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"content": "\u003cp>Oh, to be a plastic bag. Helpful, ubiquitous and ever useful. Carefree, wafting on the wind, and alive for a thousand years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, you are cheap and trashy. Discarded, your presence mars beautiful landscapes. You and your trillions of clones clog sewers, accumulate in the worlds’ oceans, and entangle and choke wildlife and sea creatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California banned your flimsy presence in the Golden State, consigning you to an environmentally-sensitive death by recycling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as shoppers know all too well, getting rid of plastic bags isn’t that easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “paper-or-plastic?” checkout query was supposed to be a relic of our unenlightened past. After reviewing the scientific evidence of persistent environmental harm, California legislators in 2014 banned thin plastic carryout bags, authorizing stores to charge customers 10 cents for heavier-duty plastic sacks or paper bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ban inflamed the nation’s bag makers, who intervened before the law could take effect. They wielded two ballot measures to poke a stick in the eye of the Legislature and the grocery industry, whom they haven’t forgiven for switching sides to support the ban after the Legislature allowed the grocers to keep the 10 cent fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the confounding manner of direct democracy, California voters in November will ponder two opposing initiatives, each sponsored by the plastic bag industry—which has spent more than $6 million to put them on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 67\u003c/a>, is a referendum—an attempt to block the bag ban by asking voters whether they agree with the new law. The plastic bag industry is hoping to convince enough Californians to vote no, thereby preempting the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>, would redirect the 10 cent bag fee consumers pay, so that rather than stores reaping the benefit, it would instead go to an environmental fund administered by the state Wildlife Conservation Board. The plastics industry is backing this one, a smack-down to the grocery industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092839\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092839\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg\" alt=\"Plastic bags at checkout.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plastic bags at checkout. \u003ccite>(Day Donaldson/flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the bag ban survives at the polls, Californians would say goodbye to one of the world’s most utilitarian products. Thus would the plastic bag, a humble object engineered to be of long and useful service, become undone by its very design.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has been exiled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">150 cities and counties\u003c/a>, primarily along the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the environmental facts have been misconstrued,” said Phil Rozenski, policy chair of the American Progressive Bag Alliance, and a senior director at Novolex. Its subsidiary, Hilex Poly Co., has contributed to the ballot propositions. “This is all about politics and emotional debate. Science left the building years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of plastic’s durability, even when exposed to constant wave action and degraded by a relentless sun, it doesn’t disappear, but breaks down into tiny particles called microplastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a survey of existing research estimated that as many as 51 trillion particles of microplastics are floating around the planet’s oceans, weighing as much as 236,000 metric tons. Closer to home, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfei.org/documents/microplastic-contamination-san-francisco-bay\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that eight wastewater treatment plants discharge nearly half a million microplastic particles into the San Francisco Bay each day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even taking into consideration that bags represent only a portion of all plastics found in marine debris, researchers say 80 percent of trash floating in the ocean is plastic. “The problems with plastics are well-documented,” said Eben Schwartz, who oversees the California Coastal Commission’s Marine Debris Program. “Sea animals ingest plastic and it not only gives the sense of being full, so they starve, but it can also get caught in the esophagus, and keep food from getting down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1963px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-1092840 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png\" alt=\"PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean\" width=\"1963\" height=\"1098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png 1963w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-160x89.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-800x447.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-768x430.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1020x571.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1920x1074.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1180x660.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-960x537.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-240x134.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-375x210.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-520x291.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1963px) 100vw, 1963px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plastic accumulated in the stomach of a marine mammal, renders the animals more buoyant and makes it more difficult to dive for food. Sea turtles can mistake floating plastic bags for their favorite meal, jellyfish. Offshore and onshore, animals become entangled with plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Californians use about 15 million single-use plastic bags a year—as the Legislative Analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">notes\u003c/a>, that’s more than 400 bags per Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because plastic is marvelous. Few modern inventions have so quickly shoved aside the competition and staked a spot smack in the middle of American culture, industrial design and manufacturing. Plastics emerged in the late 1940s full of promise and vigor. Then, as now, plastic begins life as a petrochemical. Manufacturing processes convert chains of hydrogen and carbon molecules into a polymer resin that is then heated, shaped and cooled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheap and versatile, it can become just about anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plastic formulation prevents it from bio-degrading along with other garbage. Scientists sifting through landfills of the future will dredge up diapers—and Safeway bags. Even the industry’s “biodegradable” bags don’t completely break down, and these green plastic bags account for less than 1 per cent of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This description of a plastic bag’s afterlife, from an \u003ca href=\"http://plasticbaglaws.