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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 10:15 am PT\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Bannon has lost his job as chief White House strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House described the departure as a mutual agreement between Bannon and Chief of Staff John Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful for his service and wish him the best,” said Press Secretary Sarah Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon has been a larger-than-life character in Trumpworld: a right-wing provocateur whose rumpled wardrobe and radical politics belied his background at Goldman Sachs and Harvard Business School. (Bannon made a small fortune running his own investment banking firm. His compensation for one deal included a stake in residuals from the TV series \u003cem>Seinfeld\u003c/em>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon took over as Trump’s campaign chairman a year and a day ago, and he was credited with bringing much-needed focus and discipline to what had been a seat-of-the-pants operation. \u003cem>Bloomberg Businessweek\u003c/em> writer \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/07/18/537885042/inside-the-shakespearean-irony-of-trump-and-bannons-relationship\">Joshua Green argues\u003c/a> that without Bannon’s skill at mobilizing disaffected white male voters, “I don’t think Donald Trump would have been elected president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president, who doesn’t like sharing the spotlight, often bristled at news stories that painted Bannon as the mastermind of his unlikely 2016 victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Bannon came on very late, you know that,” Trump told reporters at his New Jersey golf resort on Tuesday. “I went through 17 senators, governors, and I won all the primaries. Mr. Bannon came on very much later than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump offered only a half-hearted defense of his chief strategist, who has had a target on his back ever since joining the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like him. He’s a good man. He is not a racist, I can tell you that,” Trump said. “But we’ll see what happens with Mr. Bannon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long before he had a formal role in the campaign or the administration, Bannon had been a cheerleader for Trump as head of Breitbart News. Bannon took control of the website in 2012 and turned it into a platform for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/06/04/531314097/alt-right-white-nationalist-free-speech-the-far-rights-language-explained\">“alt-right.”\u003c/a> His nationalistic, anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim views proved a good match for Trump’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m an economic nationalist,” Bannon told the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/steve-bannon-trump-tower-interview-trumps-strategist-plots-new-political-movement-948747\">Hollywood Reporter\u003c/a> shortly after the November election. “The globalists gutted the American working class and created a middle class in Asia. The issue now is about Americans looking to not get f—ed over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The take-no-prisoners style that was so successful during the campaign proved a liability, however, after Trump and Bannon reached the White House. The original shock-and-awe travel ban spearheaded by Bannon was quickly rejected by federal courts. His efforts to strong-arm lawmakers into passing a repeal of the Affordable Care Act backfired. And Bannon feuded openly with other White House staffers, including Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster and National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bannon really believes this stuff to a degree that’s almost scary,” Joshua Green told \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/templates/transcript/transcript.php?storyId=537885042\">Fresh Air’s\u003c/a> Terry Gross. “I think that Trump is driven mainly by opportunism, by a desire to pursue whatever is going to get Donald Trump positive coverage on cable news now. And during the campaign, when nationalism — when Bannon’s nationalism seemed to work for him, that was what he would espouse. But when that stopped working for him in February, after he became president, he was happy to bring in people [like McMaster and Cohn] who nationalists abhor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon raised eyebrows earlier this week when he granted an unsolicited interview to \u003ca href=\"http://prospect.org/article/steve-bannon-unrepentant\">The American Prospect\u003c/a>, a liberal magazine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he was one of the few White House staffers who embraced the president’s remarks on Charlottesville, Bannon dismissed the white nationalists at the center of the violent protests as a “fringe element,” “losers” and a “collection of clowns,” in the interview, published Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a surprising comment from a man who successfully harnessed white nationalism, first at Breitbart and later in the Trump campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon argued that it’s self-defeating for Democrats to overplay the race card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the left is focused on race and identity, and we go with economic nationalism, we can crush the Democrats,” Bannon told The American Prospect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green suspects Bannon “will keep fighting for this idea of an anti-immigrant nationalism, come hell or high water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now he’ll be pursuing that agenda from outside the White House. And possibly taking aim at his former rivals on the inside.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated at 10:15 am PT\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Bannon has lost his job as chief White House strategist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House described the departure as a mutual agreement between Bannon and Chief of Staff John Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are grateful for his service and wish him the best,” said Press Secretary Sarah Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon has been a larger-than-life character in Trumpworld: a right-wing provocateur whose rumpled wardrobe and radical politics belied his background at Goldman Sachs and Harvard Business School. (Bannon made a small fortune running his own investment banking firm. His compensation for one deal included a stake in residuals from the TV series \u003cem>Seinfeld\u003c/em>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon took over as Trump’s campaign chairman a year and a day ago, and he was credited with bringing much-needed focus and discipline to what had been a seat-of-the-pants operation. \u003cem>Bloomberg Businessweek\u003c/em> writer \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/07/18/537885042/inside-the-shakespearean-irony-of-trump-and-bannons-relationship\">Joshua Green argues\u003c/a> that without Bannon’s skill at mobilizing disaffected white male voters, “I don’t think Donald Trump would have been elected president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president, who doesn’t like sharing the spotlight, often bristled at news stories that painted Bannon as the mastermind of his unlikely 2016 victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Bannon came on very late, you know that,” Trump told reporters at his New Jersey golf resort on Tuesday. “I went through 17 senators, governors, and I won all the primaries. Mr. Bannon came on very much later than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump offered only a half-hearted defense of his chief strategist, who has had a target on his back ever since joining the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I like him. He’s a good man. He is not a racist, I can tell you that,” Trump said. “But we’ll see what happens with Mr. Bannon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Long before he had a formal role in the campaign or the administration, Bannon had been a cheerleader for Trump as head of Breitbart News. Bannon took control of the website in 2012 and turned it into a platform for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2017/06/04/531314097/alt-right-white-nationalist-free-speech-the-far-rights-language-explained\">“alt-right.”\u003c/a> His nationalistic, anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim views proved a good match for Trump’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m an economic nationalist,” Bannon told the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/steve-bannon-trump-tower-interview-trumps-strategist-plots-new-political-movement-948747\">Hollywood Reporter\u003c/a> shortly after the November election. “The globalists gutted the American working class and created a middle class in Asia. The issue now is about Americans looking to not get f—ed over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The take-no-prisoners style that was so successful during the campaign proved a liability, however, after Trump and Bannon reached the White House. The original shock-and-awe travel ban spearheaded by Bannon was quickly rejected by federal courts. His efforts to strong-arm lawmakers into passing a repeal of the Affordable Care Act backfired. And Bannon feuded openly with other White House staffers, including Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster and National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bannon really believes this stuff to a degree that’s almost scary,” Joshua Green told \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/templates/transcript/transcript.php?storyId=537885042\">Fresh Air’s\u003c/a> Terry Gross. “I think that Trump is driven mainly by opportunism, by a desire to pursue whatever is going to get Donald Trump positive coverage on cable news now. And during the campaign, when nationalism — when Bannon’s nationalism seemed to work for him, that was what he would espouse. But when that stopped working for him in February, after he became president, he was happy to bring in people [like McMaster and Cohn] who nationalists abhor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon raised eyebrows earlier this week when he granted an unsolicited interview to \u003ca href=\"http://prospect.org/article/steve-bannon-unrepentant\">The American Prospect\u003c/a>, a liberal magazine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he was one of the few White House staffers who embraced the president’s remarks on Charlottesville, Bannon dismissed the white nationalists at the center of the violent protests as a “fringe element,” “losers” and a “collection of clowns,” in the interview, published Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a surprising comment from a man who successfully harnessed white nationalism, first at Breitbart and later in the Trump campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon argued that it’s self-defeating for Democrats to overplay the race card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the left is focused on race and identity, and we go with economic nationalism, we can crush the Democrats,” Bannon told The American Prospect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Green suspects Bannon “will keep fighting for this idea of an anti-immigrant nationalism, come hell or high water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now he’ll be pursuing that agenda from outside the White House. And possibly taking aim at his former rivals on the inside.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>From the day he was inaugurated through today, President Trump has had it in for the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of trying to repeal and replace Obamacare, Congress has moved on to other issues. But there are still things the administration can do — and is doing — to undermine the health insurance markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Trump has said multiple times he wants to “let Obamacare explode.