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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bipartisan group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">state Assembly members\u003c/a> announced a package of bills Monday to crack down on dangerous drivers and address some of the roadway safety issues CalMatters uncovered as part of its ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/license-to-kill/\">License to Kill\u003c/a> series.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals take aim at laws and practices that have allowed dangerous drivers to stay on California’s roads and contributed to a spike in traffic deaths. The bills would: require first-time DUI offenders to install in-car breathalyzers, lengthen many license suspensions and revocations, increase DUI training for law enforcement and close a loophole that allows people who’ve killed with their car to avoid consequences through a diversion program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento is listening. We see that there is a problem and we are doing what we can, crossing that partisan divide and trying to identify real solutions that we can deliver now to make our communities safer,” said Democratic Assemblymember Nick Schultz of Burbank, chair of the Assembly Public Safety Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly proposals are one component of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">broader reckoning over years of rising traffic deaths\u003c/a> playing out at the Capitol. Next week, a separate event is expected to include more details about new bills from the California Senate, related budget proposals and the perspective of families who have lost loved ones to drunk drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Schultz \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/01/californa-dui-law-reform/\">introduced \u003c/a>a bill to increase penalties for repeat DUI offenders. Assembly members detailed several additional legislative efforts at Monday’s press conference that would:\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Close a diversion loophole.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We reported in December that a criminal justice reform law from a few years ago was allowing judges to dismiss misdemeanor vehicular manslaughter charges for drivers who agreed to take part in what’s known as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-vehicular-manslaughter-diversion/\">diversion program\u003c/a>. But in an unintended twist, that has meant the drivers not only avoided a criminal conviction but also kept a clean driving record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Lori Wilson, a Democrat from Suisun City who chairs the Assembly Transportation Committee, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1662\">a new bill\u003c/a> that would require the DMV to add points to a driver’s license when they’re granted misdemeanor diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make license suspensions and revocations start when a driver is released from custody as opposed to at the time of conviction.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, someone who is convicted of felony vehicular manslaughter would likely by law have their license revoked for three years. But the revocation would often start while they’re in prison and they might be eligible to get their license back as soon as they’re out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said her office is finalizing language on another bill that would change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Driving is a privilege,” Wilson said. “This package holds dangerous drivers accountable and keeps our streets safer for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Force first-time DUI offenders to install what’s known as an ignition interlock device on their vehicles.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is now the third time that Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Irvine, has introduced this measure.[aside postID=forum_2010101909751 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/04/GettyImages-1230256771-1-1020x574.jpg']California is currently one of the few states that doesn’t require first time offenders to install the technology, which forces a driver to blow into a breathalyzer and prove they haven’t been drinking in order to start their car. Her \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-roadway-deaths-inaction/\">previous efforts failed\u003c/a> after the Department of Motor Vehicles raised budget concerns and civil liberties groups worried it would disproportionately impact the poor and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>California is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035925/license-to-kill\">epicenter of America’s DUI and drunk driving epidemic\u003c/a>. As moms, as dads, as Californians, it’s horrifying. And as policymakers, we have an opportunity and we have an obligation to do something about this,” Petrie-Norris said. “We know these devices work. We know that they can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Increase training for law enforcement officers on how to enforce the state’s DUI laws.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Juan Alanis, a Republican from Modesto, said currently many officers only get basic training at the academy on drunk and drugged driving and must often wait for colleagues with more specialized training to assess a driver’s sobriety level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is to help those agencies and officers to be able to have that training so that way we can identify DUI drivers faster, quicker and get them off the streets,” Alanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schultz called the package of proposals a “starting point” and said he expects his colleagues in the state Senate will also be proposing changes to save lives on the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, last month state Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Democrat from Norwalk, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB907\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> to crack down on DUIs – increasing punishment and making it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat offenders with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Archuleta is expected to hold a press conference later this month along with Mothers Against Drunk Driving, road safety advocates and other lawmakers to announce further road safety bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/02/assembly-driving-bills/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bipartisan group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">state Assembly members\u003c/a> announced a package of bills Monday to crack down on dangerous drivers and address some of the roadway safety issues CalMatters uncovered as part of its ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/license-to-kill/\">License to Kill\u003c/a> series.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals take aim at laws and practices that have allowed dangerous drivers to stay on California’s roads and contributed to a spike in traffic deaths. The bills would: require first-time DUI offenders to install in-car breathalyzers, lengthen many license suspensions and revocations, increase DUI training for law enforcement and close a loophole that allows people who’ve killed with their car to avoid consequences through a diversion program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento is listening. We see that there is a problem and we are doing what we can, crossing that partisan divide and trying to identify real solutions that we can deliver now to make our communities safer,” said Democratic Assemblymember Nick Schultz of Burbank, chair of the Assembly Public Safety Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly proposals are one component of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">broader reckoning over years of rising traffic deaths\u003c/a> playing out at the Capitol. Next week, a separate event is expected to include more details about new bills from the California Senate, related budget proposals and the perspective of families who have lost loved ones to drunk drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Schultz \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/01/californa-dui-law-reform/\">introduced \u003c/a>a bill to increase penalties for repeat DUI offenders. Assembly members detailed several additional legislative efforts at Monday’s press conference that would:\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Close a diversion loophole.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We reported in December that a criminal justice reform law from a few years ago was allowing judges to dismiss misdemeanor vehicular manslaughter charges for drivers who agreed to take part in what’s known as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-vehicular-manslaughter-diversion/\">diversion program\u003c/a>. But in an unintended twist, that has meant the drivers not only avoided a criminal conviction but also kept a clean driving record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Lori Wilson, a Democrat from Suisun City who chairs the Assembly Transportation Committee, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1662\">a new bill\u003c/a> that would require the DMV to add points to a driver’s license when they’re granted misdemeanor diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make license suspensions and revocations start when a driver is released from custody as opposed to at the time of conviction.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, someone who is convicted of felony vehicular manslaughter would likely by law have their license revoked for three years. But the revocation would often start while they’re in prison and they might be eligible to get their license back as soon as they’re out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said her office is finalizing language on another bill that would change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Driving is a privilege,” Wilson said. “This package holds dangerous drivers accountable and keeps our streets safer for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Force first-time DUI offenders to install what’s known as an ignition interlock device on their vehicles.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is now the third time that Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Irvine, has introduced this measure.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California is currently one of the few states that doesn’t require first time offenders to install the technology, which forces a driver to blow into a breathalyzer and prove they haven’t been drinking in order to start their car. Her \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-roadway-deaths-inaction/\">previous efforts failed\u003c/a> after the Department of Motor Vehicles raised budget concerns and civil liberties groups worried it would disproportionately impact the poor and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>California is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035925/license-to-kill\">epicenter of America’s DUI and drunk driving epidemic\u003c/a>. As moms, as dads, as Californians, it’s horrifying. And as policymakers, we have an opportunity and we have an obligation to do something about this,” Petrie-Norris said. “We know these devices work. We know that they can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Increase training for law enforcement officers on how to enforce the state’s DUI laws.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Juan Alanis, a Republican from Modesto, said currently many officers only get basic training at the academy on drunk and drugged driving and must often wait for colleagues with more specialized training to assess a driver’s sobriety level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is to help those agencies and officers to be able to have that training so that way we can identify DUI drivers faster, quicker and get them off the streets,” Alanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schultz called the package of proposals a “starting point” and said he expects his colleagues in the state Senate will also be proposing changes to save lives on the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, last month state Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Democrat from Norwalk, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB907\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> to crack down on DUIs – increasing punishment and making it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat offenders with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Archuleta is expected to hold a press conference later this month along with Mothers Against Drunk Driving, road safety advocates and other lawmakers to announce further road safety bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/02/assembly-driving-bills/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump and Newsom Find Rare Common Ground on Banning Wall Street Investments in Single-Family Homes",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a rare moment of political alignment, President Donald Trump and Gov. Gavin Newsom are both calling for restrictions on large institutional investors buying single-family homes, arguing they drive up housing prices and put individual homebuyers at a severe disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the shortage of affordable housing pushes the American Dream further out of reach, Scott and Marisa are joined by The New York Times Magazine contributing writer Francesca Mari to take a closer look at the role Wall Street investors play in rising housing costs and how much power state and federal governments actually have to reign them in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Check out \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003ca class=\"e-91036-text-link e-91036-baseline e-91036-overflow-wrap-anywhere encore-internal-color-text-announcement e-91036-text-link--use-focus sc-cwHptR fShHsZ\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-encore-id=\"textLink\" data-slate-node=\"element\" data-slate-inline=\"true\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Critics argue banning institutional investors from buying single-family homes would do little to improve housing affordability today, pointing to alternative solutions like boosting new construction.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a rare moment of political alignment, President Donald Trump and Gov. Gavin Newsom are both calling for restrictions on large institutional investors buying single-family homes, arguing they drive up housing prices and put individual homebuyers at a severe disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the shortage of affordable housing pushes the American Dream further out of reach, Scott and Marisa are joined by The New York Times Magazine contributing writer Francesca Mari to take a closer look at the role Wall Street investors play in rising housing costs and how much power state and federal governments actually have to reign them in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Check out \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003ca class=\"e-91036-text-link e-91036-baseline e-91036-overflow-wrap-anywhere encore-internal-color-text-announcement e-91036-text-link--use-focus sc-cwHptR fShHsZ\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-encore-id=\"textLink\" data-slate-node=\"element\" data-slate-inline=\"true\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "some-california-high-speed-rail-records-could-remain-secret-under-proposed-law",
"title": "Some California High-Speed Rail Records Could Remain Secret Under Proposed Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-high-speed-rail\">California’s High-Speed Rail Authority\u003c/a> wants the power to keep certain records confidential, drawing concerns from transparency advocates that the agency could shield vital information about a controversial and costly public infrastructure project from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1608\">Assembly Bill 1608\u003c/a>, authored by Assembly Transportation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937950/lori-wilson-on-her-faith-family-and-the-special-session-on-oil-prices\">Committee Chair Lori Wilson\u003c/a>, would allow the inspector general overseeing the high-speed rail authority to withhold records that the official believes would “reveal weaknesses” that could harm the state or benefit someone inappropriately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also prevent the release of internal discussions and “personal papers and correspondence” if the person involved submits a written request to keep their records private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation appears to have the blessing of Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose administration released a nearly identical \u003ca href=\"https://trailerbill.dof.ca.gov/public/trailerBill/pdf/1379\">budget trailer bill\u003c/a> — a vehicle for the governor and legislative leaders to adopt major reforms swiftly with minimal public input — on Monday. The language for both proposals came from the inspector general’s office, said H.D. Palmer, spokesperson of the state Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Inspector General of High-Speed Rail Authority, which audits, monitors and makes policy recommendations to the authority, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/high-speed-rail-california/\">was formed in 2022\u003c/a> after Assembly Democrats held bullet train funding hostage in exchange for increased oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913625\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11913625\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\" alt=\"A construction worker walks down a steep bridge arch.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worker on the partially constructed Cedar Viaduct in Fresno in March. The 3,700-foot-long structure, with four massive arches, is part of California’s high-speed rail project. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rail line, designed to connect San Francisco and Los Angeles, was approved by voters in 2008. At the time, it was estimated to cost $33 billion and be completed by 2020. It is now estimated to cost more than $100 billion, with only a 171-mile segment connecting Merced and Bakersfield planned for completion by 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project delays and ever-increasing price tag have frustrated both Democrats and Republicans. Former Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Los Angeles Democrat who held up the funding in 2022, said at the time there was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/05/california-high-speed-rail-standoff/\">“no confidence”\u003c/a> in the project. U.S. Rep. Kevin Kiley, a Rocklin Republican, has fiercely criticized it as a waste of money and \u003ca href=\"https://kiley.house.gov/posts/representative-kiley-introduces-legislation-to-eliminate-funding-for-the-ca-high-speed-rail-project\">introduced legislation to gut federal funding\u003c/a> for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a Suisun City Democrat and a former county auditor, said her bill would empower the inspector general’s office and shield it from public records requests for sensitive data, such as whistleblowers’ identities, details of fraud, documents regarding pending litigation and records about security risks. High-speed rail authority officials often will not turn over sensitive records to the oversight agency out of fear that the office would be compelled to release them, forcing the inspector general’s office to jump through hoops to obtain information for audits, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way we’ll get the level of transparency and the accountability that the Legislature requires is to make sure that our (inspector general’s office), who are technically the eyes and ears of the public … have every protection they need to be able to take the full deep dive without hindrance,” Wilson told CalMatters in an interview last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer echoed Wilson’s point, arguing that the governor’s proposal aims to allow the inspector general’s office to “communicate sensitive findings to external bodies in position to take corrective action.”[aside postID=news_12057238 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/AP25265725194713-1-2000x1333.jpg']But some good government groups see the measure as offering the inspector general’s office blanket authority to withhold anything it doesn’t want to disclose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a wholesale atom bomb on disclosure,” said Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the measure is drawing opposition from Republicans who already consider the project a failure. Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/alexandra-macedo-187421\">Alexandra Macedo\u003c/a>, a Visalia Republican, said it is “insulting” that the project began when she was in middle school and remains far from complete. She called the empty concrete high-speed rail structures throughout her district a “modern day Stonehenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as I’m concerned, every ounce of this project should be available for public consumption and should be presented factually and in entirety to the entire legislative body,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials from the High-Speed Rail Authority and the inspector general that oversees it declined CalMatters’ request for comment. Newsom’s office also did not respond to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is the latest in a series of legislative attempts to shield records and agencies from the public. Last year, lawmakers passed laws that loosened public meeting requirements for various groups, from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb707\">local governments\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1103\">research review organizations\u003c/a>, and exempted \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb495\">insurers\u003c/a> from having to disclose information they report to the Legislature. State Treasurer Fiona Ma sponsored a measure to establish a new infrastructure agency within her office while exempting much of its operations from public disclosure, a bill that was ultimately watered down and killed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Records Act, which applies to all state and local agencies except the state Legislature and judicial offices, already exempts disclosure of various types of sensitive information Wilson’s measure aims to protect, said Ginny LaRoe, advocacy director at the First Amendment Coalition, which champions press freedom and transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, state law \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-2/chapter-3/article-1/section-7922-000/\">broadly allows\u003c/a> agencies to withhold records when they believe it serves the public interest. There are also specific protections for \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-11/section-7927-500/\">preliminary drafts\u003c/a> and internal discussions, \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-12/section-7927-605/\">trade secrets\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-8/section-7927-200/\">documents related to pending litigation\u003c/a> involving a public agency, which are disclosable once a lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/030623-High-Speed-Rail-LV_CM_17-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Construction on the High-Speed Rail above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\">\u003cfigcaption>Construction on the high-speed rail project above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But interpreting the public records law would take up a lot of the inspector general’s capacity, said Wilson’s chief of staff Taylor Woolfork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill’s objective is for this small oversight body to concentrate on generating meaningful reports that strengthen the high speed rail program, not to divert limited resources toward interpreting complex CPRA questions or defending disclosure decisions in court,” he said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Woolfork acknowledged the existing exemptions for the agency in the public records law, he said it does not go far enough to protect the inspector general’s office. Under current law, if the high-speed rail authority is being sued, the inspector general’s office could be required to release information because the agency itself isn’t being sued, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both proposals would allow people who communicate with the inspector general’s office to stay confidential as long as they make a written request, a practice in laws that govern the state auditor’s office and inspectors general at other agencies, such as the state departments of transportation and corrections and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the decision to withhold that information should be based on a set of “objective legitimate criteria … independent of someone’s personal wishes,” LaRoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A whistleblower … understandably may have fear of coming forward with important information about waste, fraud or abuse, but that doesn’t mean that they should unilaterally be able to control what the public has access to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaRoe also took issue with allowing the inspector general to shield information due to potential “weaknesses” such as “information security, physical security, fraud detection controls, or pending litigation” — language that CalMatters could not find anywhere else in state public records access laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On its face, I could see an agency refusing to disclose information because it’s embarrassing, because it shows a weakness,” LaRoe said. “Too often, we see agencies interpreting words in ways that ultimately protect people or decisions that maybe look embarrassing or are uncomfortable or create controversy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the language, Wilson said she expects the proposal will be “honed in” on through the legislative process. “This was, we felt, a good starting point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it is troubling whenever lawmakers seek to further shield public agencies from disclosure requirements — especially a watchdog agency overseeing such a controversial project, LaRoe and Champion said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail,” Champion said. “This project has been a disaster from jump street. And what else is in there that we have not yet found that they could tuck into this loophole?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/california-high-speed-rail-record-exemption/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California created an inspector general to monitor its long-delayed high-speed rail project. Now, one lawmaker wants to allow that office to withhold some investigative records from the public.\r\n\r\n",
