/fieldpollonline/subscribers/Rls2481.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">a new Field Poll\u003c/a> shows 41% of likely voters still have no opinion of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican newcomer took great pains in the live TV and radio debate to portray himself as \"an aerospace engineer\" (his first job before a pivot to investment banking) and \"the son of immigrants\" (his parents were born in India). The incumbent governor, of course, came prepared to talk about Kashkari's well-paid work on Wall Street prior to his challenger's efforts on the federal bank bailout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's kind of like the arsonist putting out the fire,\" said Brown of Kashkari's jobs before and after the 2008 recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, neither candidate fully explained beliefs or actions on some thorny issues. Brown launched into the crisis of climate change when asked how to explain \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/science/2014/08/07/cap-and-trade-faces-first-major-political-test/\" target=\"_blank\">an expected rise in gas prices in 2015 from California's climate regulations\u003c/a> (and he boasted of finding a listing for $1.50 gas in California online).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari, meantime, promised to inspire some kind of national action on immigration reform and warned of \"open borders,\" rather than answering a question about the 58 percent of Californians in a new poll who support \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/crime-courts/ci_26382526/gov-jerry-brown-top-lawmakers-back-legal-aid\" target=\"_blank\">state funding for legal assistance to the recent wave of unaccompanied and undocumented children\u003c/a>. Kashkari is opposed to that plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing's for sure: If Neel Kashkari wants to remain viable or even relevant over the next eight weeks, he's got to find a way to not let Jerry Brown go back to the quiet work of governing. And should he provoke a fight, he will have to find a way to deflect the powerful TV ads that Brown's $22 million war chest could easily finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kashkari definitely landed some punches on Thursday; winning a heavyweight championship bout, though, takes a lot more than one good round.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Legislators End Suspense ... But Still, Mystery Moves on Bills",
"title": "Legislators End Suspense ... But Still, Mystery Moves on Bills",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_144917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-144917 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026-640x480.jpg\" alt=\"Hundreds of bills were passed, amended, or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of bills were passed, amended or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The young lobbyist leaning on the railing at the front of the hearing room seemed dumbfounded. Why had the bill he was supporting been killed by the powerful appropriations committee of the Assembly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one would tell him. And, after this week's traditional live-or-die hearings for hundreds of bills, he wasn't alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the somewhat cloudy process by which bills are removed from what's called the \"suspense file,\" the way station for legislation that would cost $150,000 or more to implement in the pending fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills are held until the final day for referral to the floor of each house, with the appropriations committees offering up three scenarios: pass the bill as written, pass it with last-minute amendments, or \"hold\" the bill in committee to die a quiet death without an official vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those last two options are where Capitol watchers say the shroud of secrecy descends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reasons why something moves forward, and why something dies in the appropriations process, is a mystery to everybody,\" says Phillip Ung, public affairs director for the nonpartisan group California Forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At times, the pronouncements from the dais sounded more like an auctioneer than an Assembly member. Complex new amendments to bills were read in 20 seconds or less. No one in the audience had a written copy of those amendments. As of week's end, amendments to most of the bills that were approved still were not on the Legislature's public web portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the chair of the Assembly's effort disagrees with critics who say the process lacks transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have very big public hearings on every bill,\" says Assemblyman Mike Gatto (D-Los Angeles). \"And usually, the proposed amendments are stuff that are proposed in the public hearing process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatto prefers to call the process \"arcane,\" and agrees that too many bills are brought up for consideration each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the most mysterious part of the hearings that clear the legislative suspense files is when it comes to bills that quietly die. No explanation is ever given. And because the legislation is technically only being \"held\" by the appropriations committee, no legislator ever has to cast a potentially tough public vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll never know the true reasons why something lives or dies,\" said California Forward's Ung. \"It either costs too much, or somebody -- somewhere -- didn't want it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills that are held by the committee are even harder to track in the state Senate, where the appropriations chair never even mentions them. In Thursday's hearing, state Sen. Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) simply skipped over dozens of pending bills in his presentation -- leaving the public to wonder whether they simply had missed some of the decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of documents provided by the Senate on Friday showed at least 90 bills were, in fact, held in the appropriations committee to die without a public vote. Assembly records still appeared incomplete in a review late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the young lobbyist who wanted to know what happened to his bill, several Assembly members left the dais without making eye contact with him. No answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a look of exasperation, the lobbyist walked out of the hearing room.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_144917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-144917 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026-640x480.jpg\" alt=\"Hundreds of bills were passed, amended, or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of bills were passed, amended or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The young lobbyist leaning on the railing at the front of the hearing room seemed dumbfounded. Why had the bill he was supporting been killed by the powerful appropriations committee of the Assembly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one would tell him. And, after this week's traditional live-or-die hearings for hundreds of bills, he wasn't alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the somewhat cloudy process by which bills are removed from what's called the \"suspense file,\" the way station for legislation that would cost $150,000 or more to implement in the pending fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills are held until the final day for referral to the floor of each house, with the appropriations committees offering up three scenarios: pass the bill as written, pass it with last-minute amendments, or \"hold\" the bill in committee to die a quiet death without an official vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those last two options are where Capitol watchers say the shroud of secrecy descends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reasons why something moves forward, and why something dies in the appropriations process, is a mystery to everybody,\" says Phillip Ung, public affairs director for the nonpartisan group California Forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At times, the pronouncements from the dais sounded more like an auctioneer than an Assembly member. Complex new amendments to bills were read in 20 seconds or less. No one in the audience had a written copy of those amendments. As of week's end, amendments to most of the bills that were approved still were not on the Legislature's public web portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the chair of the Assembly's effort disagrees with critics who say the process lacks transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have very big public hearings on every bill,\" says Assemblyman Mike Gatto (D-Los Angeles). \"And usually, the proposed amendments are stuff that are proposed in the public hearing process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatto prefers to call the process \"arcane,\" and agrees that too many bills are brought up for consideration each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the most mysterious part of the hearings that clear the legislative suspense files is when it comes to bills that quietly die. No explanation is ever given. And because the legislation is technically only being \"held\" by the appropriations committee, no legislator ever has to cast a potentially tough public vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll never know the true reasons why something lives or dies,\" said California Forward's Ung. \"It either costs too much, or somebody -- somewhere -- didn't want it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills that are held by the committee are even harder to track in the state Senate, where the appropriations chair never even mentions them. In Thursday's hearing, state Sen. Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) simply skipped over dozens of pending bills in his presentation -- leaving the public to wonder whether they simply had missed some of the decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of documents provided by the Senate on Friday showed at least 90 bills were, in fact, held in the appropriations committee to die without a public vote. Assembly records still appeared incomplete in a review late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the young lobbyist who wanted to know what happened to his bill, several Assembly members left the dais without making eye contact with him. No answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a look of exasperation, the lobbyist walked out of the hearing room.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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