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are three ways his administration is helping things along, and three ways California is trying to counteract the federal moves (see video).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Congressional Budget Office released \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbo.gov/publication/53009\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a report\u003c/a> showing how one of the administration’s strategies would impact consumers and taxpayers: a 20 percent rise in premium costs and a $194 billion increase in the federal deficit over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This would be the result if Trump follows through on threats to cut off key payments to health insurers, called cost-sharing subsidies. The money is used to give consumers discounts on co-pays and deductibles, which insurers are required to do under the Affordable Care Act. Without the money, insurers would pass on those costs to customers, causing premiums to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most consumers wouldn’t feel that, because the way the health law is written, they would get extra tax credits to match the increased cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even if Trump cuts the payments to insurers, the overall cost to taxpayers would actually be higher.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From the day he was inaugurated through today, President Trump has had it in for the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of trying to repeal and replace Obamacare, Congress has moved on to other issues. But there are still things the administration can do — and is doing — to undermine the health insurance markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, Trump has said multiple times he wants to “let Obamacare explode.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are three ways his administration is helping things along, and three ways California is trying to counteract the federal moves (see video).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Congressional Budget Office released \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbo.gov/publication/53009\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a report\u003c/a> showing how one of the administration’s strategies would impact consumers and taxpayers: a 20 percent rise in premium costs and a $194 billion increase in the federal deficit over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This would be the result if Trump follows through on threats to cut off key payments to health insurers, called cost-sharing subsidies. The money is used to give consumers discounts on co-pays and deductibles, which insurers are required to do under the Affordable Care Act. Without the money, insurers would pass on those costs to customers, causing premiums to rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But most consumers wouldn’t feel that, because the way the health law is written, they would get extra tax credits to match the increased cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even if Trump cuts the payments to insurers, the overall cost to taxpayers would actually be higher.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californian-who-helped-organize-charlottesville-protests-used-berkeley-as-a-test-run",
"title": "Californian Who Helped Lead Charlottesville Protests Used Berkeley as a Test Run",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]B[/dropcap]efore white nationalists \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/12/1-dead-after-car-plows-into-crowd-at-white-nationalist-protest-in-virginia/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">protested in Charlottesville\u003c/a> over the weekend, before a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/13/ohio-man-charged-with-murder-in-fatal-car-attack-on-anti-white-nationalist-march/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">man allegedly plowed a car\u003c/a> into a group of people killing one and injuring at least 19, violent clashes in Berkeley offered a window into the motives and tactics of Identity Evropa, one of the white supremacist groups intimately involved in both protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For leaders of this white nationalist movement, the April 15 “Battle of Berkeley” was a self-described test run to see just how far they could push the bounds of protesting, according to numerous \u003ca href=\"https://townhall.com/columnists/jackkerwick/2017/04/25/the-battle-of-berkeley-when-patriots-beat-the-antiamerican-left-n2317702\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public statements\u003c/a> from members of the white supremacist movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Damigo is a founder of the California-based Identity Evropa, \u003ca href=\"http://eltecolote.org/content/en/features/alternate-reality-growing-acceptance-of-white-nationalism-in-trumps-america/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">profiled by El Tecolote newspaper\u003c/a> in December. A former Marine infantryman and convicted felon who lives in Stanislaus County, Damigo is being credited with helping to lead the Charlottesville protest, along with other white supremacist rallies around the country. Damigo has made these rallies a key driver for recruiting new members of the group. He did not respond to requests for comment on Saturday about his involvement in the Charlottesville event following his arrest there.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I’d love to take credit for it, but it was more Nathan.’\u003ccite>Richard Spencer of the white supremacy group the National Policy Institute on Nathan Damigo’s organization around a white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on Aug. 12.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But over the course of multiple hourlong interviews over several months this year, Damigo, 31, said his group is engaged in peaceful protests protected by the First Amendment. Before Charlottesville, Damigo was probably best known for punching a 19-year-old woman in the face in Berkeley. That moment was \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c8GVtXfATtI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">captured on video\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the video, Damigo — sporting a hipster haircut, collared shirt and clenched fists — runs up to a young, dreadlocked woman holding a camera and punches her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo told KQED he punched the woman because she was a threat; because she was going to attack his friends; because she was a member of Antifa, a leftist confederation of socialists and anarchists — some of whom have committed acts of violence and arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essentially, Damigo said he punched her because he had to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”jZdJDt4VLmEfe9wQB3CLFzAUrdJPiNWM”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She joined this organization and came with her local gang from Southern California, according to statements that she made on social media, to disrupt the events and to acquire scalps,” he said. “Furthermore, she was swinging around bottles, which is a deadly weapon, a foot-long wine bottle at people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not what KQED witnessed at the scene of the attack, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What began with Damigo shouting provocative calls into a megaphone quickly turned into an all-out street brawl. Damigo was screaming “hold the line,” “guard the flank” and “advance!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo violently moved through the crowd. Smoke bombs and flash grenades and glass bottles were thrown. Thick tear gas filled the air. Leftist protesters, many of them aging men, were beat up. Police were hit with firecrackers. At one point, Antifa (wearing black hoodies and masks) and the far right (wearing red hats, flag capes and paramilitary armor) fought over who could control a dumpster that was pushed down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11611676 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A fight broke out over control of a dumpster after right- and left-wing demonstrators clashed in Berkeley on April 15. \u003ccite>(John Sepulvado/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Damigo found himself outside of the roaring street brawl he helped create. Alone for a moment, he stopped in the middle of the street. Then, he ran across the street, right up to the woman, and hit her. After she fell, Damigo turned, smiled and jumped back into the rolling scuffles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2017/05/nathan-damigo-punching-woman-berkeley-white-nationalism/\">Damigo’s involvement in the “Battle of Berkeley”\u003c/a> is an important moment for the white supremacist movement because it attracted supporters from around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A large amount of the violence that has occurred may be due to the inroads we are making,” Damigo told an interviewer after the Berkeley events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This frenetic, violent, yet charismatic man with extreme racist views helped organize the Charlottesville rally. And he’s helping to mobilize an entire generation of white supremacists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611748\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 441px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11611748\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"441\" height=\"495\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download.png 441w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download-160x180.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download-240x269.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download-375x421.png 375w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 441px) 100vw, 441px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A graphic promoting the Charlottesville rally included the insignia of Damigo’s group Identity Evropa in section “I.” of the snake.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>From Suburban California Kid to Imprisoned Felon\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nathan Damigo was born in Lewiston, Maine. In a long conversation with KQED, he noted with irony that the community had accepted early groups of resettled refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t call them refugees,” Damigo said. “It was one of the first places they started doing the Somali immigration relocation thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, his mother moved the family to San Jose. In the South Bay, Damigo traced the beginning of his “race realist” awakening to feeling out of place in a multiracial city. He said he would feel uncomfortable in situations where he was the only white person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’d go over to a friend’s house, or something like that, and everybody’s speaking a different language,” Damigo said, “and you’re just sitting there awkwardly. There’s no connection there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11611678\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nathan Damigo traces the beginning of his ‘race realist’ beliefs to his upbringing in the diverse city of San Jose. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Damigo went to Liberty Baptist School in San Jose through his senior year. His mother worked as a teacher there. Like so many other California kids of his age, he listened to bands like Metallica and Soundgarden, watched “Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles,” and dreamed of being a pro skater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, as he aged, those dreams morphed into aspirations of a military career — his father had served in the Marine Corps. Damigo said his desire to serve became more pronounced after the Sept. 11 attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I pretty much watched live as the second tower was hit,” he said. “That was a pretty big thing to watch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I became disillusioned, after the Iraq War, with mainstream narratives. … Most of [David Duke’s] arguments I just couldn’t debunk, no matter how hard I tried.