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/MEA_green-cities-CA.pdf\">environmental assessment\u003c/a> prepared for California local governments: “The majority of bags end up as litter or in the landfill, and even those in the landfill may be blown away as litter due to their light weight. Although some recycling facilities will handle plastic bags, most reject them because they can get caught in the machinery and cause malfunctioning, or are contaminated after use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092843\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1653px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092843\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg\" alt=\"Credit:\" width=\"1653\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg 1653w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-768x486.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-960x607.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-375x237.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1653px) 100vw, 1653px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bags snag on tree limbs, blow around on vacant lots and loiter in gutters. But don’t blame the bag, says the industry, blame a populace ridden with litterbugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s marine debris or litter—it shouldn’t be there,” said Rozenski. “We have to work on it as a society. Approaching it on a product-by-product basis is not the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others oppose the ban on philosophical grounds. “The government shouldn’t be telling stores what kind of bags to offer. That’s between the store and the customer,” said Ted Brown, chairman of the state Libertarian Party, which opposes both propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do bag bans really make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco’s ban has been in place, plastic bag refuse found on the Bay Area’s inland and coastal beaches has fallen 34 per cent, according to Schwartz of the coastal commission. He cited data gathered at annual Bay Area cleanups showing that in 2008, plastic bags accounted for about 9 percent of all debris removed from beaches. By 2012, they were only 6 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never see drops like that,” he said. “The bans are effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a non-profit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Julie Cart, go to calmatters.org/about/staff/julie-cart/\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ban inflamed the nation’s bag makers, who intervened before the law could take effect. They wielded two ballot measures to poke a stick in the eye of the Legislature and the grocery industry, whom they haven’t forgiven for switching sides to support the ban after the Legislature allowed the grocers to keep the 10 cent fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the confounding manner of direct democracy, California voters in November will ponder two opposing initiatives, each sponsored by the plastic bag industry—which has spent more than $6 million to put them on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 67\u003c/a>, is a referendum—an attempt to block the bag ban by asking voters whether they agree with the new law. The plastic bag industry is hoping to convince enough Californians to vote no, thereby preempting the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>, would redirect the 10 cent bag fee consumers pay, so that rather than stores reaping the benefit, it would instead go to an environmental fund administered by the state Wildlife Conservation Board. The plastics industry is backing this one, a smack-down to the grocery industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092839\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092839\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg\" alt=\"Plastic bags at checkout.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plastic bags at checkout. \u003ccite>(Day Donaldson/flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the bag ban survives at the polls, Californians would say goodbye to one of the world’s most utilitarian products. Thus would the plastic bag, a humble object engineered to be of long and useful service, become undone by its very design.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has been exiled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">150 cities and counties\u003c/a>, primarily along the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the environmental facts have been misconstrued,” said Phil Rozenski, policy chair of the American Progressive Bag Alliance, and a senior director at Novolex. Its subsidiary, Hilex Poly Co., has contributed to the ballot propositions. “This is all about politics and emotional debate. Science left the building years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of plastic’s durability, even when exposed to constant wave action and degraded by a relentless sun, it doesn’t disappear, but breaks down into tiny particles called microplastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a survey of existing research estimated that as many as 51 trillion particles of microplastics are floating around the planet’s oceans, weighing as much as 236,000 metric tons. Closer to home, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfei.org/documents/microplastic-contamination-san-francisco-bay\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that eight wastewater treatment plants discharge nearly half a million microplastic particles into the San Francisco Bay each day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even taking into consideration that bags represent only a portion of all plastics found in marine debris, researchers say 80 percent of trash floating in the ocean is plastic. “The problems with plastics are well-documented,” said Eben Schwartz, who oversees the California Coastal Commission’s Marine Debris Program. “Sea animals ingest plastic and it not only gives the sense of being full, so they starve, but it can also get caught in the esophagus, and keep food from getting down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1963px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-1092840 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png\" alt=\"PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean\" width=\"1963\" height=\"1098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png 1963w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-160x89.