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"title": "Some California High-Speed Rail Records Could Remain Secret Under Proposed Law | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-high-speed-rail\">California’s High-Speed Rail Authority\u003c/a> wants the power to keep certain records confidential, drawing concerns from transparency advocates that the agency could shield vital information about a controversial and costly public infrastructure project from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1608\">Assembly Bill 1608\u003c/a>, authored by Assembly Transportation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937950/lori-wilson-on-her-faith-family-and-the-special-session-on-oil-prices\">Committee Chair Lori Wilson\u003c/a>, would allow the inspector general overseeing the high-speed rail authority to withhold records that the official believes would “reveal weaknesses” that could harm the state or benefit someone inappropriately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also prevent the release of internal discussions and “personal papers and correspondence” if the person involved submits a written request to keep their records private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation appears to have the blessing of Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose administration released a nearly identical \u003ca href=\"https://trailerbill.dof.ca.gov/public/trailerBill/pdf/1379\">budget trailer bill\u003c/a> — a vehicle for the governor and legislative leaders to adopt major reforms swiftly with minimal public input — on Monday. The language for both proposals came from the inspector general’s office, said H.D. Palmer, spokesperson of the state Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Inspector General of High-Speed Rail Authority, which audits, monitors and makes policy recommendations to the authority, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/high-speed-rail-california/\">was formed in 2022\u003c/a> after Assembly Democrats held bullet train funding hostage in exchange for increased oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913625\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11913625\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\" alt=\"A construction worker walks down a steep bridge arch.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worker on the partially constructed Cedar Viaduct in Fresno in March. The 3,700-foot-long structure, with four massive arches, is part of California’s high-speed rail project. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rail line, designed to connect San Francisco and Los Angeles, was approved by voters in 2008. At the time, it was estimated to cost $33 billion and be completed by 2020. It is now estimated to cost more than $100 billion, with only a 171-mile segment connecting Merced and Bakersfield planned for completion by 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project delays and ever-increasing price tag have frustrated both Democrats and Republicans. Former Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Los Angeles Democrat who held up the funding in 2022, said at the time there was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/05/california-high-speed-rail-standoff/\">“no confidence”\u003c/a> in the project. U.S. Rep. Kevin Kiley, a Rocklin Republican, has fiercely criticized it as a waste of money and \u003ca href=\"https://kiley.house.gov/posts/representative-kiley-introduces-legislation-to-eliminate-funding-for-the-ca-high-speed-rail-project\">introduced legislation to gut federal funding\u003c/a> for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a Suisun City Democrat and a former county auditor, said her bill would empower the inspector general’s office and shield it from public records requests for sensitive data, such as whistleblowers’ identities, details of fraud, documents regarding pending litigation and records about security risks. High-speed rail authority officials often will not turn over sensitive records to the oversight agency out of fear that the office would be compelled to release them, forcing the inspector general’s office to jump through hoops to obtain information for audits, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way we’ll get the level of transparency and the accountability that the Legislature requires is to make sure that our (inspector general’s office), who are technically the eyes and ears of the public … have every protection they need to be able to take the full deep dive without hindrance,” Wilson told CalMatters in an interview last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer echoed Wilson’s point, arguing that the governor’s proposal aims to allow the inspector general’s office to “communicate sensitive findings to external bodies in position to take corrective action.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some good government groups see the measure as offering the inspector general’s office blanket authority to withhold anything it doesn’t want to disclose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a wholesale atom bomb on disclosure,” said Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the measure is drawing opposition from Republicans who already consider the project a failure. Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/alexandra-macedo-187421\">Alexandra Macedo\u003c/a>, a Visalia Republican, said it is “insulting” that the project began when she was in middle school and remains far from complete. She called the empty concrete high-speed rail structures throughout her district a “modern day Stonehenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as I’m concerned, every ounce of this project should be available for public consumption and should be presented factually and in entirety to the entire legislative body,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials from the High-Speed Rail Authority and the inspector general that oversees it declined CalMatters’ request for comment. Newsom’s office also did not respond to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is the latest in a series of legislative attempts to shield records and agencies from the public. Last year, lawmakers passed laws that loosened public meeting requirements for various groups, from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb707\">local governments\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1103\">research review organizations\u003c/a>, and exempted \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb495\">insurers\u003c/a> from having to disclose information they report to the Legislature. State Treasurer Fiona Ma sponsored a measure to establish a new infrastructure agency within her office while exempting much of its operations from public disclosure, a bill that was ultimately watered down and killed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Records Act, which applies to all state and local agencies except the state Legislature and judicial offices, already exempts disclosure of various types of sensitive information Wilson’s measure aims to protect, said Ginny LaRoe, advocacy director at the First Amendment Coalition, which champions press freedom and transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, state law \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-2/chapter-3/article-1/section-7922-000/\">broadly allows\u003c/a> agencies to withhold records when they believe it serves the public interest. There are also specific protections for \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-11/section-7927-500/\">preliminary drafts\u003c/a> and internal discussions, \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-12/section-7927-605/\">trade secrets\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-8/section-7927-200/\">documents related to pending litigation\u003c/a> involving a public agency, which are disclosable once a lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/030623-High-Speed-Rail-LV_CM_17-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Construction on the High-Speed Rail above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\">\u003cfigcaption>Construction on the high-speed rail project above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But interpreting the public records law would take up a lot of the inspector general’s capacity, said Wilson’s chief of staff Taylor Woolfork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill’s objective is for this small oversight body to concentrate on generating meaningful reports that strengthen the high speed rail program, not to divert limited resources toward interpreting complex CPRA questions or defending disclosure decisions in court,” he said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Woolfork acknowledged the existing exemptions for the agency in the public records law, he said it does not go far enough to protect the inspector general’s office. Under current law, if the high-speed rail authority is being sued, the inspector general’s office could be required to release information because the agency itself isn’t being sued, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both proposals would allow people who communicate with the inspector general’s office to stay confidential as long as they make a written request, a practice in laws that govern the state auditor’s office and inspectors general at other agencies, such as the state departments of transportation and corrections and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the decision to withhold that information should be based on a set of “objective legitimate criteria … independent of someone’s personal wishes,” LaRoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A whistleblower … understandably may have fear of coming forward with important information about waste, fraud or abuse, but that doesn’t mean that they should unilaterally be able to control what the public has access to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaRoe also took issue with allowing the inspector general to shield information due to potential “weaknesses” such as “information security, physical security, fraud detection controls, or pending litigation” — language that CalMatters could not find anywhere else in state public records access laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On its face, I could see an agency refusing to disclose information because it’s embarrassing, because it shows a weakness,” LaRoe said. “Too often, we see agencies interpreting words in ways that ultimately protect people or decisions that maybe look embarrassing or are uncomfortable or create controversy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the language, Wilson said she expects the proposal will be “honed in” on through the legislative process. “This was, we felt, a good starting point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it is troubling whenever lawmakers seek to further shield public agencies from disclosure requirements — especially a watchdog agency overseeing such a controversial project, LaRoe and Champion said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail,” Champion said. “This project has been a disaster from jump street. And what else is in there that we have not yet found that they could tuck into this loophole?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/california-high-speed-rail-record-exemption/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "fbi-informant-tested-corruption-case-against-oaklands-former-mayor",
"title": "Sheng Thao Corruption Probe: Did the FBI's Informant Lie?",
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"headTitle": "Sheng Thao Corruption Probe: Did the FBI’s Informant Lie? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When images of FBI agents carrying boxes out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Sheng Thao\u003c/a>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> home hit the news and social media in June of 2024, it was the public’s first glimpse of a possible investigation of the then-mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But records now show that agents had been working for over a year on the probe that led to the indictment of Thao, her partner Andre Jones and businessmen David and Andy Duong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And two weeks prior to the raids, they had sat down for the first time with a man who would become a key informant in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man, referred to in a January 2025 indictment as “Co-conspirator 1,” was allegedly involved in the bribery scheme, but has not been charged. His credibility — and the degree to which federal investigators relied on his claims — has now become one of the central fault lines in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is widely assumed to be Oakland businessman and former city council candidate, Mario Juarez. Juarez declined KQED’s request for comment on this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the heart of the dispute is a question that could shape what evidence against Oakland’s former mayor a jury ultimately sees: Did federal agents rely too heavily on a deeply controversial informant to secure search warrants of the defendants’ homes, vehicles and businesses — or did they already have enough evidence without him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022788\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022788\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheng Thao, center, stands next to her attorney, Jeff Tsai, left, as he makes a statement outside of the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in Oakland, on Friday, Jan. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As defense attorneys push to suppress evidence they say was tainted by incomplete information about Juarez’s credibility, the outcome could determine how much of the government’s case survives to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors last year charged Thao, Jones and David and Andy Duong with bribery, conspiracy and fraud. They allege Thao agreed to use her power to extend the Duongs’ recycling contract, commit the city to purchase homes from a housing company co-owned by the Duongs and appoint city officials selected by the Duongs and Co-Conspirator 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange, the Duongs financed negative campaign mailers targeting Thao’s opponents in the 2022 mayoral election and paid Jones for a no-show job, prosecutors allege.[aside postID=news_12064908 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00001-1020x681.jpg']All four defendants have pleaded not guilty. The case is scheduled to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064908/judge-sets-2026-trial-date-in-bribery-case-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">go to trial in October\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, defense attorneys began raising questions about Juarez’s past. They described a decadeslong history of fraud, including instances where they say Juarez falsely accused business partners of illegal activity in an effort to escape liability for his own actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez did the same in this case, they allege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The origin of the present case is yet another [Co-Conspirator 1] fraud scheme gone wrong,” attorneys for Andy Duong wrote in a Dec. 4 filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys are now asking a judge to suppress evidence seized with search warrants they say rested heavily on Juarez’s claims and are calling for a hearing where they can question the FBI agents who wrote them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors, however, say their evidence goes far beyond Juarez’s word. They argue investigators had already built a substantial case before Juarez ever spoke to the FBI — and that at least one judge was explicitly told his statements were not required to establish probable cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides are set to make their arguments on March 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Juarez’s alleged ‘counter-attack history’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Questions around Juarez’s credibility first emerged in October when David Duong filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">a legal challenge called a Franks motion\u003c/a>, accusing the FBI of not disclosing the full picture of Juarez’s background in a June 2024 search warrant affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Franks motion is a way for a defendant to challenge a search warrant by arguing that a law enforcement officer intentionally or recklessly made false statements or left out important information in an affidavit supporting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to David Duong’s attorneys, Juarez was sued approximately 33 times between 1992 and 2022, including numerous fraud cases involving former business partners. They say those cases reveal a consistent tactic: accusing others of wrongdoing when business relationships collapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991432\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. postal inspectors check documents at a home tied to David Duong, one of the multiple properties searched by law enforcement that included residences to members of a politically connected family who run the city’s contracted recycling company, California Waste Solutions, in Oakland on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ray Chavez/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even a cursory review of those matters and related press reports demonstrates that Co-Conspirator 1 has a history of diverting monies entrusted to him and accusing his business partners of misdeeds to try to discredit them and avoid paying his debts,” they wrote in the Oct. 31 motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one example, the lawyers cite, attorney Sandra Raye Mitchell was working for a couple that owned a commercial real estate property in Oakland’s Fruitvale district in 2010. The clients were attempting to evict Juarez and others from the property and were suing them in federal court. During one of her visits to the property, Mitchell told police, Juarez hit her arm and ripped her jacket, causing buttons to come off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a request for a restraining order, Juarez alleged Mitchell had attacked \u003cem>him.\u003c/em> A woman claimed in a sworn statement that she had witnessed Mitchell hitting herself and ripping off her own clothes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge barred Juarez from harassing, striking or threatening Mitchell, but Juarez successfully appealed the decision on the grounds that the judge didn’t offer him or his witnesses an opportunity to speak at the hearing. Mitchell declined to comment on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s attorneys point to the episode as an early example of what they call Juarez’s “counter-attack” history — a pattern of alleging misconduct by others in response to accusations and lawsuits lodged against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another example, Juarez filed a restraining order against a man who sued him for fraud.[aside postID=news_12061916 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/250902_SANLEANDROCITYHALL_GH-2-KQED.jpg']Mauro and Hilda Bucio alleged in an August 2011 lawsuit that Juarez, who had been their real estate agent, had failed to repay $220,000 the couple had loaned him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez filed a restraining order against Mauro Bucio the following year, alleging that he followed him at an event and hit him, causing Juarez to fear for his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Martinez, an Emeryville-based attorney who represented the Bucios in their claim against Juarez, told KQED the assault didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My client didn’t do any of that,” he said. “I think it was an anaemic attempt to gain an advantage in our litigation, but he didn’t follow through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a third example, Juarez in 2024 accused then-Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price of charging him with passing bad checks in retaliation for refusing to donate to her anti-recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez alleged that Price had pulled him aside at a gathering and said that, as DA, she could help Juarez, but that he would “need to show love and support to her” in the form of a $25,000 donation to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just was ridiculous to me, the allegation,” Price said in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Juarez was eventually dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>He is a very disingenuous, deceitful person who will say anything to avoid responsibility. That’s what he does. He defrauds people all the time,” Price added. “And so one would be wise to make sure that you have evidence to support anything, that you can verify what he says. And I presume that they have done that,” she said, referring to the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Jan. 14 filing, federal prosecutors pointed out that, in fact, they did have evidence to verify what Juarez had told them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The government’s investigation revealed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors say the FBI began its investigation in early 2023 of the alleged bribery scheme involving Thao and the others — long before agents began speaking with Juarez. They argue that Juarez did not initiate the case, but rather entered an investigation that was already well underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to federal prosecutors, agents began investigating Juarez after learning he had failed to pay for a negative campaign mailer targeting Thao’s rivals in the lead-up to the 2022 election. Juarez and the Duongs at that point had gone into business together on Evolutionary Homes, a company that aimed to convert shipping containers into housing for the homeless and sell them to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a May 2024 911 call, Juarez alleged that a member of the Duong family had ordered a group of 10 men to assault him. Andy Duong later told a district attorney inspector a different story about that incident: that his family had walked away from their investment after Juarez only delivered two homes. Juarez, he said, had shown up at California Waste Solutions and held him and his father for hours, demanding money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FBI agents raid the Maiden Lane home of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon after, Juarez spoke to the FBI pursuant to a proffer agreement, which allows an individual to speak with the government and not have their statements used against them in court proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the spring of 2024, the government had amassed a significant amount of documentary evidence tying each of the Defendants and Co-Conspirator 1 to the conspiracy, including incriminating text messages, Apple notes, calendar entries, financial records showing the corrupt payments, phone records showing significant communication among Defendants at key points relating to the agreements and payments, and other documentary evidence relating to the scheme,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on this evidence alone, they wrote, two separate judges had signed off on four previous warrants for the defendants’ iCloud accounts, email accounts and cell phone location data. The government presented the same evidence when it sought the June 2024 residential search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Co-Conspirator 1’s statements were included for merely ‘context and completeness,’ and explicitly informed the magistrate judge that these statements to law enforcement were not necessary to a finding of probable cause,” they wrote.[aside postID=news_12052003 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/SanLeandroGetty.jpg']In a legal filing this week, Thao’s attorneys pushed back on that argument, saying that the documentary chain of evidence establishing Thao’s involvement in the scheme relies on Juarez’s text messages and notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors also pointed out they had warned the magistrate judge in a multipage footnote about information relevant to Juarez’s credibility, and described his possible motivations for cooperating with the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say the affidavit made clear that Co-Conspirator 1 “appears to be … motivated by revenge against the Duongs and a desire to obtain protection from law enforcement from the Duongs, among any number of other potential personal motivations he may have” and also that Co-Conspirator 1 “appears to be talking ‘with the hope of obtaining some form of leniency in exchange.