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo, Founder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Damigo also credited his socially conservative family, who he said raised him to have pride in the country, for influencing his decision to enlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would serve two deployments in Iraq in the infantry. It was on these tours that Damigo’s views on race began to be shaped by the violent conflict he saw on a daily basis — killings, murders, explosions and misery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw them in Iraq, which is also a multireligious, multicultural society,” Damigo said. “And I generally saw it growing up. And it was certainly a more extreme form, but it definitely, I think, it did make me think a bit more about race and population dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The violence that began to shape Damigo’s thinking on race also killed two of his close friends in combat. According to court documents obtained by El Tecolote and KQED, Damigo began suffering acute symptoms of PTSD as a result of his exposure to the Iraq War.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo blames that trauma for his decision to rob a San Diego cab driver at gunpoint after his return from Iraq.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a psychological evaluation conducted for the court as part of the criminal case, Damigo said he attacked the cab driver, Changiz Ezzatyar, because he mistook him for an Iraqi. Damigo said the decision came after a night of solitary heavy drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Psychologist Heidi Kraft conducted another evaluation of Damigo after the assault. In her clinical notes, which were included in court documents from his trial, she wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We don’t want to be seen as overly threatening.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo,\u003cbr>\nFounder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“While there is no evidence that the patient experienced psychiatric dissociation during the robbery, his PTSD symptoms were so disabling, and his use of alcohol to self-medicate was so heavy, it appears that the combination of these factors led to a serious and uncharacteristic breakdown in both insight and judgment the night of his arrest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kraft added that some PTSD patients engage in thrill-seeking behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on this Marine’s history, which is free of any behavior even remotely similar to the night of his arrest, it is likely that he may have become one of those patients,” Kraft concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family strongly defended Damigo during the court hearing, and his story was featured on the HBO documentary, \u003ca href=\"http://www.hbo.com/documentaries/wartorn-1861-2010\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“Wartorn,”\u003c/a> as part of a broader series on post-traumatic stress disorder in veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like being dropped in a nightmare,” his mother, Charilyn Damigo, told HBO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/08/damigo.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/20170813_NathanDamigo_Credit_BertJohnson-1-1920x1280.jpg\" Title=\"Californian Who Helped Lead Charlottesville Protests Used Berkeley as a Test Run\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo’s mother and others wrote letters to the court, urging leniency and understanding from the judge. But worried that a defense centered on PTSD would fail, Damigo accepted a plea deal and was sentenced to six years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was during that time that he started reading the words of former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke, who remains a white supremacist leader and was at the Charlottesville event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I became disillusioned after the Iraq War with mainstream narratives,” Damigo said. “Most of [Duke’s] arguments I just couldn’t debunk, no matter how hard I tried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>College Students Seen as the Key to a Separate White Homeland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Damigo’s white supremacist group — Identity Evropa — is based in California but has chapters on college campuses throughout the country. The group has a high visibility on campuses from San Diego to Tuscaloosa to Charlottesville. On these campuses are fliers, banners, posters and bathroom graffiti advertising Identity Evropa videos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo’s views on race and nationalism may have been shaped by the four years in prison, but in many ways they are clear echoes of older white supremacists such as Duke. In an interview with KQED, Damigo said he believes white people need their own separate country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that he also wants his organization to be seen as more acceptable to a broader population. For example, Damigo has banned members of Identity Evropa from having tattoos on their faces, necks or hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to be seen as overly threatening,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo also doesn’t swear, instead using words like “gosh” or “golly” in the place of expletives. And as other racists have argued for forceful relocation or purging of minority groups from American society, Damigo avoided talking about how he would create a white-only homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Universities are institutions where the cognitive elite of the youth tend to bottleneck. … They are going to be the ones who are going to be most likely to bring about change, long-term institutional change.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo,\u003cbr>\nFounder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But he doesn’t avoid conflict. Instead — as they did in Berkeley and Charlottesville — Identity Evropa and aligned white supremacist groups seem to revel in goading counterprotesters into violent clashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo also indicated that at this stage he’s more interested in recruiting members and building a durable movement than hammering out specific policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, this is the stuff that will likely never happen in my lifetime,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Damigo said he is targeting college-educated white males as potential new members of Identity Evropa. That’s a big reason these rallies have been largely organized on college campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not just protests. They’re recruitment drives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universities are institutions where the cognitive elite of the youth tend to bottleneck,” Damigo said. “They are going to be the ones who are going to be most likely to bring about change, long-term institutional change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy shared by Damigo’s friend, Richard Spencer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/11/richard-spencer-speech-npi/508379/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one of the most outspoken and visible members of the white supremacist movement\u003c/a>. Spencer heads the National Policy Institute, a white supremacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For better or for worse, I am not trying to reach each and every person who goes to a Trump rally,” Spencer told KQED prior to this weekend’s violence. “There are certainly more populist versions of the alt-right. I think it’s abundantly clear that I’m going after an elite.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This approach appears to be working for Identity Evropa, which has recruited more than 500 members at colleges across the country, according to Damigo. KQED could not independently verify that claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brian Levin — a noted hate-group researcher and professor at CSU San Bernardino’s Department of Criminal Justice — said he does not believe those numbers are accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t believe any membership claims by Damigo,” Levin said. “Damigo is trying to not just be the opening act in the white supremacy movement. The membership of his group is far smaller.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I looked at whether white people thought black people are lazy and unintelligent, and there was an uptick in the youngest respondents. … They’re showing a lot of prejudice, really.’\u003ccite>Jean Twenge,\u003cbr>\nSan Diego State University psychology professor, author\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>However, several prominent social scientists who have begun studying the rise of the hard right said they, too, are seeing a significant uptick of participation in racist groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those researchers is Jean Twenge, a psychology professor at San Diego State University who wrote the book “iGen.” She said her research shows that a minority of people younger than 24 hold racist beliefs, but there has been an increase in those numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked at whether white people thought black people are lazy and unintelligent, and there was an uptick in the youngest respondents,” Twenge said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re showing a lot of prejudice, really,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenge is unsure why this trend is happening. But she said anecdotally, there appears to be evidence that white nationalism is taking root among young men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley sociologist Arlie Hochschild agreed. During research for her book, “Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right,” she ran across a hardening of views among young men, specifically about blacks and Muslims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a great anger, especially with regards to groups like Black Lives Matter or American-Islamic groups,” Hochschild said. “There is a deep-rooted belief that in the past eight years, those groups have somehow cut to the front of the line, that their needs are being placed ahead of whites, especially white men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That anger — that somehow white history and status in society is being displaced by minority groups and women — was a driving force and rallying cry among white supremacists in Charlottesville, who marched with tiki torches lit to protest the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue. The event to celebrate confederate and white heritage was organized locally by Jason Kessler, a local white nationalist.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The more these people kick and scream and whine and cry, the more publicity we get. … Publicity is a good thing. From a PR perspective we want people to talk about us.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo,\u003cbr>\nFounder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>According to Richard Spencer, who spoke to KQED a few weeks before the violence and deaths in Charlottesville, Damigo and his group took the lead to organize white supremacist participation among people from outside Charlottesville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d love to take credit for it, but it was more Nathan,” Spencer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome in Charlottesville is markedly different than it was in the Berkeley rally. Three people have died, including 32-year-old Heather Heyer, allegedly run over by an apparent white supremacist. Two Virginia State Police officers — Pilot Lt. H. Jay Cullen and Trooper-Pilot Berke M.M. Bates — died a few hours later when their patrol helicopter crashed en route to the scene of the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo was arrested in Virginia for failing to disperse. He’s set up an online fundraiser for his legal costs related to what he describes as civil rights violations in Charlottesville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to his arrest, Damigo said he was looking forward to more campus events. He told KQED one of his plans is to set up an event at UC Berkeley with Richard Spencer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more these people kick and scream and whine and cry, the more publicity we get,” Damigo said. “Publicity is a good thing. From a PR perspective we want people to talk about us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: El Tecolote’s Alexis Terrazas contributed to this story, which is presented in partnership with the San Francisco newspaper.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Californian Who Helped Lead Charlottesville Protests Used Berkeley as a Test Run | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">B\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>efore white nationalists \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/12/1-dead-after-car-plows-into-crowd-at-white-nationalist-protest-in-virginia/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">protested in Charlottesville\u003c/a> over the weekend, before a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/13/ohio-man-charged-with-murder-in-fatal-car-attack-on-anti-white-nationalist-march/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">man allegedly plowed a car\u003c/a> into a group of people killing one and injuring at least 19, violent clashes in Berkeley offered a window into the motives and tactics of Identity Evropa, one of the white supremacist groups intimately involved in both protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For leaders of this white nationalist movement, the April 15 “Battle of Berkeley” was a self-described test run to see just how far they could push the bounds of protesting, according to numerous \u003ca href=\"https://townhall.com/columnists/jackkerwick/2017/04/25/the-battle-of-berkeley-when-patriots-beat-the-antiamerican-left-n2317702\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">public statements\u003c/a> from members of the white supremacist movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nathan Damigo is a founder of the California-based Identity Evropa, \u003ca href=\"http://eltecolote.org/content/en/features/alternate-reality-growing-acceptance-of-white-nationalism-in-trumps-america/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">profiled by El Tecolote newspaper\u003c/a> in December. A former Marine infantryman and convicted felon who lives in Stanislaus County, Damigo is being credited with helping to lead the Charlottesville protest, along with other white supremacist rallies around the country. Damigo has made these rallies a key driver for recruiting new members of the group. He did not respond to requests for comment on Saturday about his involvement in the Charlottesville event following his arrest there.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I’d love to take credit for it, but it was more Nathan.’\u003ccite>Richard Spencer of the white supremacy group the National Policy Institute on Nathan Damigo’s organization around a white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on Aug. 12.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But over the course of multiple hourlong interviews over several months this year, Damigo, 31, said his group is engaged in peaceful protests protected by the First Amendment. Before Charlottesville, Damigo was probably best known for punching a 19-year-old woman in the face in Berkeley. That moment was \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c8GVtXfATtI\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">captured on video\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the video, Damigo — sporting a hipster haircut, collared shirt and clenched fists — runs up to a young, dreadlocked woman holding a camera and punches her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo told KQED he punched the woman because she was a threat; because she was going to attack his friends; because she was a member of Antifa, a leftist confederation of socialists and anarchists — some of whom have committed acts of violence and arson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essentially, Damigo said he punched her because he had to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She joined this organization and came with her local gang from Southern California, according to statements that she made on social media, to disrupt the events and to acquire scalps,” he said. “Furthermore, she was swinging around bottles, which is a deadly weapon, a foot-long wine bottle at people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not what KQED witnessed at the scene of the attack, however.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What began with Damigo shouting provocative calls into a megaphone quickly turned into an all-out street brawl. Damigo was screaming “hold the line,” “guard the flank” and “advance!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo violently moved through the crowd. Smoke bombs and flash grenades and glass bottles were thrown. Thick tear gas filled the air. Leftist protesters, many of them aging men, were beat up. Police were hit with firecrackers. At one point, Antifa (wearing black hoodies and masks) and the far right (wearing red hats, flag capes and paramilitary armor) fought over who could control a dumpster that was pushed down the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11611676 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/C9ew14wUMAE6IKX-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A fight broke out over control of a dumpster after right- and left-wing demonstrators clashed in Berkeley on April 15. \u003ccite>(John Sepulvado/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Damigo found himself outside of the roaring street brawl he helped create. Alone for a moment, he stopped in the middle of the street. Then, he ran across the street, right up to the woman, and hit her. After she fell, Damigo turned, smiled and jumped back into the rolling scuffles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2017/05/nathan-damigo-punching-woman-berkeley-white-nationalism/\">Damigo’s involvement in the “Battle of Berkeley”\u003c/a> is an important moment for the white supremacist movement because it attracted supporters from around the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A large amount of the violence that has occurred may be due to the inroads we are making,” Damigo told an interviewer after the Berkeley events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This frenetic, violent, yet charismatic man with extreme racist views helped organize the Charlottesville rally. And he’s helping to mobilize an entire generation of white supremacists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611748\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 441px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11611748\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"441\" height=\"495\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download.png 441w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download-160x180.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download-240x269.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/download-375x421.png 375w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 441px) 100vw, 441px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A graphic promoting the Charlottesville rally included the insignia of Damigo’s group Identity Evropa in section “I.” of the snake.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>From Suburban California Kid to Imprisoned Felon\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nathan Damigo was born in Lewiston, Maine. In a long conversation with KQED, he noted with irony that the community had accepted early groups of resettled refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t call them refugees,” Damigo said. “It was one of the first places they started doing the Somali immigration relocation thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, his mother moved the family to San Jose. In the South Bay, Damigo traced the beginning of his “race realist” awakening to feeling out of place in a multiracial city. He said he would feel uncomfortable in situations where he was the only white person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’d go over to a friend’s house, or something like that, and everybody’s speaking a different language,” Damigo said, “and you’re just sitting there awkwardly. There’s no connection there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11611678\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11611678\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/RS25148_20170427_NathanDamigo_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nathan Damigo traces the beginning of his ‘race realist’ beliefs to his upbringing in the diverse city of San Jose. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Damigo went to Liberty Baptist School in San Jose through his senior year. His mother worked as a teacher there. Like so many other California kids of his age, he listened to bands like Metallica and Soundgarden, watched “Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles,” and dreamed of being a pro skater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, as he aged, those dreams morphed into aspirations of a military career — his father had served in the Marine Corps. Damigo said his desire to serve became more pronounced after the Sept. 11 attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I pretty much watched live as the second tower was hit,” he said. “That was a pretty big thing to watch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I became disillusioned, after the Iraq War, with mainstream narratives. … Most of [David Duke’s] arguments I just couldn’t debunk, no matter how hard I tried.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo, Founder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Damigo also credited his socially conservative family, who he said raised him to have pride in the country, for influencing his decision to enlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would serve two deployments in Iraq in the infantry. It was on these tours that Damigo’s views on race began to be shaped by the violent conflict he saw on a daily basis — killings, murders, explosions and misery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw them in Iraq, which is also a multireligious, multicultural society,” Damigo said. “And I generally saw it growing up. And it was certainly a more extreme form, but it definitely, I think, it did make me think a bit more about race and population dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The violence that began to shape Damigo’s thinking on race also killed two of his close friends in combat. According to court documents obtained by El Tecolote and KQED, Damigo began suffering acute symptoms of PTSD as a result of his exposure to the Iraq War.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo blames that trauma for his decision to rob a San Diego cab driver at gunpoint after his return from Iraq.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a psychological evaluation conducted for the court as part of the criminal case, Damigo said he attacked the cab driver, Changiz Ezzatyar, because he mistook him for an Iraqi. Damigo said the decision came after a night of solitary heavy drinking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Psychologist Heidi Kraft conducted another evaluation of Damigo after the assault. In her clinical notes, which were included in court documents from his trial, she wrote:\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We don’t want to be seen as overly threatening.