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about Juarez’s past that defendants claim the FBI left out of the affidavit consisted in part of “decades-old unsworn civil complaints,” news articles and other information, they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those complaints and other materials, at most, establish “that Co-Conspirator 1 has been repeatedly \u003cem>accused\u003c/em> of fraud in civil litigation over the years,” they argued. “It is a far cry, however, from the ‘decadeslong pattern of repeatedly being found liable for defrauding business partners,’ that Defendants purport it to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors admit that the FBI agent who wrote the June 14, 2024, affidavit was not aware of every detail of Juarez’s past legal issues when it was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, they argue, he was not responsible for doing the additional investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defendants “cite no precedent for the suggestion that agents must search and disclose all court records related to civil lawsuits related to informants, nor could they,” the filing reads. What’s more, they argue, given the information the government did disclose, not including every detail of Juarez’s civil litigation history, “cannot be considered to be reckless or material” — a key element of meeting the Franks standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The 2024 shooting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Defendants also accuse the FBI of leaving out key information about a June 9, 2024, shooting that took place in front of Juarez’s Fruitvale home three days after he first spoke with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to David Duong’s attorneys, the June 14 search warrant affidavit had framed the shooting as a possible attempt to murder Juarez, orchestrated by the Duongs because they had learned he was cooperating with the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prosecutors, FBI agents believed at the time that the shooting could have been a targeted attack by the Duongs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11992169 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A California Waste Solutions worker empties recycling bins in the Rockridge neighborhood on April 22, 2020, in Oakland, California. A campaign finance investigation into the city’s curbside recycling contractor has received renewed attention since the FBI raids. \u003ccite>(Yalonda M. James/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Given that the shooting occurred three days after Co-Conspirator 1 spoke to federal law enforcement, Co-Conspirator 1’s prior allegations that the Duongs had directed an assault on him, as well as suspicious phone tolls leading up to the shooting, the FBI believed that Co-Conspirator 1 may have been part of a targeted attack instigated by the Duongs,” the government’s filing reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Duong’s attorneys allege Juarez lied to law enforcement about what happened that night in an attempt to incriminate the Duongs and save himself from his own legal troubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The affidavit omits evidence, collected by the FBI immediately after the shooting, that suggests the shooting was not an assassination attempt but a botched car burglary,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the government’s filing, Juarez had initially reported to OPD and the FBI that he confronted two individuals breaking into this vehicle, one of whom shot at him, and he returned fire. Months later, FBI agents ascertained through analysis of Juarez’s interview after the shooting, surveillance footage and Shot Spotter reports that Juarez likely shot first, rather than returning fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they interviewed him again, he changed his story, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071611\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071611\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Duong talks with attendees after a private screening of The King of Trash on Jan. 10, 2026, at Regal Jack London in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“During that interview, Co-Conspirator 1 stated that he shot first after another individual pointed a firearm at him, and he believed his life was in danger,” the filing reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez said he couldn’t recall what he initially told OPD about the shooting and that he might have miscommunicated about the sequence of events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During that interview, Co-Conspirator 1 continued to state that he believed the shooting was orchestrated by the Duongs,” the filing states.[aside postID=news_12070619 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/20251022_Bobby-Seale-Way_AA_023_qed.jpg']Despite that, prosecutors argue that even if the FBI agent had known Juarez shot first, it would not have undermined his belief that the shooting was targeted, since it took place three days after the FBI interviewed Juarez and because of Juarez’s allegation that he had been previously assaulted in an attack orchestrated by the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They argue that Juarez’s inconsistent statements about the shooting and the other details about his “stale civil allegations of fraud” would not have changed the judge’s decision to sign off on the warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the judge grants the Franks hearing, in order for the evidence to be suppressed, attorneys would need to prove that it’s more likely than not that the information left out was material to a finding of probable cause and that the FBI agent did not include it intentionally or with a reckless disregard for the truth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not sufficient to show that the agent made a simple mistake, Stanford criminal law professor Robert Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not enough to show that the [FBI agent] goofed,” Weisberg said. “It’s not enough to show that he was negligent in doing so. Rather, you have to show that the FBI agent at least strongly suspected that he was not giving information that was clearly relevant to the question of probable cause, and maybe sort of was gambling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the event there is a Franks hearing, both sides could present evidence and witnesses in open court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is why Frank’s hearings can be dramatic,” he said. “It comes pretty close to calling the FBI agent a liar.”\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Sheng Thao Corruption Probe: Did the FBI's Informant Lie? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When images of FBI agents carrying boxes out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Sheng Thao\u003c/a>’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> home hit the news and social media in June of 2024, it was the public’s first glimpse of a possible investigation of the then-mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But records now show that agents had been working for over a year on the probe that led to the indictment of Thao, her partner Andre Jones and businessmen David and Andy Duong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And two weeks prior to the raids, they had sat down for the first time with a man who would become a key informant in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man, referred to in a January 2025 indictment as “Co-conspirator 1,” was allegedly involved in the bribery scheme, but has not been charged. His credibility — and the degree to which federal investigators relied on his claims — has now become one of the central fault lines in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is widely assumed to be Oakland businessman and former city council candidate, Mario Juarez. Juarez declined KQED’s request for comment on this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the heart of the dispute is a question that could shape what evidence against Oakland’s former mayor a jury ultimately sees: Did federal agents rely too heavily on a deeply controversial informant to secure search warrants of the defendants’ homes, vehicles and businesses — or did they already have enough evidence without him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12022788\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12022788\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250117_Thao-Recall_BL_00005-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sheng Thao, center, stands next to her attorney, Jeff Tsai, left, as he makes a statement outside of the Ronald V. Dellums Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse in Oakland, on Friday, Jan. 17, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As defense attorneys push to suppress evidence they say was tainted by incomplete information about Juarez’s credibility, the outcome could determine how much of the government’s case survives to trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors last year charged Thao, Jones and David and Andy Duong with bribery, conspiracy and fraud. They allege Thao agreed to use her power to extend the Duongs’ recycling contract, commit the city to purchase homes from a housing company co-owned by the Duongs and appoint city officials selected by the Duongs and Co-Conspirator 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In exchange, the Duongs financed negative campaign mailers targeting Thao’s opponents in the 2022 mayoral election and paid Jones for a no-show job, prosecutors allege.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>All four defendants have pleaded not guilty. The case is scheduled to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064908/judge-sets-2026-trial-date-in-bribery-case-of-former-oakland-mayor-sheng-thao\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">go to trial in October\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, defense attorneys began raising questions about Juarez’s past. They described a decadeslong history of fraud, including instances where they say Juarez falsely accused business partners of illegal activity in an effort to escape liability for his own actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez did the same in this case, they allege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The origin of the present case is yet another [Co-Conspirator 1] fraud scheme gone wrong,” attorneys for Andy Duong wrote in a Dec. 4 filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys are now asking a judge to suppress evidence seized with search warrants they say rested heavily on Juarez’s claims and are calling for a hearing where they can question the FBI agents who wrote them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors, however, say their evidence goes far beyond Juarez’s word. They argue investigators had already built a substantial case before Juarez ever spoke to the FBI — and that at least one judge was explicitly told his statements were not required to establish probable cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides are set to make their arguments on March 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Juarez’s alleged ‘counter-attack history’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Questions around Juarez’s credibility first emerged in October when David Duong filed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062614/defense-in-oakland-corruption-case-files-motion-targeting-key-informants-credibility\">a legal challenge called a Franks motion\u003c/a>, accusing the FBI of not disclosing the full picture of Juarez’s background in a June 2024 search warrant affidavit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Franks motion is a way for a defendant to challenge a search warrant by arguing that a law enforcement officer intentionally or recklessly made false statements or left out important information in an affidavit supporting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to David Duong’s attorneys, Juarez was sued approximately 33 times between 1992 and 2022, including numerous fraud cases involving former business partners. They say those cases reveal a consistent tactic: accusing others of wrongdoing when business relationships collapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991432\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991432\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GETTYIMAGES-2158502017-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. postal inspectors check documents at a home tied to David Duong, one of the multiple properties searched by law enforcement that included residences to members of a politically connected family who run the city’s contracted recycling company, California Waste Solutions, in Oakland on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ray Chavez/MediaNews Group/The Mercury News via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Even a cursory review of those matters and related press reports demonstrates that Co-Conspirator 1 has a history of diverting monies entrusted to him and accusing his business partners of misdeeds to try to discredit them and avoid paying his debts,” they wrote in the Oct. 31 motion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one example, the lawyers cite, attorney Sandra Raye Mitchell was working for a couple that owned a commercial real estate property in Oakland’s Fruitvale district in 2010. The clients were attempting to evict Juarez and others from the property and were suing them in federal court. During one of her visits to the property, Mitchell told police, Juarez hit her arm and ripped her jacket, causing buttons to come off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a request for a restraining order, Juarez alleged Mitchell had attacked \u003cem>him.\u003c/em> A woman claimed in a sworn statement that she had witnessed Mitchell hitting herself and ripping off her own clothes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A judge barred Juarez from harassing, striking or threatening Mitchell, but Juarez successfully appealed the decision on the grounds that the judge didn’t offer him or his witnesses an opportunity to speak at the hearing. Mitchell declined to comment on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s attorneys point to the episode as an early example of what they call Juarez’s “counter-attack” history — a pattern of alleging misconduct by others in response to accusations and lawsuits lodged against him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In another example, Juarez filed a restraining order against a man who sued him for fraud.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Mauro and Hilda Bucio alleged in an August 2011 lawsuit that Juarez, who had been their real estate agent, had failed to repay $220,000 the couple had loaned him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez filed a restraining order against Mauro Bucio the following year, alleging that he followed him at an event and hit him, causing Juarez to fear for his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Martinez, an Emeryville-based attorney who represented the Bucios in their claim against Juarez, told KQED the assault didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My client didn’t do any of that,” he said. “I think it was an anaemic attempt to gain an advantage in our litigation, but he didn’t follow through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a third example, Juarez in 2024 accused then-Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price of charging him with passing bad checks in retaliation for refusing to donate to her anti-recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez alleged that Price had pulled him aside at a gathering and said that, as DA, she could help Juarez, but that he would “need to show love and support to her” in the form of a $25,000 donation to the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just was ridiculous to me, the allegation,” Price said in an interview with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Juarez was eventually dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>He is a very disingenuous, deceitful person who will say anything to avoid responsibility. That’s what he does. He defrauds people all the time,” Price added. “And so one would be wise to make sure that you have evidence to support anything, that you can verify what he says. And I presume that they have done that,” she said, referring to the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Jan. 14 filing, federal prosecutors pointed out that, in fact, they did have evidence to verify what Juarez had told them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The government’s investigation revealed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors say the FBI began its investigation in early 2023 of the alleged bribery scheme involving Thao and the others — long before agents began speaking with Juarez. They argue that Juarez did not initiate the case, but rather entered an investigation that was already well underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to federal prosecutors, agents began investigating Juarez after learning he had failed to pay for a negative campaign mailer targeting Thao’s rivals in the lead-up to the 2022 election. Juarez and the Duongs at that point had gone into business together on Evolutionary Homes, a company that aimed to convert shipping containers into housing for the homeless and sell them to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a May 2024 911 call, Juarez alleged that a member of the Duong family had ordered a group of 10 men to assault him. Andy Duong later told a district attorney inspector a different story about that incident: that his family had walked away from their investment after Juarez only delivered two homes. Juarez, he said, had shown up at California Waste Solutions and held him and his father for hours, demanding money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991627\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991627\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2157862759-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">FBI agents raid the Maiden Lane home of Oakland Mayor Sheng Thao on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jessica Christian/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon after, Juarez spoke to the FBI pursuant to a proffer agreement, which allows an individual to speak with the government and not have their statements used against them in court proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By the spring of 2024, the government had amassed a significant amount of documentary evidence tying each of the Defendants and Co-Conspirator 1 to the conspiracy, including incriminating text messages, Apple notes, calendar entries, financial records showing the corrupt payments, phone records showing significant communication among Defendants at key points relating to the agreements and payments, and other documentary evidence relating to the scheme,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on this evidence alone, they wrote, two separate judges had signed off on four previous warrants for the defendants’ iCloud accounts, email accounts and cell phone location data. The government presented the same evidence when it sought the June 2024 residential search warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Co-Conspirator 1’s statements were included for merely ‘context and completeness,’ and explicitly informed the magistrate judge that these statements to law enforcement were not necessary to a finding of probable cause,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a legal filing this week, Thao’s attorneys pushed back on that argument, saying that the documentary chain of evidence establishing Thao’s involvement in the scheme relies on Juarez’s text messages and notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors also pointed out they had warned the magistrate judge in a multipage footnote about information relevant to Juarez’s credibility, and described his possible motivations for cooperating with the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say the affidavit made clear that Co-Conspirator 1 “appears to be … motivated by revenge against the Duongs and a desire to obtain protection from law enforcement from the Duongs, among any number of other potential personal motivations he may have” and also that Co-Conspirator 1 “appears to be talking ‘with the hope of obtaining some form of leniency in exchange.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about Juarez’s past that defendants claim the FBI left out of the affidavit consisted in part of “decades-old unsworn civil complaints,” news articles and other information, they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those complaints and other materials, at most, establish “that Co-Conspirator 1 has been repeatedly \u003cem>accused\u003c/em> of fraud in civil litigation over the years,” they argued. “It is a far cry, however, from the ‘decadeslong pattern of repeatedly being found liable for defrauding business partners,’ that Defendants purport it to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors admit that the FBI agent who wrote the June 14, 2024, affidavit was not aware of every detail of Juarez’s past legal issues when it was filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, they argue, he was not responsible for doing the additional investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defendants “cite no precedent for the suggestion that agents must search and disclose all court records related to civil lawsuits related to informants, nor could they,” the filing reads. What’s more, they argue, given the information the government did disclose, not including every detail of Juarez’s civil litigation history, “cannot be considered to be reckless or material” — a key element of meeting the Franks standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The 2024 shooting\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Defendants also accuse the FBI of leaving out key information about a June 9, 2024, shooting that took place in front of Juarez’s Fruitvale home three days after he first spoke with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to David Duong’s attorneys, the June 14 search warrant affidavit had framed the shooting as a possible attempt to murder Juarez, orchestrated by the Duongs because they had learned he was cooperating with the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to prosecutors, FBI agents believed at the time that the shooting could have been a targeted attack by the Duongs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11992169 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CalWasteSolutionsWorker01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A California Waste Solutions worker empties recycling bins in the Rockridge neighborhood on April 22, 2020, in Oakland, California. A campaign finance investigation into the city’s curbside recycling contractor has received renewed attention since the FBI raids. \u003ccite>(Yalonda M. James/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Given that the shooting occurred three days after Co-Conspirator 1 spoke to federal law enforcement, Co-Conspirator 1’s prior allegations that the Duongs had directed an assault on him, as well as suspicious phone tolls leading up to the shooting, the FBI believed that Co-Conspirator 1 may have been part of a targeted attack instigated by the Duongs,” the government’s filing reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Duong’s attorneys allege Juarez lied to law enforcement about what happened that night in an attempt to incriminate the Duongs and save himself from his own legal troubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The affidavit omits evidence, collected by the FBI immediately after the shooting, that suggests the shooting was not an assassination attempt but a botched car burglary,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the government’s filing, Juarez had initially reported to OPD and the FBI that he confronted two individuals breaking into this vehicle, one of whom shot at him, and he returned fire. Months later, FBI agents ascertained through analysis of Juarez’s interview after the shooting, surveillance footage and Shot Spotter reports that Juarez likely shot first, rather than returning fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they interviewed him again, he changed his story, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071611\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071611\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/011026_KingofTrash-_GH_003_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\" />\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Duong talks with attendees after a private screening of The King of Trash on Jan. 10, 2026, at Regal Jack London in Oakland. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“During that interview, Co-Conspirator 1 stated that he shot first after another individual pointed a firearm at him, and he believed his life was in danger,” the filing reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez said he couldn’t recall what he initially told OPD about the shooting and that he might have miscommunicated about the sequence of events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During that interview, Co-Conspirator 1 continued to state that he believed the shooting was orchestrated by the Duongs,” the filing states.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite that, prosecutors argue that even if the FBI agent had known Juarez shot first, it would not have undermined his belief that the shooting was targeted, since it took place three days after the FBI interviewed Juarez and because of Juarez’s allegation that he had been previously assaulted in an attack orchestrated by the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They argue that Juarez’s inconsistent statements about the shooting and the other details about his “stale civil allegations of fraud” would not have changed the judge’s decision to sign off on the warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the judge grants the Franks hearing, in order for the evidence to be suppressed, attorneys would need to prove that it’s more likely than not that the information left out was material to a finding of probable cause and that the FBI agent did not include it intentionally or with a reckless disregard for the truth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not sufficient to show that the agent made a simple mistake, Stanford criminal law professor Robert Weisberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not enough to show that the [FBI agent] goofed,” Weisberg said. “It’s not enough to show that he was negligent in doing so. Rather, you have to show that the FBI agent at least strongly suspected that he was not giving information that was clearly relevant to the question of probable cause, and maybe sort of was gambling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the event there is a Franks hearing, both sides could present evidence and witnesses in open court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is why Frank’s hearings can be dramatic,” he said. “It comes pretty close to calling the FBI agent a liar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "7-things-to-know-about-the-complicated-relationship-between-santa-clara-and-the-49ers",
"title": "7 Things to Know About the Complicated Relationship Between Santa Clara and the 49ers",