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo,\u003cbr>\nFounder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“While there is no evidence that the patient experienced psychiatric dissociation during the robbery, his PTSD symptoms were so disabling, and his use of alcohol to self-medicate was so heavy, it appears that the combination of these factors led to a serious and uncharacteristic breakdown in both insight and judgment the night of his arrest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kraft added that some PTSD patients engage in thrill-seeking behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Based on this Marine’s history, which is free of any behavior even remotely similar to the night of his arrest, it is likely that he may have become one of those patients,” Kraft concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family strongly defended Damigo during the court hearing, and his story was featured on the HBO documentary, \u003ca href=\"http://www.hbo.com/documentaries/wartorn-1861-2010\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“Wartorn,”\u003c/a> as part of a broader series on post-traumatic stress disorder in veterans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like being dropped in a nightmare,” his mother, Charilyn Damigo, told HBO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo’s mother and others wrote letters to the court, urging leniency and understanding from the judge. But worried that a defense centered on PTSD would fail, Damigo accepted a plea deal and was sentenced to six years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was during that time that he started reading the words of former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke, who remains a white supremacist leader and was at the Charlottesville event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I became disillusioned after the Iraq War with mainstream narratives,” Damigo said. “Most of [Duke’s] arguments I just couldn’t debunk, no matter how hard I tried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>College Students Seen as the Key to a Separate White Homeland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Damigo’s white supremacist group — Identity Evropa — is based in California but has chapters on college campuses throughout the country. The group has a high visibility on campuses from San Diego to Tuscaloosa to Charlottesville. On these campuses are fliers, banners, posters and bathroom graffiti advertising Identity Evropa videos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo’s views on race and nationalism may have been shaped by the four years in prison, but in many ways they are clear echoes of older white supremacists such as Duke. In an interview with KQED, Damigo said he believes white people need their own separate country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that he also wants his organization to be seen as more acceptable to a broader population. For example, Damigo has banned members of Identity Evropa from having tattoos on their faces, necks or hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to be seen as overly threatening,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo also doesn’t swear, instead using words like “gosh” or “golly” in the place of expletives. And as other racists have argued for forceful relocation or purging of minority groups from American society, Damigo avoided talking about how he would create a white-only homeland.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Universities are institutions where the cognitive elite of the youth tend to bottleneck. … They are going to be the ones who are going to be most likely to bring about change, long-term institutional change.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo,\u003cbr>\nFounder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But he doesn’t avoid conflict. Instead — as they did in Berkeley and Charlottesville — Identity Evropa and aligned white supremacist groups seem to revel in goading counterprotesters into violent clashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo also indicated that at this stage he’s more interested in recruiting members and building a durable movement than hammering out specific policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, this is the stuff that will likely never happen in my lifetime,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To that end, Damigo said he is targeting college-educated white males as potential new members of Identity Evropa. That’s a big reason these rallies have been largely organized on college campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re not just protests. They’re recruitment drives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universities are institutions where the cognitive elite of the youth tend to bottleneck,” Damigo said. “They are going to be the ones who are going to be most likely to bring about change, long-term institutional change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a strategy shared by Damigo’s friend, Richard Spencer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/11/richard-spencer-speech-npi/508379/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">one of the most outspoken and visible members of the white supremacist movement\u003c/a>. Spencer heads the National Policy Institute, a white supremacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For better or for worse, I am not trying to reach each and every person who goes to a Trump rally,” Spencer told KQED prior to this weekend’s violence. “There are certainly more populist versions of the alt-right. I think it’s abundantly clear that I’m going after an elite.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This approach appears to be working for Identity Evropa, which has recruited more than 500 members at colleges across the country, according to Damigo. KQED could not independently verify that claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Brian Levin — a noted hate-group researcher and professor at CSU San Bernardino’s Department of Criminal Justice — said he does not believe those numbers are accurate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t believe any membership claims by Damigo,” Levin said. “Damigo is trying to not just be the opening act in the white supremacy movement. The membership of his group is far smaller.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘I looked at whether white people thought black people are lazy and unintelligent, and there was an uptick in the youngest respondents. … They’re showing a lot of prejudice, really.’\u003ccite>Jean Twenge,\u003cbr>\nSan Diego State University psychology professor, author\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>However, several prominent social scientists who have begun studying the rise of the hard right said they, too, are seeing a significant uptick of participation in racist groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those researchers is Jean Twenge, a psychology professor at San Diego State University who wrote the book “iGen.” She said her research shows that a minority of people younger than 24 hold racist beliefs, but there has been an increase in those numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I looked at whether white people thought black people are lazy and unintelligent, and there was an uptick in the youngest respondents,” Twenge said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re showing a lot of prejudice, really,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenge is unsure why this trend is happening. But she said anecdotally, there appears to be evidence that white nationalism is taking root among young men.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley sociologist Arlie Hochschild agreed. During research for her book, “Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right,” she ran across a hardening of views among young men, specifically about blacks and Muslims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a great anger, especially with regards to groups like Black Lives Matter or American-Islamic groups,” Hochschild said. “There is a deep-rooted belief that in the past eight years, those groups have somehow cut to the front of the line, that their needs are being placed ahead of whites, especially white men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That anger — that somehow white history and status in society is being displaced by minority groups and women — was a driving force and rallying cry among white supremacists in Charlottesville, who marched with tiki torches lit to protest the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue. The event to celebrate confederate and white heritage was organized locally by Jason Kessler, a local white nationalist.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The more these people kick and scream and whine and cry, the more publicity we get. … Publicity is a good thing. From a PR perspective we want people to talk about us.’\u003ccite>Nathan Damigo,\u003cbr>\nFounder of Identity Evropa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>According to Richard Spencer, who spoke to KQED a few weeks before the violence and deaths in Charlottesville, Damigo and his group took the lead to organize white supremacist participation among people from outside Charlottesville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d love to take credit for it, but it was more Nathan,” Spencer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the outcome in Charlottesville is markedly different than it was in the Berkeley rally. Three people have died, including 32-year-old Heather Heyer, allegedly run over by an apparent white supremacist. Two Virginia State Police officers — Pilot Lt. H. Jay Cullen and Trooper-Pilot Berke M.M. Bates — died a few hours later when their patrol helicopter crashed en route to the scene of the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Damigo was arrested in Virginia for failing to disperse. He’s set up an online fundraiser for his legal costs related to what he describes as civil rights violations in Charlottesville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to his arrest, Damigo said he was looking forward to more campus events. He told KQED one of his plans is to set up an event at UC Berkeley with Richard Spencer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more these people kick and scream and whine and cry, the more publicity we get,” Damigo said. “Publicity is a good thing. From a PR perspective we want people to talk about us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: El Tecolote’s Alexis Terrazas contributed to this story, which is presented in partnership with the San Francisco newspaper.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Mounting Tensions with North Korea, Google Memo: Diversity in Tech, Justice Goodwin Liu",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mounting Tensions with North Korea \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the United States and North Korea are continuing to escalate as President Trump issues warnings about his willingness to use military force, and North Korea continues with its missile-testing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guest: David Schmerler, Middlebury Institute of International Studies research associate\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Google Memo: Diversity in Tech\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s decision to fire a software engineer for the contents of his controversial 10-page manifesto about differences between men and women in the workplace has sparked a national debate over diversity and free speech. We look at Silicon Valley’s struggle with diversity and why the alt-right is weighing in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Queena Kim, KQED Silicon Valley desk senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kourtni Marshall, Google software engineer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Jonathan Tower, Catapult VC partner \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Justice Goodwin Liu\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past few decades, Asian-Americans have made great strides in the legal profession — they now represent 5 percent of all attorneys in the U.S. — yet they have been slower to advance to positions of leadership at both law firms and in courtrooms. California Supreme Court Justice Goodwin Liu discusses a new report he co-authored: “A Portrait of Asian Americans in the Law.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guests:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Queena Kim, KQED Silicon Valley desk senior editor \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Kourtni Marshall, Google software engineer \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Jonathan Tower, Catapult VC partner \u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Justice Goodwin Liu\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past few decades, Asian-Americans have made great strides in the legal profession — they now represent 5 percent of all attorneys in the U.S. — yet they have been slower to advance to positions of leadership at both law firms and in courtrooms. California Supreme Court Justice Goodwin Liu discusses a new report he co-authored: “A Portrait of Asian Americans in the Law.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In defending the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/02/trump-unveils-legislation-limiting-legal-immigration/\">Trump administration’s support for legislation that cuts legal immigration\u003c/a>, senior policy adviser Stephen Miller \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/washington/la-na-essential-washington-updates-watch-cnn-s-jim-acosta-and-white-house-1501704278-htmlstory.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dismissed\u003c/a> the famous Statue of Liberty poem by Emma Lazarus since it was added after the statue was completed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The RAISE Act (for Reforming American Immigration for a Strong Economy), would dramatically cut legal immigration to the United States — including cutting the number of refugees allowed in the country by half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To refresh your memory, here are the words of Emma Lazarus’ poem, inscribed in bronze at the base of the Statue of Liberty:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,\u003cbr>\nWith conquering limbs astride from land to land;\u003cbr>\nHere at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand\u003cbr>\nA mighty woman with a torch, whose flame\u003cbr>\nIs the imprisoned lightning, and her name\u003cbr>\nMother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand\u003cbr>\nGlows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command\u003cbr>\nThe air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.\u003cbr>\n“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she\u003cbr>\nWith silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,\u003cbr>\nYour huddled masses yearning to breathe free,\u003cbr>\nThe wretched refuse of your teeming shore.\u003cbr>\nSend these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,\u003cbr>\nI lift my lamp beside the golden door!”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In defending the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/08/02/trump-unveils-legislation-limiting-legal-immigration/\">Trump administration’s support for legislation that cuts legal immigration\u003c/a>, senior policy adviser Stephen Miller \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/washington/la-na-essential-washington-updates-watch-cnn-s-jim-acosta-and-white-house-1501704278-htmlstory.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">dismissed\u003c/a> the famous Statue of Liberty poem by Emma Lazarus since it was added after the statue was completed. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The RAISE Act (for Reforming American Immigration for a Strong Economy), would dramatically cut legal immigration to the United States — including cutting the number of refugees allowed in the country by half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To refresh your memory, here are the words of Emma Lazarus’ poem, inscribed in bronze at the base of the Statue of Liberty:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame,\u003cbr>\nWith conquering limbs astride from land to land;\u003cbr>\nHere at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand\u003cbr>\nA mighty woman with a torch, whose flame\u003cbr>\nIs the imprisoned lightning, and her name\u003cbr>\nMother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand\u003cbr>\nGlows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command\u003cbr>\nThe air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame.\u003cbr>\n“Keep, ancient lands, your storied pomp!” cries she\u003cbr>\nWith silent lips. “Give me your tired, your poor,\u003cbr>\nYour huddled masses yearning to breathe free,\u003cbr>\nThe wretched refuse of your teeming shore.\u003cbr>\nSend these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,\u003cbr>\nI lift my lamp beside the golden door!”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Way back at the start of the Trump presidency, the president created a stir with his first calls to leaders of U.S. allies. It was reported that he had \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/no-gday-mate-on-call-with-australian-pm-trump-badgers-and-brags/2017/02/01/88a3bfb0-e8bf-11e6-80c2-30e57e57e05d_story.html?tid=a_inl&utm_term=.e8657796c39d\">angrily cut off a call\u003c/a> with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and, in a call with Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, threatened to send military personnel to Mexico to deal with “bad hombres” (the Mexican government disputed this).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, new details of the conversations have emerged, via \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/you-cannot-say-that-to-the-press-trump-urged-mexican-president-to-end-his-public-defiance-on-border-wall-transcript-reveals/2017/08/03/0c2c0a4e-7610-11e7-8f39-eeb7d3a2d304_story.html?pushid=598322434f04072800000003&tid=notifi_push_breaking-news&utm_term=.8070e31224c8\">transcripts obtained by the Washington Post\u003c/a>, and the excerpts printed by the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> show a president cajoling and heatedly arguing with the two foreign leaders. The transcripts do not stray from the initial reporting on the calls — as in January, they show a president fixated on immigration and trying to burnish his image — but they provide some new insights into the president’s pugilistic demeanor in dealing with even nations that have good relations with the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is, for now, being reticent about the leaked transcripts. National Security Council spokesman Michael Anton told NPR that he “can’t confirm or deny the authenticity of allegedly leaked classified documents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are highlights:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Saying his border wall is the “least important” topic\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transcripts say that Trump told Peña Nieto that the border wall is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/politics/australia-mexico-transcripts/?utm_term=.8e82c7ee7629\">the least important thing\u003c/a> we are talking about, but politically this might be the most important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a startling admission from a president who at rallies led his supporters in chants of “build the wall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the wall was important to his base; while it has not been popular nationally — a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/02/24/most-americans-continue-to-oppose-u-s-border-wall-doubt-mexico-would-pay-for-it/\">February poll\u003c/a> from the Pew Research Center found that 62 percent of Americans oppose such a wall — it polled well among conservative Republicans in that poll, with 80 percent approving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asking Peña Nieto to stop talking about the wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump repeatedly assured his supporters that Mexico would pay for the border wall. Peña Nieto disagreed; on Jan. 25, the Mexican president told his nation in a televised address that they “would not pay” for the wall, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/washington/la-na-trailguide-updates-mexican-president-rejects-trump-s-1485404143-htmlstory.html\">according to the L.A. Times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the call with Peña Nieto on Jan. 27, Trump asked him to knock it off: “If you are going to say that Mexico is not going to pay for the wall, then I do not want to meet with you guys anymore because I cannot live with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump also said that he had to push for Mexico to pay for the wall because he had promised it for so long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to have Mexico pay for the wall — I have to,” he said. “I have been talking about it for a two-year period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other quotes reported by the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> indicate that Trump was vague about how exactly the funding of the border wall would work. He said that the funding for it “will work out in the formula somehow” and that it would “come out in the wash,” according to the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the wall itself, Peña Nieto stood firm. “My position has been and will continue to be very firm, saying that Mexico cannot pay for the wall,” he said. However, the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> also writes that he eventually relented on talking about the wall, agreeing to “stop talking about the wall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Jan. 27 statement, the White House had acknowledged the two presidents’ clashing opinions on the topic of the wall: “With respect to payment for the border wall, both presidents recognize their clear and very public differences of positions on this issue but have agreed to work these differences out as part of a comprehensive discussion on all aspects of the bilateral relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Calling New Hampshire a “drug-infested den”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump bemoaned America’s drug problem to Peña Nieto, then cited it as a reason for what he believed to be his success in New Hampshire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a massive drug problem where kids are becoming addicted to drugs because the drugs are being sold for less money than candy,” he said. “I won New Hampshire because New Hampshire is a drug-infested den.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Hampshire is one of the epicenters of the current U.S. drug crisis. In 2015, New Hampshire had the second-highest rate of drug overdose deaths in the nation, at 34.3 per 100,000 people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/drugoverdose/data/statedeaths.html\">according to the CDC\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump did not win New Hampshire in the general election. Hillary Clinton did. He did, however, win it in the Republican primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heroin does come into the U.S. across the U.S.