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"headTitle": "7 Things to Know About the Complicated Relationship Between Santa Clara and the 49ers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/super-bowl\">Super Bowl\u003c/a> LX is dominating headlines this week, and with the event comes national attention on Levi’s Stadium and the city of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>, which are hosting the big game this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you might not know that the large sports venue, which serves as home field for the San Francisco 49ers (yes, it can be confusing), has been at the center of a host of controversies and battles between the team’s owners and Santa Clara’s leadership since it opened its doors in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just over a decade, the team and the city’s relationship has become so contentious that it has already spurred multiple lawsuits, two different critical reports from Santa Clara County’s civil grand jury, a criminal perjury conviction for a sitting council member and wave after wave of big money pouring into local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve put together a quick digest of seven of the major points in the messy relationship between Santa Clara and the 49ers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1) Mayor Lisa Gillmor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gillmor, who has served on the city council for more than 20 years, has been at the forefront of just about everything to do with the team and the stadium coming to the midsize city, home to around 130,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She led a campaign to approve a ballot measure paving the way for Levi’s Stadium to be built, and to be funded in part by nearly $80 million in city money, along with hundreds of millions of dollars in bonds issued by Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While initially in favor of bringing the San Francisco team to her hometown, Gillmor’s disputes with the team started quickly and publicly, due to the team’s multiple attempts to take over adjacent youth soccer fields for a parking lot. Gillmor’s husband has coached youth soccer, and her children have played the sport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071622 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara Mayor Lisa Gillmor speaks during a panel discussion about the Super Bowl and other major sporting events coming to Levi’s Stadium in 2026 during the Silicon Valley Chamber of Commerce’s Mayor’s Breakfast on Dec. 11, 2025, in Santa Clara. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gillmor didn’t respond to interview requests for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the soccer field debate, Gillmor has led the fight against what she has described as the team’s overreaches and its shortchanging of the city on revenue from events like concerts and parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the team collects profits from NFL games, the city’s general fund is typically entitled to half of the profit from non-NFL events held at the stadium, such as concerts and corporate parties. The other half goes to the Stadium Authority, a city-run agency that operates the stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were supposed to get a huge benefit from the stadium,” Gillmor said in 2023. “They’re using our police force, our fire department, our city staff, we’re all working so hard to get zero non-NFL revenue? That’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team has defended its management of the stadium and commissioned a 2023 report by a sports economics consulting firm that claims Levi’s has generated $2 billion of total economic impact for the broader region. A team spokesperson said team officials were unavailable for a phone interview and didn’t respond to emailed questions for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2) Election spending\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>49ers owner Jed York, apparently unhappy with the resistance the organization started to receive from Gillmor and her city council allies, began in 2020 an unprecedented run of spending huge sums of money trying to engineer a council that would be friendlier to the team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the last three city council election cycles, political action committees funded by York and the team have spent more than $10 million to support preferred candidates and to oppose Gillmor and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The avalanche of money largely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844213/why-are-the-49ers-spending-millions-on-a-city-council-race-ask-jed-york\">overwhelmed\u003c/a> any other special interest group’s money in a city with roughly 60,000 registered voters, allowing several of the team’s preferred candidates to get council seats and retain them. However, Gillmor was able to keep her mayor’s seat with support from developers and police unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3) Company town\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Roger Noll, a professor emeritus of economics at Stanford University, said the downside of a large sports team coming to a suburban community is that it isn’t too difficult for the team’s owners to “get control of the local politics,” comparing Santa Clara to the “company towns” of the old west.[aside postID=news_12071211 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_010_QED-KQED.jpg']The 49ers “would never be able to do it if it were a major city,” Noll said. “There’s no way that the Sharks were ever going to control San José like the 49ers control Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, there’s no chance the Rams are going to control the city of Los Angeles, because if you have a big enough city, there are other economic sources of welfare for the city available and that can counteract this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in a small town,” he said, “they’re going to win. They’re gonna be the only people who want to contribute that amount of money to a political campaign, and they’re extremely likely to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team has supported an array of candidates over the past six years, including former Vice Mayor Anthony Becker, current Vice Mayor Albert Gonzalez, and current Councilmembers Raj Chahal, Karen Hardy, Kevin Park and Sudhansu “Suds” Jain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4) Santa Clara County civil grand jury reports\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2021, the “49er Five” — as the five team-backed members of the seven-person Santa Clara City Council were known — controlled the council. A county civil grand jury — made up of volunteers selected by the Superior Court’s judicial officers to examine issues of public concern — issued a report heavily critical of the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2022 report, titled “Unsportsmanlike Conduct,” accused Becker and four other council members of engaging in unethical and inappropriately close relationships with top lobbyists and officials from the 49ers. The team’s spokesperson at the time called the report a “political hatchet job” and accused the grand jury of corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11799614\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11799614 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Francisco 49ers stretch during practice for Super Bowl LIV at the Greentree Practice Fields on the campus of the University of Miami on Jan. 30, 2020, in Coral Gables, Florida. \u003ccite>(Michael Reaves/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Undeterred, the grand jury followed up with another pair of reports in 2024 called “Outplayed” and “Irreconcilable Differences.” In “Outplayed,” the grand jury asserted the city of Santa Clara had signed itself up for an unbalanced and inequitable deal with the 49ers when it agreed to the ballot measure that brought the team and Levi’s Stadium to the city. “Irreconcilable Differences” lambasted the council itself for consistent dysfunction and tumult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The broken relationships among the members of the council and the inability of council members to work together as a cohesive group have undermined the effective governance of the city,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5) ‘Three-card monte’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Noll, the economics professor, said sports venues are more often than not a losing game for communities, but football stadiums are the worst of the bunch, because they are too big to fill for most musical artists and other events, which makes it harder for a city running the stadium to collect revenue on a consistent basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noll agreed the team outplayed the city in the agreement structures, and much of the divisiveness is rooted in the city not seeing the level of returns forecasted before the stadium was a reality, but he said Santa Clara should have seen that coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051703\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051703\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign introduces passersby to Santa Clara City Hall at 1500 Warburton Avenue in Santa Clara on Aug. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was just overly optimistic, and it was obvious it was. But on the other hand, this is Hollywood coming to town, coming to a small town, and they got taken away by it,” Noll said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s on Santa Clara for not doing their homework because if they had just looked at the previous five football stadiums that were built and saw what happened after the fact versus what happened before the fact, they would have known the same thing was going to happen to them,” Noll said. “So, yes, it’s true the 49ers played some three-card monte on them. It’s their fault for falling for it. They should have known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6) Legal fights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city and the team have traded legal blows for years, fighting several lawsuits related to parking, rent payments to the city, and chiefly, how the 49ers manage the stadium through their management company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team also managed to cut its property tax bill by half, to $6 million, greatly reducing the money expected to flow to local schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070880\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070880\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255009703-scaled-e1769191193398.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of Levi’s Stadium on Dec.3, 2025, in Santa Clara, California. \u003ccite>(Kirby Lee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the disagreements were put to bed in two different settlements, one in 2022 and another in 2024. While the team and even the city’s own press release held up the most recent settlement as a fair shake for the city, Gillmor disagreed, calling it a “loan-shark type deal” in a reply to the city’s own X social media account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noll said it’s “unique” to see how quickly the bad blood emerged in the relationship between the city and the team. “Nothing has gone as badly” elsewhere, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>7) Anthony Becker perjury conviction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the most notable outcomes tied to the influence of the 49ers on local politics in Santa Clara was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014279/ex-49ers-lobbyist-admits-he-lied-about-leak-to-protect-santa-clara-council-member\">perjury trial\u003c/a> and conviction of former Vice Mayor Anthony Becker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a two-week trial in late 2024, Becker was found guilty of a misdemeanor for leaking an early, confidential version of the “Unsportsmanlike Conduct” grand jury report to the 49ers, and of felony perjury for subsequently lying about his actions to a grand jury as it investigated the leak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071956\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara City Councilmember Anthony Becker, right, and Deputy Public Defender Christopher Montoya during Becker’s sentencing hearing at the South County Morgan Hill Courthouse on Apr. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The early access to the report allowed the 49ers to orchestrate a response to the allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker resigned shortly after the conviction. He was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034219/former-santa-clara-official-sentenced-to-probation-after-perjury-conviction\">sentenced in 2025\u003c/a> to two years’ probation and a 40-day jail sentence that could be served through community service. His attorneys filed an appeal that is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What comes next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though the current city council includes five council members supported by the 49ers, two of those spots are up for grabs during the November 2026 elections, along with the mayor’s seat, as Gillmor terms out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shift in the makeup of the council could affect Santa Clara’s relationship with the team. Gillmor, the most vocal critic of the team’s treatment of the city, will be gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s unclear if much would change, said Ann Skeet, the senior director of leadership ethics at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11973891 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/GettyImages-1954210828-scaled-e1770075676703.jpg\" alt=\"A man geared up in football uniform runs down a large football field, holding a football with his right hand.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">49ers running back Christian McCaffrey rushes for a 39-yard touchdown during the NFC playoff game against the Green Bay Packers at Levi’s Stadium on Jan. 20, 2024, in Santa Clara, California. \u003ccite>(Michael Zagaris/San Francisco 49ers/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the issues that have plagued this relationship are still going to be there. One is the political money and corporate money in politics,” Skeet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other issue is the underlying design of the stadium authority, which is a city board that oversees the management of Levi’s Stadium. The board members are the city council members, who Skeet said have likely contributed to some of the many conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Publicly elected officials are supposed to put the public’s interest first and think largely about what their city’s needs are, the city of Santa Clara,” Skeet said. “But they sit on this stadium authority board, and then they have to think about what’s in the best interest of the stadium, and sometimes those things conflict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/super-bowl\">Super Bowl\u003c/a> LX is dominating headlines this week, and with the event comes national attention on Levi’s Stadium and the city of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara\">Santa Clara\u003c/a>, which are hosting the big game this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But you might not know that the large sports venue, which serves as home field for the San Francisco 49ers (yes, it can be confusing), has been at the center of a host of controversies and battles between the team’s owners and Santa Clara’s leadership since it opened its doors in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In just over a decade, the team and the city’s relationship has become so contentious that it has already spurred multiple lawsuits, two different critical reports from Santa Clara County’s civil grand jury, a criminal perjury conviction for a sitting council member and wave after wave of big money pouring into local elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ve put together a quick digest of seven of the major points in the messy relationship between Santa Clara and the 49ers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1) Mayor Lisa Gillmor\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gillmor, who has served on the city council for more than 20 years, has been at the forefront of just about everything to do with the team and the stadium coming to the midsize city, home to around 130,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She led a campaign to approve a ballot measure paving the way for Levi’s Stadium to be built, and to be funded in part by nearly $80 million in city money, along with hundreds of millions of dollars in bonds issued by Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While initially in favor of bringing the San Francisco team to her hometown, Gillmor’s disputes with the team started quickly and publicly, due to the team’s multiple attempts to take over adjacent youth soccer fields for a parking lot. Gillmor’s husband has coached youth soccer, and her children have played the sport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071622 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251211-MAYORSBREAKFAST-JG-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara Mayor Lisa Gillmor speaks during a panel discussion about the Super Bowl and other major sporting events coming to Levi’s Stadium in 2026 during the Silicon Valley Chamber of Commerce’s Mayor’s Breakfast on Dec. 11, 2025, in Santa Clara. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gillmor didn’t respond to interview requests for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the soccer field debate, Gillmor has led the fight against what she has described as the team’s overreaches and its shortchanging of the city on revenue from events like concerts and parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the team collects profits from NFL games, the city’s general fund is typically entitled to half of the profit from non-NFL events held at the stadium, such as concerts and corporate parties. The other half goes to the Stadium Authority, a city-run agency that operates the stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were supposed to get a huge benefit from the stadium,” Gillmor said in 2023. “They’re using our police force, our fire department, our city staff, we’re all working so hard to get zero non-NFL revenue? That’s unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team has defended its management of the stadium and commissioned a 2023 report by a sports economics consulting firm that claims Levi’s has generated $2 billion of total economic impact for the broader region. A team spokesperson said team officials were unavailable for a phone interview and didn’t respond to emailed questions for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2) Election spending\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>49ers owner Jed York, apparently unhappy with the resistance the organization started to receive from Gillmor and her city council allies, began in 2020 an unprecedented run of spending huge sums of money trying to engineer a council that would be friendlier to the team.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the last three city council election cycles, political action committees funded by York and the team have spent more than $10 million to support preferred candidates and to oppose Gillmor and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The avalanche of money largely \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844213/why-are-the-49ers-spending-millions-on-a-city-council-race-ask-jed-york\">overwhelmed\u003c/a> any other special interest group’s money in a city with roughly 60,000 registered voters, allowing several of the team’s preferred candidates to get council seats and retain them. However, Gillmor was able to keep her mayor’s seat with support from developers and police unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3) Company town\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Roger Noll, a professor emeritus of economics at Stanford University, said the downside of a large sports team coming to a suburban community is that it isn’t too difficult for the team’s owners to “get control of the local politics,” comparing Santa Clara to the “company towns” of the old west.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The 49ers “would never be able to do it if it were a major city,” Noll said. “There’s no way that the Sharks were ever going to control San José like the 49ers control Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise, there’s no chance the Rams are going to control the city of Los Angeles, because if you have a big enough city, there are other economic sources of welfare for the city available and that can counteract this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in a small town,” he said, “they’re going to win. They’re gonna be the only people who want to contribute that amount of money to a political campaign, and they’re extremely likely to win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team has supported an array of candidates over the past six years, including former Vice Mayor Anthony Becker, current Vice Mayor Albert Gonzalez, and current Councilmembers Raj Chahal, Karen Hardy, Kevin Park and Sudhansu “Suds” Jain.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4) Santa Clara County civil grand jury reports\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2021, the “49er Five” — as the five team-backed members of the seven-person Santa Clara City Council were known — controlled the council. A county civil grand jury — made up of volunteers selected by the Superior Court’s judicial officers to examine issues of public concern — issued a report heavily critical of the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2022 report, titled “Unsportsmanlike Conduct,” accused Becker and four other council members of engaging in unethical and inappropriately close relationships with top lobbyists and officials from the 49ers. The team’s spokesperson at the time called the report a “political hatchet job” and accused the grand jury of corruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11799614\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11799614 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/GettyImages-1203032743-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San Francisco 49ers stretch during practice for Super Bowl LIV at the Greentree Practice Fields on the campus of the University of Miami on Jan. 30, 2020, in Coral Gables, Florida. \u003ccite>(Michael Reaves/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Undeterred, the grand jury followed up with another pair of reports in 2024 called “Outplayed” and “Irreconcilable Differences.” In “Outplayed,” the grand jury asserted the city of Santa Clara had signed itself up for an unbalanced and inequitable deal with the 49ers when it agreed to the ballot measure that brought the team and Levi’s Stadium to the city. “Irreconcilable Differences” lambasted the council itself for consistent dysfunction and tumult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The broken relationships among the members of the council and the inability of council members to work together as a cohesive group have undermined the effective governance of the city,” the report said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5) ‘Three-card monte’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Noll, the economics professor, said sports venues are more often than not a losing game for communities, but football stadiums are the worst of the bunch, because they are too big to fill for most musical artists and other events, which makes it harder for a city running the stadium to collect revenue on a consistent basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noll agreed the team outplayed the city in the agreement structures, and much of the divisiveness is rooted in the city not seeing the level of returns forecasted before the stadium was a reality, but he said Santa Clara should have seen that coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051703\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051703\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-SANTACLARACITYHALLFILE_01515_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign introduces passersby to Santa Clara City Hall at 1500 Warburton Avenue in Santa Clara on Aug. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was just overly optimistic, and it was obvious it was. But on the other hand, this is Hollywood coming to town, coming to a small town, and they got taken away by it,” Noll said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s on Santa Clara for not doing their homework because if they had just looked at the previous five football stadiums that were built and saw what happened after the fact versus what happened before the fact, they would have known the same thing was going to happen to them,” Noll said. “So, yes, it’s true the 49ers played some three-card monte on them. It’s their fault for falling for it. They should have known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6) Legal fights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city and the team have traded legal blows for years, fighting several lawsuits related to parking, rent payments to the city, and chiefly, how the 49ers manage the stadium through their management company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team also managed to cut its property tax bill by half, to $6 million, greatly reducing the money expected to flow to local schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070880\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070880\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255009703-scaled-e1769191193398.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view of Levi’s Stadium on Dec.3, 2025, in Santa Clara, California. \u003ccite>(Kirby Lee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many of the disagreements were put to bed in two different settlements, one in 2022 and another in 2024. While the team and even the city’s own press release held up the most recent settlement as a fair shake for the city, Gillmor disagreed, calling it a “loan-shark type deal” in a reply to the city’s own X social media account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noll said it’s “unique” to see how quickly the bad blood emerged in the relationship between the city and the team. “Nothing has gone as badly” elsewhere, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>7) Anthony Becker perjury conviction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the most notable outcomes tied to the influence of the 49ers on local politics in Santa Clara was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014279/ex-49ers-lobbyist-admits-he-lied-about-leak-to-protect-santa-clara-council-member\">perjury trial\u003c/a> and conviction of former Vice Mayor Anthony Becker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a two-week trial in late 2024, Becker was found guilty of a misdemeanor for leaking an early, confidential version of the “Unsportsmanlike Conduct” grand jury report to the 49ers, and of felony perjury for subsequently lying about his actions to a grand jury as it investigated the leak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071956\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071956\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/2025.04.04_Middleton_AnthonyBecker_018_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Clara City Councilmember Anthony Becker, right, and Deputy Public Defender Christopher Montoya during Becker’s sentencing hearing at the South County Morgan Hill Courthouse on Apr. 4, 2025. \u003ccite>(Florence Middleton for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The early access to the report allowed the 49ers to orchestrate a response to the allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becker resigned shortly after the conviction. He was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034219/former-santa-clara-official-sentenced-to-probation-after-perjury-conviction\">sentenced in 2025\u003c/a> to two years’ probation and a 40-day jail sentence that could be served through community service. His attorneys filed an appeal that is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What comes next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though the current city council includes five council members supported by the 49ers, two of those spots are up for grabs during the November 2026 elections, along with the mayor’s seat, as Gillmor terms out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A shift in the makeup of the council could affect Santa Clara’s relationship with the team. Gillmor, the most vocal critic of the team’s treatment of the city, will be gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s unclear if much would change, said Ann Skeet, the senior director of leadership ethics at the Markkula Center for Applied Ethics at Santa Clara University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973891\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11973891 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/GettyImages-1954210828-scaled-e1770075676703.jpg\" alt=\"A man geared up in football uniform runs down a large football field, holding a football with his right hand.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">49ers running back Christian McCaffrey rushes for a 39-yard touchdown during the NFC playoff game against the Green Bay Packers at Levi’s Stadium on Jan. 20, 2024, in Santa Clara, California. \u003ccite>(Michael Zagaris/San Francisco 49ers/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I think the issues that have plagued this relationship are still going to be there. One is the political money and corporate money in politics,” Skeet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other issue is the underlying design of the stadium authority, which is a city board that oversees the management of Levi’s Stadium. The board members are the city council members, who Skeet said have likely contributed to some of the many conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Publicly elected officials are supposed to put the public’s interest first and think largely about what their city’s needs are, the city of Santa Clara,” Skeet said. “But they sit on this stadium authority board, and then they have to think about what’s in the best interest of the stadium, and sometimes those things conflict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "child-care-in-california-was-already-hard-to-find-the-immigration-crackdown-has-made-it-worse",