-Mexico border; as \u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2016/sep/13/donald-trump/trump-right-heroin-coming-through-southern-border/\">Politifact noted in September\u003c/a>, Mexico is the source for a substantial portion of the heroin entering the U.S. In 2012, 45 percent of the heroin coming into the U.S. came from Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Getting furious with Malcolm Turnbull\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, it was reported that Trump and Turnbull had argued about an Obama-era deal to accept refugees. The Obama administration \u003ca href=\"http://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-38837263\">had agreed to accept\u003c/a> around 1,200 refugees being held on islands near Australia, and Australia would accept refugees from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump vehemently pushed against the deal, according to the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to kill me,” he said to Turnbull. “I am the world’s greatest person that does not want to let people into the country. And now I am agreeing to take 2,000 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believed that the refugees could be dangerous, and even potential terrorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee you they are bad. That is why they are in prison right now. They are not going to be wonderful people who go on to work for the local milk people,” he said. (The \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> surmised that “local milk people” may be a reference to dairy farmers.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president later added that the refugees might “become the Boston bomber in five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the Trump administration has seemed to be sticking with the deal. In April, during a visit to Australia, Vice President Mike Pence said that the administration — albeit unenthusiastically — would accept the refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has made it clear that we’ll honor the agreement — that doesn’t mean we admire the agreement,” \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/04/22/mike-pence-australia-refugee-deal-237476\">he said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Transcripts%3A+Trump+Told+Mexican+President+Border+Wall+Is+%27Least+Important+Thing%27&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Way back at the start of the Trump presidency, the president created a stir with his first calls to leaders of U.S. allies. It was reported that he had \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/no-gday-mate-on-call-with-australian-pm-trump-badgers-and-brags/2017/02/01/88a3bfb0-e8bf-11e6-80c2-30e57e57e05d_story.html?tid=a_inl&utm_term=.e8657796c39d\">angrily cut off a call\u003c/a> with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and, in a call with Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, threatened to send military personnel to Mexico to deal with “bad hombres” (the Mexican government disputed this).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, new details of the conversations have emerged, via \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/you-cannot-say-that-to-the-press-trump-urged-mexican-president-to-end-his-public-defiance-on-border-wall-transcript-reveals/2017/08/03/0c2c0a4e-7610-11e7-8f39-eeb7d3a2d304_story.html?pushid=598322434f04072800000003&tid=notifi_push_breaking-news&utm_term=.8070e31224c8\">transcripts obtained by the Washington Post\u003c/a>, and the excerpts printed by the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> show a president cajoling and heatedly arguing with the two foreign leaders. The transcripts do not stray from the initial reporting on the calls — as in January, they show a president fixated on immigration and trying to burnish his image — but they provide some new insights into the president’s pugilistic demeanor in dealing with even nations that have good relations with the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration is, for now, being reticent about the leaked transcripts. National Security Council spokesman Michael Anton told NPR that he “can’t confirm or deny the authenticity of allegedly leaked classified documents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are highlights:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Saying his border wall is the “least important” topic\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transcripts say that Trump told Peña Nieto that the border wall is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/politics/australia-mexico-transcripts/?utm_term=.8e82c7ee7629\">the least important thing\u003c/a> we are talking about, but politically this might be the most important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a startling admission from a president who at rallies led his supporters in chants of “build the wall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the wall was important to his base; while it has not been popular nationally — a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/02/24/most-americans-continue-to-oppose-u-s-border-wall-doubt-mexico-would-pay-for-it/\">February poll\u003c/a> from the Pew Research Center found that 62 percent of Americans oppose such a wall — it polled well among conservative Republicans in that poll, with 80 percent approving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asking Peña Nieto to stop talking about the wall\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump repeatedly assured his supporters that Mexico would pay for the border wall. Peña Nieto disagreed; on Jan. 25, the Mexican president told his nation in a televised address that they “would not pay” for the wall, \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/washington/la-na-trailguide-updates-mexican-president-rejects-trump-s-1485404143-htmlstory.html\">according to the L.A. Times\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the call with Peña Nieto on Jan. 27, Trump asked him to knock it off: “If you are going to say that Mexico is not going to pay for the wall, then I do not want to meet with you guys anymore because I cannot live with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump also said that he had to push for Mexico to pay for the wall because he had promised it for so long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have to have Mexico pay for the wall — I have to,” he said. “I have been talking about it for a two-year period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other quotes reported by the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> indicate that Trump was vague about how exactly the funding of the border wall would work. He said that the funding for it “will work out in the formula somehow” and that it would “come out in the wash,” according to the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the wall itself, Peña Nieto stood firm. “My position has been and will continue to be very firm, saying that Mexico cannot pay for the wall,” he said. However, the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> also writes that he eventually relented on talking about the wall, agreeing to “stop talking about the wall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Jan. 27 statement, the White House had acknowledged the two presidents’ clashing opinions on the topic of the wall: “With respect to payment for the border wall, both presidents recognize their clear and very public differences of positions on this issue but have agreed to work these differences out as part of a comprehensive discussion on all aspects of the bilateral relationship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Calling New Hampshire a “drug-infested den”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump bemoaned America’s drug problem to Peña Nieto, then cited it as a reason for what he believed to be his success in New Hampshire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a massive drug problem where kids are becoming addicted to drugs because the drugs are being sold for less money than candy,” he said. “I won New Hampshire because New Hampshire is a drug-infested den.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New Hampshire is one of the epicenters of the current U.S. drug crisis. In 2015, New Hampshire had the second-highest rate of drug overdose deaths in the nation, at 34.3 per 100,000 people, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/drugoverdose/data/statedeaths.html\">according to the CDC\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump did not win New Hampshire in the general election. Hillary Clinton did. He did, however, win it in the Republican primaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heroin does come into the U.S. across the U.S.-Mexico border; as \u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2016/sep/13/donald-trump/trump-right-heroin-coming-through-southern-border/\">Politifact noted in September\u003c/a>, Mexico is the source for a substantial portion of the heroin entering the U.S. In 2012, 45 percent of the heroin coming into the U.S. came from Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Getting furious with Malcolm Turnbull\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, it was reported that Trump and Turnbull had argued about an Obama-era deal to accept refugees. The Obama administration \u003ca href=\"http://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-38837263\">had agreed to accept\u003c/a> around 1,200 refugees being held on islands near Australia, and Australia would accept refugees from Central America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump vehemently pushed against the deal, according to the \u003cem>Post\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is going to kill me,” he said to Turnbull. “I am the world’s greatest person that does not want to let people into the country. And now I am agreeing to take 2,000 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He believed that the refugees could be dangerous, and even potential terrorists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guarantee you they are bad. That is why they are in prison right now. They are not going to be wonderful people who go on to work for the local milk people,” he said. (The \u003cem>Post\u003c/em> surmised that “local milk people” may be a reference to dairy farmers.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president later added that the refugees might “become the Boston bomber in five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the Trump administration has seemed to be sticking with the deal. In April, during a visit to Australia, Vice President Mike Pence said that the administration — albeit unenthusiastically — would accept the refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump has made it clear that we’ll honor the agreement — that doesn’t mean we admire the agreement,” \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/04/22/mike-pence-australia-refugee-deal-237476\">he said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Transcripts%3A+Trump+Told+Mexican+President+Border+Wall+Is+%27Least+Important+Thing%27&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dr. Carolyn Sufrin is sitting before a classroom reading a passage from her book, “Jailcare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her experience as an obstetrician inside San Francisco’s jail, Sufrin is relating a passage about an inmate who recently gave birth in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She said to me, ‘I mean, my worst day in jail is way better than my best day on the streets.’ I had heard Kima say this before, but each time the comparison emerged, I had to pause to digest it: My worst day in jail is better than my best day on the streets. It was a profound statement,” Sufrin read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Sufrin was reading, Jamesa had to rush out of the classroom, into an adjacent bathroom, to throw up. She’s 11 weeks pregnant. She’s also, like all the students in this classroom, an inmate at San Francisco’s women’s jail — because of that, we’re using only her first name.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety and a place that some women might sometimes desire. … That’s really troubling and problematic.’