"title": "Child Care in California Was Already Hard to Find — the Immigration Crackdown Has Made It Worse",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weekday morning in Los Angeles, a young mother dropped off her 2-year-old and 4-year-old at a child care center located in a neighbor’s home. It was the 2-year-old’s birthday, so she also brought a treat for the staff and kids: a “Cars”-themed red velvet cake, the child’s favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then she went off to her job as an office cleaner. The child care provider never saw her again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was picked up,” said the provider, Adriana, who asked to be identified only by her first name because although she is a legal resident of the U.S. she fears wrongful deportation. She also asked not to name the mother and children. “The kids were saying, ‘Where’s mommy? Where’s mommy?’ It was hard for us providers to explain. It was heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s sweeping crackdown on immigrants has taken a particularly high toll on the child care industry – both for families and providers. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/blog/nearly-half-a-million-early-childhood-educators-are-immigrants/\">almost 40%\u003c/a> of the workforce is foreign-born and more than a million parents — immigrant and otherwise — rely on child care providers so they can go to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Absenteeism and empty classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several recent reports have found that since Trump beefed up immigration enforcement, child care centers have lost staff — immigrants who are afraid to come to work — as well as immigrant parents who are afraid to drop their children off for fear of being arrested and separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/immigration-policies-harm-ece/\">One study\u003c/a>, from the Center for Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley, found the effects to be wide-ranging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A daycare worker hugs a child in a play room at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The administration’s policies targeting immigrant populations not only harm the immigrant (early childhood education) workforce, they also have the potential to destabilize the already-fragile ECE system that immigrant and nonimmigrant children, families, and ECE professionals rely on,” the authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss of staff and revenue has \u003ca href=\"https://d1y8sb8igg2f8e.cloudfront.net/documents/ICE_and_Child_Care__Media_1-Pager.pdf\">affected all families\u003c/a>, not just immigrants, because it means the already-tight child care market has shrunk even further, according to New America, a left-leaning think tank based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aggressive immigration enforcement has already caused closures, empty classrooms, and absenteeism in day care centers in some communities,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/report/immigrant-workers-childcare-crisis/\">according to a report \u003c/a>by the American Immigration Council, a research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Bigger than we can imagine’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is home to about 1.7 million babies and toddlers, the vast majority of whom spend at least some time in child care while their parents work. Some are enrolled in licensed day care centers, some have nannies, and others have informal arrangements with neighbors or family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tightening of the child care industry has been an extra burden on families who are already juggling the demands of work and home life. Child care is \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-crisis-high-unmet-need-and-regional-disparities/\">expensive and hard to find\u003c/a> in California — the immigration crackdown has made it even harder.[aside postID=news_12070762 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-01_qed.jpg']“The impact, especially on women, is bigger than we can imagine,” said Patricia Lozano, executive director of Early Edge California, which advocates for early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s the children who might suffer the most, she said. Not only are some missing their regular child care providers, but those with immigrant parents may be experiencing stress at home and a disruption of their routine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids benefit from going to child care. That’s a healthy, safe place for them to be,” Lozano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lozano’s group encourages immigrant families to make a plan for their children in case a parent is arrested, and inform the child care provider. The group also reminds child care providers they shouldn’t allow immigration enforcement officers into a child care center unless the agents have a signed judicial warrant. Early Edge California and other groups have published a website, \u003ca href=\"https://allinforhealth.org/safe-schools/\">All in for Safe Schools\u003c/a>, that offers guidance to schools and child care centers on how to help immigrant families and LGBTQ students. In addition, the Service Employees International Union, which represents more than 30,000 chid care providers in California, also provides resources for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Know your rights, have a plan, be prepared,” Lozano said. “And talk to your kids about it in a way they can understand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Locked doors, pulled shades\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, where 34% of the population is foreign-born, the immigration crackdown has had a noticeable effect on families and child care providers, even though the county has not seen significant immigration enforcement compared to other regions, said Kym Johnson, chief executive officer of BANANAS, a nonprofit child care referral and family resource service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some child care providers are avoiding public places, such as parks and playgrounds, while some immigrant families have dropped out of playgroups or kept their children home from day care when immigration agents are spotted in the neighborhood, Johnson said.[aside postID=news_12069711 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00057_TV-KQED.jpg']At one playgroup in East Oakland, organizers started locking the door and closing the blinds to make families feel safe. At another playgroup, located at a library, staff helped families create safety plans in case immigration agents arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bananas used to hold monthly diaper give-aways in a parking lot that would regularly attract 200 families. Fewer people started showing up after Trump took office, Johnson said, so now the group holds the giveaways several times a month, attracting smaller crowds, and moved the event indoors, so families can’t be seen from the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been trying to stay under the radar when they can,” Johnson said. “We do what we can to help people, because so many of these families don’t have a voice. And the kiddos especially don’t have a voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They’re targeting everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adriana, the child care provider in Los Angeles, has been in the child care business for 23 years. She tends to a dozen or so children in her home and is also raising her own four children. The day of the 2-year-old’s “Cars”-themed birthday, Adriana called the children’s grandmother after the mother didn’t arrive to pick them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alarmed, the grandmother tried unsuccessfully to reach the children’s mother and then brought the children to her house. Eventually the family learned what happened: Both the children’s parents plus their uncle were arrested and deported to Colombia. After a few weeks, the grandmother and children moved to Colombia, as well, so the family could be united.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Adriana started bringing her passport everywhere she went. She also started locking both gates at her house, not opening the front door unless she knows who’s ringing the bell, and working with parents — even those with legal status — to create back-up plans in case they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here legally, but they’re targeting everyone,” she said. “I’m just scared. What if my kids are in school and I can’t call? I try not to let it affect me, but it’s always in the back of my mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often feels frustrated and helpless, but tries to create a safe, welcoming environment for the children in her care so they can focus on having fun — and find some relief from the anxiety they may be feeling at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sad. (Immigration agents) are targeting hard-working people, not criminals,” she said. “People who are just trying to make ends meet for their families. But my job is to take care of children. So we try not to put that fear onto the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2026/02/child-care-california-2/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weekday morning in Los Angeles, a young mother dropped off her 2-year-old and 4-year-old at a child care center located in a neighbor’s home. It was the 2-year-old’s birthday, so she also brought a treat for the staff and kids: a “Cars”-themed red velvet cake, the child’s favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then she went off to her job as an office cleaner. The child care provider never saw her again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was picked up,” said the provider, Adriana, who asked to be identified only by her first name because although she is a legal resident of the U.S. she fears wrongful deportation. She also asked not to name the mother and children. “The kids were saying, ‘Where’s mommy? Where’s mommy?’ It was hard for us providers to explain. It was heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s sweeping crackdown on immigrants has taken a particularly high toll on the child care industry – both for families and providers. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/blog/nearly-half-a-million-early-childhood-educators-are-immigrants/\">almost 40%\u003c/a> of the workforce is foreign-born and more than a million parents — immigrant and otherwise — rely on child care providers so they can go to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Absenteeism and empty classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several recent reports have found that since Trump beefed up immigration enforcement, child care centers have lost staff — immigrants who are afraid to come to work — as well as immigrant parents who are afraid to drop their children off for fear of being arrested and separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/immigration-policies-harm-ece/\">One study\u003c/a>, from the Center for Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley, found the effects to be wide-ranging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A daycare worker hugs a child in a play room at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The administration’s policies targeting immigrant populations not only harm the immigrant (early childhood education) workforce, they also have the potential to destabilize the already-fragile ECE system that immigrant and nonimmigrant children, families, and ECE professionals rely on,” the authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss of staff and revenue has \u003ca href=\"https://d1y8sb8igg2f8e.cloudfront.net/documents/ICE_and_Child_Care__Media_1-Pager.pdf\">affected all families\u003c/a>, not just immigrants, because it means the already-tight child care market has shrunk even further, according to New America, a left-leaning think tank based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aggressive immigration enforcement has already caused closures, empty classrooms, and absenteeism in day care centers in some communities,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/report/immigrant-workers-childcare-crisis/\">according to a report \u003c/a>by the American Immigration Council, a research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Bigger than we can imagine’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is home to about 1.7 million babies and toddlers, the vast majority of whom spend at least some time in child care while their parents work. Some are enrolled in licensed day care centers, some have nannies, and others have informal arrangements with neighbors or family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tightening of the child care industry has been an extra burden on families who are already juggling the demands of work and home life. Child care is \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-crisis-high-unmet-need-and-regional-disparities/\">expensive and hard to find\u003c/a> in California — the immigration crackdown has made it even harder.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The impact, especially on women, is bigger than we can imagine,” said Patricia Lozano, executive director of Early Edge California, which advocates for early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s the children who might suffer the most, she said. Not only are some missing their regular child care providers, but those with immigrant parents may be experiencing stress at home and a disruption of their routine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids benefit from going to child care. That’s a healthy, safe place for them to be,” Lozano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lozano’s group encourages immigrant families to make a plan for their children in case a parent is arrested, and inform the child care provider. The group also reminds child care providers they shouldn’t allow immigration enforcement officers into a child care center unless the agents have a signed judicial warrant. Early Edge California and other groups have published a website, \u003ca href=\"https://allinforhealth.org/safe-schools/\">All in for Safe Schools\u003c/a>, that offers guidance to schools and child care centers on how to help immigrant families and LGBTQ students. In addition, the Service Employees International Union, which represents more than 30,000 chid care providers in California, also provides resources for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Know your rights, have a plan, be prepared,” Lozano said. “And talk to your kids about it in a way they can understand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Locked doors, pulled shades\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, where 34% of the population is foreign-born, the immigration crackdown has had a noticeable effect on families and child care providers, even though the county has not seen significant immigration enforcement compared to other regions, said Kym Johnson, chief executive officer of BANANAS, a nonprofit child care referral and family resource service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some child care providers are avoiding public places, such as parks and playgrounds, while some immigrant families have dropped out of playgroups or kept their children home from day care when immigration agents are spotted in the neighborhood, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At one playgroup in East Oakland, organizers started locking the door and closing the blinds to make families feel safe. At another playgroup, located at a library, staff helped families create safety plans in case immigration agents arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bananas used to hold monthly diaper give-aways in a parking lot that would regularly attract 200 families. Fewer people started showing up after Trump took office, Johnson said, so now the group holds the giveaways several times a month, attracting smaller crowds, and moved the event indoors, so families can’t be seen from the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been trying to stay under the radar when they can,” Johnson said. “We do what we can to help people, because so many of these families don’t have a voice. And the kiddos especially don’t have a voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They’re targeting everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adriana, the child care provider in Los Angeles, has been in the child care business for 23 years. She tends to a dozen or so children in her home and is also raising her own four children. The day of the 2-year-old’s “Cars”-themed birthday, Adriana called the children’s grandmother after the mother didn’t arrive to pick them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alarmed, the grandmother tried unsuccessfully to reach the children’s mother and then brought the children to her house. Eventually the family learned what happened: Both the children’s parents plus their uncle were arrested and deported to Colombia. After a few weeks, the grandmother and children moved to Colombia, as well, so the family could be united.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Adriana started bringing her passport everywhere she went. She also started locking both gates at her house, not opening the front door unless she knows who’s ringing the bell, and working with parents — even those with legal status — to create back-up plans in case they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here legally, but they’re targeting everyone,” she said. “I’m just scared. What if my kids are in school and I can’t call? I try not to let it affect me, but it’s always in the back of my mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often feels frustrated and helpless, but tries to create a safe, welcoming environment for the children in her care so they can focus on having fun — and find some relief from the anxiety they may be feeling at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sad. (Immigration agents) are targeting hard-working people, not criminals,” she said. “People who are just trying to make ends meet for their families. But my job is to take care of children. So we try not to put that fear onto the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2026/02/child-care-california-2/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-rep-david-valadao-voted-for-medi-cal-cuts-will-voters-hold-it-against-him",
"title": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him?",
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"headTitle": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-valadao\">David Valadao\u003c/a> has some explaining to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly two-thirds of constituents in his Central Valley district — approximately 527,000 Californians — are enrolled in Medi-Cal, the state Medicaid program that provides health care coverage to low-income Americans and those with disabilities. At 64%, Valadao’s district has the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicaid/congressional-district-interactive-map-medicaid-enrollment-by-eligibility-group/\">highest \u003c/a>Medicaid enrollment rate of any Republican seat in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033802/how-cuts-medicaid-republican-gains-california\">Republican cast what would become\u003c/a> the decisive vote to pass President Donald Trump’s domestic policy megabill, a law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051681/local-health-providers-prepare-for-medi-cal-cuts\">slashed more than $1 trillion\u003c/a> from Medicaid and other programs that help the poorest Americans to pay for tax cuts that will mostly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/11/us/politics/trump-gop-policy-bill-rich-poor.html\">benefit \u003c/a>the country’s richest. One of the most drastic changes is stricter eligibility requirements for Medicaid that California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gT9_aI0TD5U\">estimate \u003c/a>will kick two million Californians off their health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans across the country will face an uphill battle in the midterms as they toil to defend — and sell — the record of their party’s widely unpopular and polarizing president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Valadao in particular has the unenviable task of justifying why he consistently supported — not just on final passage, but at each procedural step along the way — a measure that bears such dire consequences for so many of the constituents whose votes he’ll need to win reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. David Valadao stands in his milo field on Oct. 21, 2022 in Hanford, King’s County. \u003ccite>(Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His two Democratic opponents are already arguing that Valadao’s vote in favor of the “one big beautiful bill,” which came after he suggested he wouldn’t support cutting Medicaid, amounts to a breach of trust that should cost him his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was the deciding vote. His one vote could have stopped that,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/jasmeet-bains-165424\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a>, a Bakersfield physician who’s challenging Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randy Villegas, a Visalia school board trustee and college professor who is also vying for the chance to unseat Valadao, put it more bluntly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He “lied to our faces,” Villegas said, using an expletive for emphasis. “We have somebody in office who is willing to try and do or say whatever is politically convenient to save his own butt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the six-term congressman declined CalMatters’ requests for an interview, saying his schedule was full.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman David Valadao has consistently fought for Central Valley families and real solutions to strengthen rural health care, not played politics for headlines,” wrote Christian Martinez, regional press secretary for the National Republican Congressional Committee, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after his final vote on the megabill, Valadao stressed that even though he \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">still had concerns\u003c/a> with the bill, he ultimately voted for it to avoid tax hikes that would result from the expiration of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts. While Valadao and other Republicans have marketed those cuts as tax relief for middle- and low-income families, economists agree that they \u003ca href=\"https://economics.ucla.edu/how-a-historic-corporate-tax-cut-reshaped-the-u-s-economy/#:~:text=The%20researchers%20identify%20a%20substantial,costs%20required%20to%20produce%20them.\">disproportionately benefit wealthy Americans and corporations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can Democrats replicate 2018?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Out of seven elections, Valadao has only lost once – in 2018, as part of the decisive “blue wave” that flipped control of the House during Trump’s first midterm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Democrats leveraged the GOP’s multiple failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, a program that since its creation has grown broadly popular with Americans across the political spectrum. Also looming then was the White House’s controversial practice of separating immigrant children from their parents and detaining them to deter border crossings.[aside postID=news_12033802 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-14-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Even casual observers of politics can draw the parallels between 2018 — a Trump midterm election defined by Republican attacks on health care and aggressive immigration enforcement — and 2026. And national Democrats for months have said they plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/01/us/politics/trump-budget-medicaid.html\">run the same playbook\u003c/a> as they push to flip the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican strategists agree this will be the most difficult reelection that incumbent House Republicans have faced since the last time Trump was in office, even for someone like Valadao who has consistently outperformed as a Republican in a Democratic-leaning district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think this is the year that Valadao is in deep trouble,” said Mike Madrid, Republican political consultant and cofounder of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project. “Nine times out of 10, I don’t say that. But this year is going to look a lot like 2018 — probably more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Valadao reclaimed his seat in 2020, he’s twice fended off challenges from former Democratic Assemblyman Rudy Salas, a moderate with strong backing from national Democrats. (Salas \u003ca href=\"https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00791756/1932283/\">filed candidate paperwork\u003c/a> but \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2026/01/27/republicans-navigate-alex-prettis-killing-00748773\">recently stated\u003c/a> he has not yet decided whether he’ll enter the race.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also sought to further burnish his reputation as a moderate and an independent thinker rather than a Trump acolyte. Of the 10 Republican defectors who voted with Democrats in 2021 to impeach Trump for inciting an insurrection on Jan. 6, Valadao is the only one left in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Will Medicaid vote cost Valadao his job?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Trump won reelection in 2024 and congressional Republicans started crafting the president’s first big legislative package, Valadao repeatedly signaled that he wouldn’t support a bill that threatened Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one letter to House leadership, Valadao and some Hispanic lawmakers argued that such cuts “would have serious consequences, particularly in rural and predominantly Hispanic communities where hospitals and nursing homes are already struggling to keep their doors open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/092525_Redistricting-Day-2_LV_CM_12-1024x682.jpg\" alt='A red political sign is seen near a highways with cars passing through. That sign, that includes an image of a lawmaker next to an image of a child, reads \" Rep. Valadao cut our healthcare to give tax breaks to billionaires.\"'>\u003cfigcaption>A political sign against U.S. Rep. David Valadao off of Highway 198 in Lemoore on Sept. 26, 2025. Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters via CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, he voted several times to advance Trump’s domestic policy agenda, which health care advocates and constituents lambasted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think there was really a sense of betrayal among at least some of his voters, who thought, ‘You know, this is not what I elected him to Congress to do — I thought he was a different kind of Republican who would represent the needs of the district,’” said Amanda McAllister-Wallner, executive director of Health Access. She helped lead the coalition known as “Fight for Our Health,” which lobbied Valadao and other California House Republicans to vote against the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s vote was especially significant given that the 22nd Congressional District, which he represents, is home to a higher percentage of Medicaid enrollees than any other Republican district in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao has defended his votes and said he ultimately supported the legislation because it preserved the Medicaid program “for its intended recipients — children, pregnant women, the disabled and elderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the more stringent eligibility requirements will cause patients of all ages to lose coverage, since proving eligibility can be a confusing and laborious process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know how important the program is for my constituents,” Valadao \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">wrote in a statement\u003c/a> after he voted to approve the bill. He added that several of the most concerning policy changes that “would have devastated healthcare in my district,” were removed as a result of his “many months of meetings” with Republican leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Valadao does damage control\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the vote, Valadao has seemingly worked to insulate himself from potentially difficult questions, declining multiple interviews with CalMatters for several different stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to the issue that lost him the 2018 race, Valadao also joined Democrats and 16 other Republicans to buck House GOP leadership in a symbolic vote to extend the already-expired Affordable Care Act tax subsidies. More than 85,000 of his constituents on ACA plans saw their health premiums skyrocket by an average of $85 per month, \u003ca href=\"https://fightforourhealth.org/wp-content/uploads/FFOH-District-22-Fact-Sheet-23636-1.pdf\">according to health advocates\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12071841 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg']When he has received questions about Medicaid funding, he has pointed repeatedly to the “Rural Health Transformation Project,” a $50 billion fund tucked into the Trump megabill designed to help some rural hospitals keep their doors open as \u003ca href=\"https://calhospital.org/federal-medicaid-cuts-will-strip-up-to-128-billion-from-ca-hospitals-cha-estimates/\">they prepare to lose billions in Medicaid revenue\u003c/a>. Critics have pointed out that California would only receive $230 million from the program in 2026, a fraction of the estimated $15 billion the state’s hospitals would have received in Medicaid dollars this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao co-hosted a roundtable last month with local health care industry leaders and advocates, Rep. Vince Fong and Dr. Mehmet Oz, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services under Trump. The event was closed to the press, and one attendee said there was little time to address specific questions or concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that it felt performative,” said Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board. She said she was frustrated that the conversation was largely scripted and felt more like a sales pitch for Oz and the White House’s agenda than a genuine discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a great roundtable of people who would have loved to have a more robust conversation around true impacts and what solutions exist,” Hedrick said. “And those solutions would be congressional fixes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘It felt performative.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board.\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But as much as Valadao’s opponents hope to leverage the Medicaid cuts, political strategists warn that they should not fixate too much on health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were running the campaign against him, I would not pin all my hopes on that,” said Madrid. He argued that Democrats should tap into Americans’ concerns about the economy and the cost of living, which consistently poll as the top issue for voters and are “politically poisonous” for Republicans given that prices have only risen since their party took control of Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Stutzman, a veteran Republican political strategist, posited that Medicaid wouldn’t be as strong a motivator as the Affordable Care Act was to get voters out. The people most affected by those cuts, low-income families and those with disabilities, are not the typical demographic of likely midterm voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s as equipped to weather a Trump midterm as a lot of Republicans in similar situations across the country,” Stutzman said of Valadao. “He’s now a long-term incumbent. He’s got a lot of muscle and strength in that district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/congress-valadao-medicaid-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Democrats hope to oust him again by leveraging his vote for the GOP megabill that will cut funding to Medi-Cal, which provides health coverage for nearly two-thirds of his constituents.\r\n\r\n",
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"title": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him? | KQED",
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"headline": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-valadao\">David Valadao\u003c/a> has some explaining to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly two-thirds of constituents in his Central Valley district — approximately 527,000 Californians — are enrolled in Medi-Cal, the state Medicaid program that provides health care coverage to low-income Americans and those with disabilities. At 64%, Valadao’s district has the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicaid/congressional-district-interactive-map-medicaid-enrollment-by-eligibility-group/\">highest \u003c/a>Medicaid enrollment rate of any Republican seat in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033802/how-cuts-medicaid-republican-gains-california\">Republican cast what would become\u003c/a> the decisive vote to pass President Donald Trump’s domestic policy megabill, a law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051681/local-health-providers-prepare-for-medi-cal-cuts\">slashed more than $1 trillion\u003c/a> from Medicaid and other programs that help the poorest Americans to pay for tax cuts that will mostly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/11/us/politics/trump-gop-policy-bill-rich-poor.html\">benefit \u003c/a>the country’s richest. One of the most drastic changes is stricter eligibility requirements for Medicaid that California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gT9_aI0TD5U\">estimate \u003c/a>will kick two million Californians off their health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans across the country will face an uphill battle in the midterms as they toil to defend — and sell — the record of their party’s widely unpopular and polarizing president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Valadao in particular has the unenviable task of justifying why he consistently supported — not just on final passage, but at each procedural step along the way — a measure that bears such dire consequences for so many of the constituents whose votes he’ll need to win reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. David Valadao stands in his milo field on Oct. 21, 2022 in Hanford, King’s County. \u003ccite>(Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His two Democratic opponents are already arguing that Valadao’s vote in favor of the “one big beautiful bill,” which came after he suggested he wouldn’t support cutting Medicaid, amounts to a breach of trust that should cost him his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was the deciding vote. His one vote could have stopped that,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/jasmeet-bains-165424\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a>, a Bakersfield physician who’s challenging Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randy Villegas, a Visalia school board trustee and college professor who is also vying for the chance to unseat Valadao, put it more bluntly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He “lied to our faces,” Villegas said, using an expletive for emphasis. “We have somebody in office who is willing to try and do or say whatever is politically convenient to save his own butt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the six-term congressman declined CalMatters’ requests for an interview, saying his schedule was full.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman David Valadao has consistently fought for Central Valley families and real solutions to strengthen rural health care, not played politics for headlines,” wrote Christian Martinez, regional press secretary for the National Republican Congressional Committee, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after his final vote on the megabill, Valadao stressed that even though he \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">still had concerns\u003c/a> with the bill, he ultimately voted for it to avoid tax hikes that would result from the expiration of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts. While Valadao and other Republicans have marketed those cuts as tax relief for middle- and low-income families, economists agree that they \u003ca href=\"https://economics.ucla.edu/how-a-historic-corporate-tax-cut-reshaped-the-u-s-economy/#:~:text=The%20researchers%20identify%20a%20substantial,costs%20required%20to%20produce%20them.\">disproportionately benefit wealthy Americans and corporations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can Democrats replicate 2018?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Out of seven elections, Valadao has only lost once – in 2018, as part of the decisive “blue wave” that flipped control of the House during Trump’s first midterm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Democrats leveraged the GOP’s multiple failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, a program that since its creation has grown broadly popular with Americans across the political spectrum. Also looming then was the White House’s controversial practice of separating immigrant children from their parents and detaining them to deter border crossings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even casual observers of politics can draw the parallels between 2018 — a Trump midterm election defined by Republican attacks on health care and aggressive immigration enforcement — and 2026. And national Democrats for months have said they plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/01/us/politics/trump-budget-medicaid.html\">run the same playbook\u003c/a> as they push to flip the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican strategists agree this will be the most difficult reelection that incumbent House Republicans have faced since the last time Trump was in office, even for someone like Valadao who has consistently outperformed as a Republican in a Democratic-leaning district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think this is the year that Valadao is in deep trouble,” said Mike Madrid, Republican political consultant and cofounder of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project. “Nine times out of 10, I don’t say that. But this year is going to look a lot like 2018 — probably more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Valadao reclaimed his seat in 2020, he’s twice fended off challenges from former Democratic Assemblyman Rudy Salas, a moderate with strong backing from national Democrats. (Salas \u003ca href=\"https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00791756/1932283/\">filed candidate paperwork\u003c/a> but \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2026/01/27/republicans-navigate-alex-prettis-killing-00748773\">recently stated\u003c/a> he has not yet decided whether he’ll enter the race.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also sought to further burnish his reputation as a moderate and an independent thinker rather than a Trump acolyte. Of the 10 Republican defectors who voted with Democrats in 2021 to impeach Trump for inciting an insurrection on Jan. 6, Valadao is the only one left in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Will Medicaid vote cost Valadao his job?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Trump won reelection in 2024 and congressional Republicans started crafting the president’s first big legislative package, Valadao repeatedly signaled that he wouldn’t support a bill that threatened Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one letter to House leadership, Valadao and some Hispanic lawmakers argued that such cuts “would have serious consequences, particularly in rural and predominantly Hispanic communities where hospitals and nursing homes are already struggling to keep their doors open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/092525_Redistricting-Day-2_LV_CM_12-1024x682.jpg\" alt='A red political sign is seen near a highways with cars passing through. That sign, that includes an image of a lawmaker next to an image of a child, reads \" Rep. Valadao cut our healthcare to give tax breaks to billionaires.\"'>\u003cfigcaption>A political sign against U.S. Rep. David Valadao off of Highway 198 in Lemoore on Sept. 26, 2025. Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters via CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, he voted several times to advance Trump’s domestic policy agenda, which health care advocates and constituents lambasted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think there was really a sense of betrayal among at least some of his voters, who thought, ‘You know, this is not what I elected him to Congress to do — I thought he was a different kind of Republican who would represent the needs of the district,’” said Amanda McAllister-Wallner, executive director of Health Access. She helped lead the coalition known as “Fight for Our Health,” which lobbied Valadao and other California House Republicans to vote against the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s vote was especially significant given that the 22nd Congressional District, which he represents, is home to a higher percentage of Medicaid enrollees than any other Republican district in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao has defended his votes and said he ultimately supported the legislation because it preserved the Medicaid program “for its intended recipients — children, pregnant women, the disabled and elderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the more stringent eligibility requirements will cause patients of all ages to lose coverage, since proving eligibility can be a confusing and laborious process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know how important the program is for my constituents,” Valadao \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">wrote in a statement\u003c/a> after he voted to approve the bill. He added that several of the most concerning policy changes that “would have devastated healthcare in my district,” were removed as a result of his “many months of meetings” with Republican leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Valadao does damage control\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the vote, Valadao has seemingly worked to insulate himself from potentially difficult questions, declining multiple interviews with CalMatters for several different stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to the issue that lost him the 2018 race, Valadao also joined Democrats and 16 other Republicans to buck House GOP leadership in a symbolic vote to extend the already-expired Affordable Care Act tax subsidies. More than 85,000 of his constituents on ACA plans saw their health premiums skyrocket by an average of $85 per month, \u003ca href=\"https://fightforourhealth.org/wp-content/uploads/FFOH-District-22-Fact-Sheet-23636-1.pdf\">according to health advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When he has received questions about Medicaid funding, he has pointed repeatedly to the “Rural Health Transformation Project,” a $50 billion fund tucked into the Trump megabill designed to help some rural hospitals keep their doors open as \u003ca href=\"https://calhospital.org/federal-medicaid-cuts-will-strip-up-to-128-billion-from-ca-hospitals-cha-estimates/\">they prepare to lose billions in Medicaid revenue\u003c/a>. Critics have pointed out that California would only receive $230 million from the program in 2026, a fraction of the estimated $15 billion the state’s hospitals would have received in Medicaid dollars this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao co-hosted a roundtable last month with local health care industry leaders and advocates, Rep. Vince Fong and Dr. Mehmet Oz, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services under Trump. The event was closed to the press, and one attendee said there was little time to address specific questions or concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that it felt performative,” said Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board. She said she was frustrated that the conversation was largely scripted and felt more like a sales pitch for Oz and the White House’s agenda than a genuine discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a great roundtable of people who would have loved to have a more robust conversation around true impacts and what solutions exist,” Hedrick said. “And those solutions would be congressional fixes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘It felt performative.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board.\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But as much as Valadao’s opponents hope to leverage the Medicaid cuts, political strategists warn that they should not fixate too much on health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were running the campaign against him, I would not pin all my hopes on that,” said Madrid. He argued that Democrats should tap into Americans’ concerns about the economy and the cost of living, which consistently poll as the top issue for voters and are “politically poisonous” for Republicans given that prices have only risen since their party took control of Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Stutzman, a veteran Republican political strategist, posited that Medicaid wouldn’t be as strong a motivator as the Affordable Care Act was to get voters out. The people most affected by those cuts, low-income families and those with disabilities, are not the typical demographic of likely midterm voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s as equipped to weather a Trump midterm as a lot of Republicans in similar situations across the country,” Stutzman said of Valadao. “He’s now a long-term incumbent. He’s got a lot of muscle and strength in that district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/congress-valadao-medicaid-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">launched his campaign for governor\u003c/a> this week, touting his record in office as a potential blueprint for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Mahan begins a four-month sprint to the June 2 primary amid a crowded Democratic field, he still has a day job to worry about: leading the state’s third-largest city in the face of fiscal headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s allies and critics on the council are split over whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">his run for higher office\u003c/a> is a distraction or an opportunity for San José. The campaign overlaps with the busiest time of year at city hall, when the mayor and council negotiate a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That task could be complicated by a $55 million to $65 million budget shortfall facing the city, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/127403/639019929003530000\">early estimate\u003c/a> by the city manager’s office released in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that deficit represents a much smaller share of San José’s general fund than shortfalls in San Francisco and Oakland, it still sets up difficult choices for Mahan and the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how he plans to balance leading the city while reaching for the brass ring of state politics, Mahan replied: “I still wake up every day thinking about my primary job, which is being mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San José from San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s campaign is likely to lean heavily on his mayoral resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2023, Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">led a major change\u003c/a> in the city’s strategy for reducing homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">consecutive budgets\u003c/a>, he has won support for shifting money from Measure E, a voter-approved real estate tax, away from funding affordable apartments and toward building interim housing and shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has touted a 10% decline in unsheltered homelessness during his time in office. And he has vowed that if elected governor, he would give cities such as San José more money to keep people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a story to tell about how we can bring that same spirit of pragmatism and spirit of problem solving to the entire state of California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Mahan’s critics at city hall, his run for governor is a confirmation of their view that he has used his job as mayor as a political stepping stone.