\u003ccite>Carolyn Sufrin\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jamesa is 25 and has a 4-year-old son at home, but said she’s never been pregnant in jail before. And, she said, it’s scary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have my baby in jail, ’cause I would like to go home with my baby — I got to go home with my first son, when I had him, I never was in jail or nothing, so I got to go home with my baby. I don’t want to feel that detachment, only get three days and then from the hospital I have to go to jail and my baby gotta go somewhere else,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sufrin is here to hear these stories. She’s made this her life’s work, after she delivered a baby from a shackled inmate in Pennsylvania during her medical training. Sufrin says she was shocked — and decided she wanted to work with incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2007 to 2013, she worked inside the San Francisco County Jail — as an ob/gyn and then doing research for a Ph.D. in medical anthropology. Her book is based on that research, and the paradoxical nature of finding support while being incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety or of home and a place that some women might sometimes desire, like I said, that’s really troubling and problematic,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11591987\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11591987\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco Jail from her book.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-160x208.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1020x1323.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1180x1530.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-960x1245.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-240x311.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-375x486.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-520x674.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco County Jail from her book. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sufrin tells the women that to some people this may indicate the system’s working — because women are getting some medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But to read this depiction of the safety net of jail in such a practical and also fatalistic way, it ignores the punishment, and the putative structures from which this caregiving arises. It claims to see glimmer of home in fundamentally flawed system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her message is that something is deeply wrong with our society if jail is where women — particularly poor women of color — get the most consistent medical care. The students seem to agree, but they say this is about more than just pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jamesa said the baby growing in her belly isn’t the only child she’s thinking about: Since her first son was born, they’ve been inseparable — and that being there for him is the most important thing to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son is all I got. I don’t got my mama — I was in foster care. She’s around, I know her, but that ain’t my mama, she just had me,” she said. “It hurt hecka bad to know I can’t be with my baby every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tonnette, another inmate, says she’s never been pregnant in jail. But she is missing her 5-year-old son, who she talks to on the phone as much as she can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has been going through this for years to the point that he’s like, all right, and that makes me feel bad — not him crying but him understanding about what I’m going through. At 5 years old, that’s kinda heavy on me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women say there’s another excruciating thing about being separated from your kids — the chance you might lose custody of them while you’re locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti, 29, said she was in jail a year ago when she got papers informing her that her son’s grandmother was trying to take full custody of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She just took him. I asked her to hold my son until I get my life together, and have a place to live,” she said. “So I was crying, because she took my son, and they took me out our of class, to a holding cell, then I am talking about committing suicide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti said a female deputy eventually came and talked to her, calming her down. But she said the default in these situations, when you’re behind bars, is to be put in a cell alone, not supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of pregnant women and mothers in prisons and jails was recently tackled by California Sen. Kamala Harris in a speech before a bipartisan criminal justice reform group in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, there are women who are shackled while they are pregnant and in some states, while they give birth. That’s wrong,” Harris said. “What impacts a mother impacts a child. Because the fact is on this subject, we must keep in mind, nearly 80 percent of incarcerated women are mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris has authored legislation to give incarcerated mothers in the federal prison system — and their kids — more rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Sheriff’s Department does more than many jail systems — for example, they let new moms pump their breast milk for their kids. But for the inmates in jail, they just want to be home with their kids.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Carolyn Sufrin is sitting before a classroom reading a passage from her book, “Jailcare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on her experience as an obstetrician inside San Francisco’s jail, Sufrin is relating a passage about an inmate who recently gave birth in jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She said to me, ‘I mean, my worst day in jail is way better than my best day on the streets.’ I had heard Kima say this before, but each time the comparison emerged, I had to pause to digest it: My worst day in jail is better than my best day on the streets. It was a profound statement,” Sufrin read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Sufrin was reading, Jamesa had to rush out of the classroom, into an adjacent bathroom, to throw up. She’s 11 weeks pregnant. She’s also, like all the students in this classroom, an inmate at San Francisco’s women’s jail — because of that, we’re using only her first name.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety and a place that some women might sometimes desire. … That’s really troubling and problematic.’\u003ccite>Carolyn Sufrin\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Jamesa is 25 and has a 4-year-old son at home, but said she’s never been pregnant in jail before. And, she said, it’s scary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to have my baby in jail, ’cause I would like to go home with my baby — I got to go home with my first son, when I had him, I never was in jail or nothing, so I got to go home with my baby. I don’t want to feel that detachment, only get three days and then from the hospital I have to go to jail and my baby gotta go somewhere else,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sufrin is here to hear these stories. She’s made this her life’s work, after she delivered a baby from a shackled inmate in Pennsylvania during her medical training. Sufrin says she was shocked — and decided she wanted to work with incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2007 to 2013, she worked inside the San Francisco County Jail — as an ob/gyn and then doing research for a Ph.D. in medical anthropology. Her book is based on that research, and the paradoxical nature of finding support while being incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea jail can be a site of caregiving, or of safety or of home and a place that some women might sometimes desire, like I said, that’s really troubling and problematic,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11591987\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11591987\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg\" alt=\"Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco Jail from her book.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1038\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-800x1038.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-160x208.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1020x1323.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-1180x1530.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-960x1245.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-240x311.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-375x486.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/SufrinReads-520x674.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Carolyn Sufrin reads to female inmates at San Francisco County Jail from her book. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sufrin tells the women that to some people this may indicate the system’s working — because women are getting some medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But to read this depiction of the safety net of jail in such a practical and also fatalistic way, it ignores the punishment, and the putative structures from which this caregiving arises. It claims to see glimmer of home in fundamentally flawed system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her message is that something is deeply wrong with our society if jail is where women — particularly poor women of color — get the most consistent medical care. The students seem to agree, but they say this is about more than just pregnancy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jamesa said the baby growing in her belly isn’t the only child she’s thinking about: Since her first son was born, they’ve been inseparable — and that being there for him is the most important thing to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My son is all I got. I don’t got my mama — I was in foster care. She’s around, I know her, but that ain’t my mama, she just had me,” she said. “It hurt hecka bad to know I can’t be with my baby every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tonnette, another inmate, says she’s never been pregnant in jail. But she is missing her 5-year-old son, who she talks to on the phone as much as she can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He has been going through this for years to the point that he’s like, all right, and that makes me feel bad — not him crying but him understanding about what I’m going through. At 5 years old, that’s kinda heavy on me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The women say there’s another excruciating thing about being separated from your kids — the chance you might lose custody of them while you’re locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti, 29, said she was in jail a year ago when she got papers informing her that her son’s grandmother was trying to take full custody of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She just took him. I asked her to hold my son until I get my life together, and have a place to live,” she said. “So I was crying, because she took my son, and they took me out our of class, to a holding cell, then I am talking about committing suicide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti said a female deputy eventually came and talked to her, calming her down. But she said the default in these situations, when you’re behind bars, is to be put in a cell alone, not supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of pregnant women and mothers in prisons and jails was recently tackled by California Sen. Kamala Harris in a speech before a bipartisan criminal justice reform group in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, there are women who are shackled while they are pregnant and in some states, while they give birth. That’s wrong,” Harris said. “What impacts a mother impacts a child. Because the fact is on this subject, we must keep in mind, nearly 80 percent of incarcerated women are mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris has authored legislation to give incarcerated mothers in the federal prison system — and their kids — more rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Sheriff’s Department does more than many jail systems — for example, they let new moms pump their breast milk for their kids. But for the inmates in jail, they just want to be home with their kids.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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