[aside postID=news_12071306 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg']“This mayor has demonstrated to us that he leverages the communications of this city to his political benefit,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said. “And too often when we see decisions that are driven by what sounds good or what looks good in the moment, it doesn’t always mean it’s what is best for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Mahan’s tenure could be appealing targets for the Democrats running against him. Mahan has sparred with organized labor throughout his time as mayor, most notably in 2023, when he was the lone vote on the city council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">against giving city workers\u003c/a> a 6% raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said Mahan’s signature move on homelessness embodies what she sees as the mayor’s prioritization of quick wins over lasting impact, by diverting city spending on permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redirecting Measure E funds is a reflection of short-term thinking, rather than long-term housing stability for San José,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Mahan leads weekly council meetings and spearheads the budget process, the city manager runs the day-to-day operations of city departments. That “weak mayor” system could make it easier for Mahan to hit the campaign trail and introduce himself to voters across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can produce a governor from the city of San José, I think it would be a boon for the South Bay and San José specifically,” Councilmember Michael Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matt Mahan has more energy than any person I think I’ve ever met, and I think he will do the right thing for the city of San José by making sure he’s paying the attention he needs to in this very critical budget cycle,” Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Matt Mahan speaks with a reporter during an election night party for Matthew Quevedo, San José Council District 3 candidate, in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s budget report highlighted slow growth in property and sales tax revenue, combined with higher-than-expected costs for retiree benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local economy continues to be relatively weak, with stagnant job growth and a suppressed real estate market,” City Manager Jennifer Maguire wrote. “Unfortunately, several major General Fund revenue categories have weakened further since prior forecasts or continue at the previously forecasted low levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan is expected to unveil his initial spending plan in early March. After months of hearings and negotiations, the council will vote on a final budget on June 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that point, Mahan could be on his way to Sacramento — or back on the 18th floor of city hall, licking his political wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">launched his campaign for governor\u003c/a> this week, touting his record in office as a potential blueprint for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Mahan begins a four-month sprint to the June 2 primary amid a crowded Democratic field, he still has a day job to worry about: leading the state’s third-largest city in the face of fiscal headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s allies and critics on the council are split over whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">his run for higher office\u003c/a> is a distraction or an opportunity for San José. The campaign overlaps with the busiest time of year at city hall, when the mayor and council negotiate a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That task could be complicated by a $55 million to $65 million budget shortfall facing the city, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/127403/639019929003530000\">early estimate\u003c/a> by the city manager’s office released in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that deficit represents a much smaller share of San José’s general fund than shortfalls in San Francisco and Oakland, it still sets up difficult choices for Mahan and the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how he plans to balance leading the city while reaching for the brass ring of state politics, Mahan replied: “I still wake up every day thinking about my primary job, which is being mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San José from San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s campaign is likely to lean heavily on his mayoral resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2023, Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">led a major change\u003c/a> in the city’s strategy for reducing homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">consecutive budgets\u003c/a>, he has won support for shifting money from Measure E, a voter-approved real estate tax, away from funding affordable apartments and toward building interim housing and shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has touted a 10% decline in unsheltered homelessness during his time in office. And he has vowed that if elected governor, he would give cities such as San José more money to keep people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a story to tell about how we can bring that same spirit of pragmatism and spirit of problem solving to the entire state of California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Mahan’s critics at city hall, his run for governor is a confirmation of their view that he has used his job as mayor as a political stepping stone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This mayor has demonstrated to us that he leverages the communications of this city to his political benefit,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said. “And too often when we see decisions that are driven by what sounds good or what looks good in the moment, it doesn’t always mean it’s what is best for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Mahan’s tenure could be appealing targets for the Democrats running against him. Mahan has sparred with organized labor throughout his time as mayor, most notably in 2023, when he was the lone vote on the city council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">against giving city workers\u003c/a> a 6% raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said Mahan’s signature move on homelessness embodies what she sees as the mayor’s prioritization of quick wins over lasting impact, by diverting city spending on permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redirecting Measure E funds is a reflection of short-term thinking, rather than long-term housing stability for San José,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Mahan leads weekly council meetings and spearheads the budget process, the city manager runs the day-to-day operations of city departments. That “weak mayor” system could make it easier for Mahan to hit the campaign trail and introduce himself to voters across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can produce a governor from the city of San José, I think it would be a boon for the South Bay and San José specifically,” Councilmember Michael Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matt Mahan has more energy than any person I think I’ve ever met, and I think he will do the right thing for the city of San José by making sure he’s paying the attention he needs to in this very critical budget cycle,” Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Matt Mahan speaks with a reporter during an election night party for Matthew Quevedo, San José Council District 3 candidate, in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s budget report highlighted slow growth in property and sales tax revenue, combined with higher-than-expected costs for retiree benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local economy continues to be relatively weak, with stagnant job growth and a suppressed real estate market,” City Manager Jennifer Maguire wrote. “Unfortunately, several major General Fund revenue categories have weakened further since prior forecasts or continue at the previously forecasted low levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan is expected to unveil his initial spending plan in early March. After months of hearings and negotiations, the council will vote on a final budget on June 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that point, Mahan could be on his way to Sacramento — or back on the 18th floor of city hall, licking his political wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A city in California’s Mojave Desert is at the center of a growing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement controversy. A privately-owned former prison has been revived by ICE and is poised to become the largest immigration detention facility on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since opening in August, the facility has sparked ongoing protests and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">drawn serious allegations\u003c/a> of neglect and inadequate medical care, along with questions about whether it is operating legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa and Scott are joined by KQED’s senior immigration editor Tyche Hendricks to break down the allegations and legal concerns surrounding the facility. Then, they talk to California City Marquette Hawkins about his stance on the detention facility and what it’s like leading a city at the center of a national debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Check out \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003ca class=\"e-91036-text-link e-91036-baseline e-91036-overflow-wrap-anywhere encore-internal-color-text-announcement e-91036-text-link--use-focus sc-cwHptR fShHsZ\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-encore-id=\"textLink\" data-slate-node=\"element\" data-slate-inline=\"true\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A city in California’s Mojave Desert is at the center of a growing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement controversy. A privately-owned former prison has been revived by ICE and is poised to become the largest immigration detention facility on the West Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since opening in August, the facility has sparked ongoing protests and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">drawn serious allegations\u003c/a> of neglect and inadequate medical care, along with questions about whether it is operating legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa and Scott are joined by KQED’s senior immigration editor Tyche Hendricks to break down the allegations and legal concerns surrounding the facility. Then, they talk to California City Marquette Hawkins about his stance on the detention facility and what it’s like leading a city at the center of a national debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Check out \u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003ca class=\"e-91036-text-link e-91036-baseline e-91036-overflow-wrap-anywhere encore-internal-color-text-announcement e-91036-text-link--use-focus sc-cwHptR fShHsZ\" href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\" data-encore-id=\"textLink\" data-slate-node=\"element\" data-slate-inline=\"true\">\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan data-slate-node=\"text\">\u003cspan class=\"sc-dhKdcB cgUUbz\" data-slate-leaf=\"true\">, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/span>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> lawmakers are seeking to target the deep pockets of for-profit contractors key to the Trump administration’s growing deportation campaign, amid outrage over the killing of U.S. citizens by federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state bill would raise taxes on companies that contract with the federal government to run immigration detention facilities, which hold thousands of men and women in California. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1633\">AB-1633\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, on Tuesday, would tax operators’ detention contract revenue by 50% annually and reinvest those funds into services supporting immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-in-the-nation bill aims to mitigate economic, emotional and social harms caused to the state as immigration authorities detain more residents, businesses lose workers and students skip school due to deportation fears, Haney said during a press conference on the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow these for-profit corporations to make hundreds of millions of dollars off of human suffering and family separation,” Haney said, flanked by Democratic lawmakers, gubernatorial candidate Tony Thurmond and immigrant advocates. “If you are going to impose this kind of terror on our state and on our people, we are going to tax you for the pain and harm that you’re causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as the fatal shootings of protesters Alex Pretti, an intensive care unit nurse, and Renee Macklin Good, a mother of three, have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071018/california-governor-candidates-denounce-ice-at-san-francisco-forum\"> generated intense backlash\u003c/a> in spaces as varied as professional basketball games, social media influencers’ baking feeds and Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5688870\"> voter\u003c/a> surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts with three private prison companies — Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — for about $560 million per year to run detention centers in the state, according to the California Immigrant Policy Center, a bill sponsor. The seven facilities currently jail more than 6,200 immigrants, ICE’s most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management#stats\">figures\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2240148392-scaled-e1769712035624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fences and barbed wire surround the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on Oct. 4, 2025, in San Diego, California. \u003ccite>(Kevin Carter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For years, detainees and immigrant advocates, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">California Attorney General,\u003c/a> have reported that the facilities have failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards, with substandard medical care, unsanitary living spaces, inadequate access to food and other serious problems. Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody nationwide, the most in two decades. So far this year, six more detainees have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Wilkes, a spokeswoman for the Day 1 Alliance — a trade organization representing Geo Group, CoreCivic and MTC — declined to comment on the new proposed tax, but defended the companies’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 30 years, contractors have partnered with both Democratic and Republican administrations to provide vital services at their request, including safe, humane housing, quality medical and mental health care, and respectful, dignified care for individuals navigating the U.S. immigration system,” Wilkes said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the contractors’ critical services, she added, more immigrants would likely be held in overcrowded local jails, alongside potentially dangerous individuals.[aside postID=news_12069688 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/KernCountyICEDetentionGetty.jpg']“Contractors do not make arrests, do not decide the length of detention, and play no role in determining the legal status of individuals in their care,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Donald Trump, the federal government approved last summer an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">$170 billion\u003c/a> over four years for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, Border Patrol and other agencies. Those funds include $45 billion for building new immigration detention centers and $30 billion to boost enforcement and deportation operations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">Senate is now considering\u003c/a> a House-approved package that would send additional funding to DHS. The measure is largely opposed by Democrats, who are demanding more guardrails for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Woo, a Bay Area community organizer, said her elderly family members were apprehended by ICE during their final interview to apply for permanent residency, after 20 years of living in the U.S. They were locked up in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">largest and newest detention center\u003c/a> in the Mojave Desert, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words cannot describe what visceral pain of seeing your elder relative who immigrated to this country to build a better life for our family, break down crying behind a glass screen window where it’s impossible to hug them and hold their hand,” said Woo, who works at the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network. “No one deserves to experience the same inhumane pain, suffering, and loneliness that my loved one felt every day in that prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislation previously tried to phase out all for-profit prisons and private detention facilities, but was blocked by the courts. Still, the state has broad authority to tax businesses as it sees fit, including contractors enabling detentions, Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the proposed 50% tax on the gross receipts from detention contracts (before operating expenses) would be much larger than most state taxes, and could threaten the companies’ ability to operate in the state. California’s corporate income tax is 8.84% on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they look at this tax and they say, ‘That’s too high for us to pay,’ then they can leave,” Haney said. “And certainly, we’re not going to shed any tears if that’s the outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States may not impose taxes directly on the federal government, but can tax the income of federal employees and contractors. In addition, taxes are often targeted to activities perceived as causing social harm to discourage the taxpayer from creating additional harm or to mitigate it, said UC Davis law professor Darien Shanske, who teaches tax law.[aside postID=news_12071374 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1.jpg']“You can use the tax system to express values. And so, if you tax alcohol or tobacco or cannabis, maybe you accept that they’re going to be legal, but you have concerns about them,” said Shanske, who specializes in state and local taxation. “To the extent that California wants to express strong disapprobation … using the tax system to do that is not unprecedented or inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB-1633 is signed into law, the impacted companies would likely challenge it in court, as the tax would represent a significant blow to their business, Shanske said. The contractors may argue that the tax is in effect targeting federal agencies to curb the administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Liz Ortega, D-San Leandro, said that while the killings of Pretti and Good were caught on widely circulated bystander cellphone videos, detention centers have continued to operate in relative obscurity, largely away from the public’s gaze. Most immigrants held by ICE have no criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My question is, what is happening to the innocent people inside these detention centers where it’s dark, where there are no cell phones,” Ortega, a cosponsor of AB-1633, said. “This bill will continue to go along the path of holding these corporations accountable and ensuring that if we’re going to use our taxpayer dollars to continue this reign of terror, that they also pay their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate California bill that Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, plans to introduce next week would eliminate state tax breaks for businesses that contract with DHS to provide goods or services, such as software companies, armed security services and transportation providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> lawmakers are seeking to target the deep pockets of for-profit contractors key to the Trump administration’s growing deportation campaign, amid outrage over the killing of U.S. citizens by federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration\u003c/a> agents in Minneapolis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new state bill would raise taxes on companies that contract with the federal government to run immigration detention facilities, which hold thousands of men and women in California. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1633\">AB-1633\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Matt Haney, D-San Francisco, on Tuesday, would tax operators’ detention contract revenue by 50% annually and reinvest those funds into services supporting immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-in-the-nation bill aims to mitigate economic, emotional and social harms caused to the state as immigration authorities detain more residents, businesses lose workers and students skip school due to deportation fears, Haney said during a press conference on the bill on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow these for-profit corporations to make hundreds of millions of dollars off of human suffering and family separation,” Haney said, flanked by Democratic lawmakers, gubernatorial candidate Tony Thurmond and immigrant advocates. “If you are going to impose this kind of terror on our state and on our people, we are going to tax you for the pain and harm that you’re causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes as the fatal shootings of protesters Alex Pretti, an intensive care unit nurse, and Renee Macklin Good, a mother of three, have\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071018/california-governor-candidates-denounce-ice-at-san-francisco-forum\"> generated intense backlash\u003c/a> in spaces as varied as professional basketball games, social media influencers’ baking feeds and Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/transcripts/nx-s1-5688870\"> voter\u003c/a> surveys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement contracts with three private prison companies — Geo Group, CoreCivic and Management & Training Corporation — for about $560 million per year to run detention centers in the state, according to the California Immigrant Policy Center, a bill sponsor. The seven facilities currently jail more than 6,200 immigrants, ICE’s most recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management#stats\">figures\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12065169\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12065169\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/GettyImages-2240148392-scaled-e1769712035624.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fences and barbed wire surround the CoreCivic Otay Mesa Detention Center on Oct. 4, 2025, in San Diego, California. \u003ccite>(Kevin Carter/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For years, detainees and immigrant advocates, as well as the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-warns-dangerous-conditions-california-city-detention\">California Attorney General,\u003c/a> have reported that the facilities have failed to meet ICE’s own detention standards, with substandard medical care, unsanitary living spaces, inadequate access to food and other serious problems. Last year, 32 people died in ICE custody nationwide, the most in two decades. So far this year, six more detainees have died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Wilkes, a spokeswoman for the Day 1 Alliance — a trade organization representing Geo Group, CoreCivic and MTC — declined to comment on the new proposed tax, but defended the companies’ records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 30 years, contractors have partnered with both Democratic and Republican administrations to provide vital services at their request, including safe, humane housing, quality medical and mental health care, and respectful, dignified care for individuals navigating the U.S. immigration system,” Wilkes said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the contractors’ critical services, she added, more immigrants would likely be held in overcrowded local jails, alongside potentially dangerous individuals.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Contractors do not make arrests, do not decide the length of detention, and play no role in determining the legal status of individuals in their care,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under President Donald Trump, the federal government approved last summer an unprecedented \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069220/south-bay-rep-ro-khanna-horrified-after-visit-to-california-city-ice-detention-center\">$170 billion\u003c/a> over four years for the Department of Homeland Security, which oversees ICE, Border Patrol and other agencies. Those funds include $45 billion for building new immigration detention centers and $30 billion to boost enforcement and deportation operations. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070519/california-senators-visit-immigration-jail-ahead-of-looming-ice-funding-bill-deadline\">Senate is now considering\u003c/a> a House-approved package that would send additional funding to DHS. The measure is largely opposed by Democrats, who are demanding more guardrails for ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberly Woo, a Bay Area community organizer, said her elderly family members were apprehended by ICE during their final interview to apply for permanent residency, after 20 years of living in the U.S. They were locked up in the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12062774/conditions-at-massive-new-california-immigration-facility-are-alarming-report-finds\">largest and newest detention center\u003c/a> in the Mojave Desert, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Words cannot describe what visceral pain of seeing your elder relative who immigrated to this country to build a better life for our family, break down crying behind a glass screen window where it’s impossible to hug them and hold their hand,” said Woo, who works at the nonprofit Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network. “No one deserves to experience the same inhumane pain, suffering, and loneliness that my loved one felt every day in that prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislation previously tried to phase out all for-profit prisons and private detention facilities, but was blocked by the courts. Still, the state has broad authority to tax businesses as it sees fit, including contractors enabling detentions, Haney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12027566 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/250218-SFDowntown-14-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Matt Haney speaks during a press conference in Union Square, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledged the proposed 50% tax on the gross receipts from detention contracts (before operating expenses) would be much larger than most state taxes, and could threaten the companies’ ability to operate in the state. California’s corporate income tax is 8.84% on profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they look at this tax and they say, ‘That’s too high for us to pay,’ then they can leave,” Haney said. “And certainly, we’re not going to shed any tears if that’s the outcome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States may not impose taxes directly on the federal government, but can tax the income of federal employees and contractors. In addition, taxes are often targeted to activities perceived as causing social harm to discourage the taxpayer from creating additional harm or to mitigate it, said UC Davis law professor Darien Shanske, who teaches tax law.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You can use the tax system to express values. And so, if you tax alcohol or tobacco or cannabis, maybe you accept that they’re going to be legal, but you have concerns about them,” said Shanske, who specializes in state and local taxation. “To the extent that California wants to express strong disapprobation … using the tax system to do that is not unprecedented or inappropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB-1633 is signed into law, the impacted companies would likely challenge it in court, as the tax would represent a significant blow to their business, Shanske said. The contractors may argue that the tax is in effect targeting federal agencies to curb the administration’s immigration crackdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Liz Ortega, D-San Leandro, said that while the killings of Pretti and Good were caught on widely circulated bystander cellphone videos, detention centers have continued to operate in relative obscurity, largely away from the public’s gaze. Most immigrants held by ICE have no criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My question is, what is happening to the innocent people inside these detention centers where it’s dark, where there are no cell phones,” Ortega, a cosponsor of AB-1633, said. “This bill will continue to go along the path of holding these corporations accountable and ensuring that if we’re going to use our taxpayer dollars to continue this reign of terror, that they also pay their taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate California bill that Assemblymember Alex Lee, D-Milpitas, plans to introduce next week would eliminate state tax breaks for businesses that contract with DHS to provide goods or services, such as software companies, armed security services and transportation providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Matt Mahan, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">centrist mayor\u003c/a> of San José who has frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">sparred with fellow Democrats\u003c/a> over his stances on homelessness and public safety, jumped into the crowded race for California governor on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor of the state’s third-largest city, Mahan has engineered a sea change in homelessness policy. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">spearheaded a shift of funding\u003c/a> from permanent housing toward temporary shelter and has presided over a decrease in unsheltered homelessness during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very optimistic that California’s best days are ahead of it,” Mahan said in an interview with KQED. “I know that we can solve the big challenges facing our communities because we’re proving that in San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has positioned himself outside of the state’s political establishment, which could allow him to run as a “change” candidate in a crowded field of Democratic hopefuls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has clashed repeatedly with local Democrats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">organized labor\u003c/a>. And he emerged as a leading supporter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005230/california-voters-strongly-back-prop-36-to-increase-penalties-for-low-level-crimes\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, a voter-approved, tough-on-crime 2024 ballot measure that put him at odds with Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that what I can most add to the campaign is that as the only current mayor of a large city, I’m closest to the problems and solutions that we need,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055396\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055396\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s popularity has surged as he has battled with President Donald Trump. But San José Mayor Matt Mahan (left) says “trolling Trump” won’t be key to success for Democrats. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED; Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A former tech executive, Mahan enters the race with less statewide recognition than Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064922/eric-swalwell-california-governor-race\">Eric Swalwell\u003c/a> and former Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057638/gubernatorial-candidate-katie-porter-on-kimmel-ice-and-prop-50\">Katie Porter\u003c/a>. And San José’s “weak mayor” system of governance (in which the city manager oversees day-to-day operations of departments) could hamper Mahan’s ability to tout executive government experience akin to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989201/health-secretary-becerra-on-running-for-governor-immigration-and-cannabis\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, who served as California’s Attorney General or Chad Bianco, the sheriff of Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to Mahan’s candidacy could be the desire among Democratic voters in deep blue California for leaders who mount a fight against President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s approval ratings have risen as he has clashed repeatedly with Trump — using a pugilistic social media strategy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055284/fight-or-fix-mahan-gives-rare-rebuke-of-newsoms-combative-tactics\">which Mahan dismissed\u003c/a> as a “sugar high” for voters. By contrast, Mahan has rarely criticized Trump, preferring to focus on local issues such as homelessness and public safety.[aside postID=news_12071206 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260122-STEVE-HILTON-ON-PB-MD-04-KQED-1.jpg']As governor, Mahan said he would “fight for our values while also fixing our problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not be shy about standing up to this administration for the sake of our people and our democracy,” he said. “I also think it’s important to remember that the best resistance is delivering results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has been an underdog before. He was a little-known city council member less than a year into his first elected position when he launched a campaign for mayor — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932432/cindy-chavez-concedes-race-for-san-jose-mayor-to-matt-mahan\">eventually upsetting\u003c/a> Cindy Chavez, a county supervisor and local political heavyweight, in the 2022 general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After an uneven first year in office, when Mahan was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">bucked by a council majority\u003c/a> on homeless spending and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960949/san-jose-city-council-approves-budget-trims-to-fund-worker-raises\">city worker raises\u003c/a>, he has won the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">passage of successive city budgets\u003c/a> that have funded the buildout of an interim shelter system and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042370/in-san-jose-a-controversial-choice-for-unhoused-shelter-or-arrest\">added new penalties\u003c/a> on people experiencing homelessness who refuse to come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s point-in-time \u003ca href=\"https://osh.santaclaracounty.gov/data-and-reports/point-time-count\">homeless count\u003c/a> found a 10% drop in unsheltered homelessness in San José since Mahan took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, Mahan denied interest in a run for governor. He proposed that leaders of the state’s largest cities collaborate on a shared “Back to Basics Agenda” that could serve as a policy blueprint for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066235/tom-steyer-makes-his-campaign-debut-at-a-governors-forum\">hosted a handful of gubernatorial candidates\u003c/a> at an interim housing site in South San José to tout the city’s progress in developing tiny home communities for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got home from a Valley Transit Authority meeting a few weeks ago, my wife looked at me and said, ‘I think you need to reconsider jumping in this race,’” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She and I are both worried about the direction of the country on the one hand — particularly what we’re seeing out of Minneapolis right now — but also the issues we face locally that we’re starting to get traction on in San José but are going to require a different kind of leadership and partnership from our state government,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014282/bay-area-voters-embrace-political-outsiders-in-historic-mayoral-shake-ups\">sailed to reelection in 2024\u003c/a> after San José voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967395/san-jose-labor-groups-dont-like-mayor-matt-mahan-so-why-does-his-re-election-seem-assured\">moved the mayoral election\u003c/a> to align with presidential election years. That change will allow Mahan to run for governor without having to give up his post — and then potentially run for another term as mayor in 2028 if this campaign is unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Matt Mahan, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">centrist mayor\u003c/a> of San José who has frequently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000513/new-california-laws-aim-to-crack-down-on-retail-theft-voters-could-decide-to-go-further\">sparred with fellow Democrats\u003c/a> over his stances on homelessness and public safety, jumped into the crowded race for California governor on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As mayor of the state’s third-largest city, Mahan has engineered a sea change in homelessness policy. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">spearheaded a shift of funding\u003c/a> from permanent housing toward temporary shelter and has presided over a decrease in unsheltered homelessness during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very optimistic that California’s best days are ahead of it,” Mahan said in an interview with KQED. “I know that we can solve the big challenges facing our communities because we’re proving that in San José.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has positioned himself outside of the state’s political establishment, which could allow him to run as a “change” candidate in a crowded field of Democratic hopefuls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has clashed repeatedly with local Democrats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">organized labor\u003c/a>. And he emerged as a leading supporter of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005230/california-voters-strongly-back-prop-36-to-increase-penalties-for-low-level-crimes\">Proposition 36\u003c/a>, a voter-approved, tough-on-crime 2024 ballot measure that put him at odds with Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that what I can most add to the campaign is that as the only current mayor of a large city, I’m closest to the problems and solutions that we need,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12055396\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12055396\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/MahanNewsom1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s popularity has surged as he has battled with President Donald Trump. But San José Mayor Matt Mahan (left) says “trolling Trump” won’t be key to success for Democrats. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED; Rich Pedroncelli/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A former tech executive, Mahan enters the race with less statewide recognition than Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12064922/eric-swalwell-california-governor-race\">Eric Swalwell\u003c/a> and former Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12057638/gubernatorial-candidate-katie-porter-on-kimmel-ice-and-prop-50\">Katie Porter\u003c/a>. And San José’s “weak mayor” system of governance (in which the city manager oversees day-to-day operations of departments) could hamper Mahan’s ability to tout executive government experience akin to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989201/health-secretary-becerra-on-running-for-governor-immigration-and-cannabis\">Xavier Becerra\u003c/a>, who served as California’s Attorney General or Chad Bianco, the sheriff of Riverside County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another hurdle to Mahan’s candidacy could be the desire among Democratic voters in deep blue California for leaders who mount a fight against President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s approval ratings have risen as he has clashed repeatedly with Trump — using a pugilistic social media strategy \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12055284/fight-or-fix-mahan-gives-rare-rebuke-of-newsoms-combative-tactics\">which Mahan dismissed\u003c/a> as a “sugar high” for voters. By contrast, Mahan has rarely criticized Trump, preferring to focus on local issues such as homelessness and public safety.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As governor, Mahan said he would “fight for our values while also fixing our problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will not be shy about standing up to this administration for the sake of our people and our democracy,” he said. “I also think it’s important to remember that the best resistance is delivering results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has been an underdog before. He was a little-known city council member less than a year into his first elected position when he launched a campaign for mayor — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11932432/cindy-chavez-concedes-race-for-san-jose-mayor-to-matt-mahan\">eventually upsetting\u003c/a> Cindy Chavez, a county supervisor and local political heavyweight, in the 2022 general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After an uneven first year in office, when Mahan was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">bucked by a council majority\u003c/a> on homeless spending and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960949/san-jose-city-council-approves-budget-trims-to-fund-worker-raises\">city worker raises\u003c/a>, he has won the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">passage of successive city budgets\u003c/a> that have funded the buildout of an interim shelter system and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042370/in-san-jose-a-controversial-choice-for-unhoused-shelter-or-arrest\">added new penalties\u003c/a> on people experiencing homelessness who refuse to come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s point-in-time \u003ca href=\"https://osh.santaclaracounty.gov/data-and-reports/point-time-count\">homeless count\u003c/a> found a 10% drop in unsheltered homelessness in San José since Mahan took office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, Mahan denied interest in a run for governor. He proposed that leaders of the state’s largest cities collaborate on a shared “Back to Basics Agenda” that could serve as a policy blueprint for the next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In December, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066235/tom-steyer-makes-his-campaign-debut-at-a-governors-forum\">hosted a handful of gubernatorial candidates\u003c/a> at an interim housing site in South San José to tout the city’s progress in developing tiny home communities for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got home from a Valley Transit Authority meeting a few weeks ago, my wife looked at me and said, ‘I think you need to reconsider jumping in this race,’” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She and I are both worried about the direction of the country on the one hand — particularly what we’re seeing out of Minneapolis right now — but also the issues we face locally that we’re starting to get traction on in San José but are going to require a different kind of leadership and partnership from our state government,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014282/bay-area-voters-embrace-political-outsiders-in-historic-mayoral-shake-ups\">sailed to reelection in 2024\u003c/a> after San José voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967395/san-jose-labor-groups-dont-like-mayor-matt-mahan-so-why-does-his-re-election-seem-assured\">moved the mayoral election\u003c/a> to align with presidential election years. That change will allow Mahan to run for governor without having to give up his post — and then potentially run for another term as mayor in 2028 if this campaign is unsuccessful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025974/federal-officials-investigate-san-jose-state-under-trumps-order-trans-athletes\">Trump administration accused San José State University\u003c/a> on Wednesday of violating federal anti-discrimination law by allowing a transgender athlete to play on the women’s volleyball team, the latest step in the government’s wide-ranging campaign to restrict the rights of trans people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education launched its Title IX sex-discrimination investigation in February, after President Donald Trump signed an executive order threatening to rescind funding from schools over policies on trans athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of a resolution deal offered to the university, the department’s Office for Civil Rights \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-educations-office-civil-rights-finds-san-jose-state-university-violated-title-ix\">demanded \u003c/a>that San José State apologize to players and acknowledge that the “sex of a human — male or female — is unchangeable,” officials said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State, which has never acknowledged whether a transgender athlete played on the team, said it is in the process of reviewing the Education Department’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration first targeted San José State after former volleyball co-captain Brooke Slusser joined a lawsuit against the school and the Mountain West Conference, alleging that allowing trans players to compete violates the rights of women. Following Trump’s executive order, the NCAA said it would change its policy to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025974/federal-officials-investigate-san-jose-state-under-trumps-order-trans-athletes\">bar trans athletes\u003c/a> from women’s sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1124\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1536x863.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1920x1079.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José State University’s Washington Square Hall located in downtown San José. \u003ccite>(Sundry Photography/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Slusser, who spoke out about the case on Fox News and other outlets, sought to stop a teammate she said was transgender from competing. The player had not spoken publicly about her gender identity. Other plaintiffs included players from conference rivals such as the University of Wyoming and Boise State University, which forfeited games against San José State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Education Department also accused San José State of retaliating against players who spoke out and “subjecting one female SJSU athlete to a Title IX complaint for allegedly ‘misgendering’” a teammate, Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Kimberly Richey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not relent until SJSU is held to account for these abuses and commits to upholding Title IX to protect future athletes from the same indignities,” Richey said.[aside postID=news_12026277 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1020x680.jpg']Title IX is a landmark 1979 law prohibiting sex-based discrimination in education programs and activities that receive federal financial assistance. Last year, the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-education-announces-university-of-pennsylvania-has-entered-resolution-agreement-resolve-its-title-ix-violations\">pursued \u003c/a>a similar Title IX investigation against the University of Pennsylvania, which agreed to no longer allow transgender women to participate in female sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiwali Patel, a senior director of education justice at the National Women’s Law Center and a Title IX attorney, called the Trump administration’s interpretation of Title IX “fundamentally flawed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title IX protects every student from sex discrimination,” Patel said. “That includes students of all genders; that includes students who are trans. No federal circuit court has ever said that Title IX requires schools to prohibit trans students from accessing bathrooms or playing sports.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From his first day in office, Trump sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023124/trump-says-us-will-honor-only-two-genders-after-anti-trans-campaign-rhetoric\">roll back federal protections\u003c/a> for transgender girls, women and individuals. On Wednesday, the Department of Education also \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-education-finds-california-department-of-education-violated-federal-law-hiding-students-gender-transitions-parents\">accused \u003c/a>California of violating federal law “by pressuring school officials to withhold information about students’ so-called ‘gender transitions’ from their parents,” Education Secretary Linda McMahon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069570/california-advocates-fearful-as-supreme-court-weighs-bans-of-trans-student-athletes\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> heard arguments for and against bans on transgender athletes. The court, which is expected to rule sometime this summer, appeared inclined to uphold state bans in Idaho and West Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel denounced the administration for using the Education Department’s limited resources “to go after the rights of trans kids and to not actually address sex discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was recent reporting that showed that last year the administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/policy-politics/ed-dept-opens-fewer-sexual-violence-investigations-as-trump-dismantles-it/2026/01\">opened \u003c/a>only 10 investigations addressing sexual assault,” Patel said. “[And] we’ve all heard stories of girls’ softball fields not comparing to the boys’ baseball fields and the millions of dollars of lost scholarship money that college women athletes face compared to men. There are actual inequities and these anti-trans sports bans are doing nothing to solve them. Really, they’re just legitimizing and pushing discrimination against a vulnerable group.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José State, which has never acknowledged whether a transgender athlete played on the team, said it is in the process of reviewing the Education Department’s findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration first targeted San José State after former volleyball co-captain Brooke Slusser joined a lawsuit against the school and the Mountain West Conference, alleging that allowing trans players to compete violates the rights of women. Following Trump’s executive order, the NCAA said it would change its policy to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025974/federal-officials-investigate-san-jose-state-under-trumps-order-trans-athletes\">bar trans athletes\u003c/a> from women’s sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007557\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007557\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1124\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1536x863.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1920x1079.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José State University’s Washington Square Hall located in downtown San José. \u003ccite>(Sundry Photography/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Slusser, who spoke out about the case on Fox News and other outlets, sought to stop a teammate she said was transgender from competing. The player had not spoken publicly about her gender identity. Other plaintiffs included players from conference rivals such as the University of Wyoming and Boise State University, which forfeited games against San José State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Education Department also accused San José State of retaliating against players who spoke out and “subjecting one female SJSU athlete to a Title IX complaint for allegedly ‘misgendering’” a teammate, Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Kimberly Richey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not relent until SJSU is held to account for these abuses and commits to upholding Title IX to protect future athletes from the same indignities,” Richey said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Title IX is a landmark 1979 law prohibiting sex-based discrimination in education programs and activities that receive federal financial assistance. Last year, the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-education-announces-university-of-pennsylvania-has-entered-resolution-agreement-resolve-its-title-ix-violations\">pursued \u003c/a>a similar Title IX investigation against the University of Pennsylvania, which agreed to no longer allow transgender women to participate in female sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiwali Patel, a senior director of education justice at the National Women’s Law Center and a Title IX attorney, called the Trump administration’s interpretation of Title IX “fundamentally flawed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Title IX protects every student from sex discrimination,” Patel said. “That includes students of all genders; that includes students who are trans. No federal circuit court has ever said that Title IX requires schools to prohibit trans students from accessing bathrooms or playing sports.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From his first day in office, Trump sought to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023124/trump-says-us-will-honor-only-two-genders-after-anti-trans-campaign-rhetoric\">roll back federal protections\u003c/a> for transgender girls, women and individuals. On Wednesday, the Department of Education also \u003ca href=\"https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-education-finds-california-department-of-education-violated-federal-law-hiding-students-gender-transitions-parents\">accused \u003c/a>California of violating federal law “by pressuring school officials to withhold information about students’ so-called ‘gender transitions’ from their parents,” Education Secretary Linda McMahon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And earlier this month, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069570/california-advocates-fearful-as-supreme-court-weighs-bans-of-trans-student-athletes\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> heard arguments for and against bans on transgender athletes. The court, which is expected to rule sometime this summer, appeared inclined to uphold state bans in Idaho and West Virginia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel denounced the administration for using the Education Department’s limited resources “to go after the rights of trans kids and to not actually address sex discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was recent reporting that showed that last year the administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.edweek.org/policy-politics/ed-dept-opens-fewer-sexual-violence-investigations-as-trump-dismantles-it/2026/01\">opened \u003c/a>only 10 investigations addressing sexual assault,” Patel said. “[And] we’ve all heard stories of girls’ softball fields not comparing to the boys’ baseball fields and the millions of dollars of lost scholarship money that college women athletes face compared to men. There are actual inequities and these anti-trans sports bans are doing nothing to solve them. Really, they’re just legitimizing and pushing discrimination against a vulnerable group.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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