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-800x447.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-768x430.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1020x571.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1920x1074.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1180x660.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-960x537.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-240x134.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-375x210.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-520x291.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1963px) 100vw, 1963px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plastic accumulated in the stomach of a marine mammal, renders the animals more buoyant and makes it more difficult to dive for food. Sea turtles can mistake floating plastic bags for their favorite meal, jellyfish. Offshore and onshore, animals become entangled with plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Californians use about 15 million single-use plastic bags a year—as the Legislative Analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">notes\u003c/a>, that’s more than 400 bags per Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because plastic is marvelous. Few modern inventions have so quickly shoved aside the competition and staked a spot smack in the middle of American culture, industrial design and manufacturing. Plastics emerged in the late 1940s full of promise and vigor. Then, as now, plastic begins life as a petrochemical. Manufacturing processes convert chains of hydrogen and carbon molecules into a polymer resin that is then heated, shaped and cooled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheap and versatile, it can become just about anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plastic formulation prevents it from bio-degrading along with other garbage. Scientists sifting through landfills of the future will dredge up diapers—and Safeway bags. Even the industry’s “biodegradable” bags don’t completely break down, and these green plastic bags account for less than 1 per cent of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This description of a plastic bag’s afterlife, from an \u003ca href=\"http://plasticbaglaws.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/MEA_green-cities-CA.pdf\">environmental assessment\u003c/a> prepared for California local governments: “The majority of bags end up as litter or in the landfill, and even those in the landfill may be blown away as litter due to their light weight. Although some recycling facilities will handle plastic bags, most reject them because they can get caught in the machinery and cause malfunctioning, or are contaminated after use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092843\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1653px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092843\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg\" alt=\"Credit:\" width=\"1653\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg 1653w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-768x486.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-960x607.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-375x237.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1653px) 100vw, 1653px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bags snag on tree limbs, blow around on vacant lots and loiter in gutters. But don’t blame the bag, says the industry, blame a populace ridden with litterbugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s marine debris or litter—it shouldn’t be there,” said Rozenski. “We have to work on it as a society. Approaching it on a product-by-product basis is not the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others oppose the ban on philosophical grounds. “The government shouldn’t be telling stores what kind of bags to offer. That’s between the store and the customer,” said Ted Brown, chairman of the state Libertarian Party, which opposes both propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do bag bans really make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco’s ban has been in place, plastic bag refuse found on the Bay Area’s inland and coastal beaches has fallen 34 per cent, according to Schwartz of the coastal commission. He cited data gathered at annual Bay Area cleanups showing that in 2008, plastic bags accounted for about 9 percent of all debris removed from beaches. By 2012, they were only 6 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never see drops like that,” he said. “The bans are effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Billy Cunningham has been eligible to cast a ballot almost as long as he’s lived in San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“I’ve been here overs 40 years. I came to San Francisco about 10 or 11,” says Cunningham, sitting in an office at the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://www.ecs-sf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thing is, though: He hasn’t voted. Not even the \u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">chance to vote for America’s first black president could move him.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289950288″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Never really been into voting, politics and none of that,” he says\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Cunningham fell on hard times a while back, was homeless for a time. Now he’s living in a single-room-occupancy hotel. He also enrolled in a civics course offered by Episcopal Community Services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Voting came up one day and I registered to vote in class,” says Cunningham.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Yeah,” chimes in Cunningham’s teacher, Katherine Powell. “Billy became a first-time voter as, and I’ll say this is because we’re the same age, a very mature adult.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11127175\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Billy Cunningham and Katherine Powell discuss work in a classroom at Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco. \" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-800x585.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-400x293.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-1180x863.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-960x703.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billy Cunningham and Katherine Powell discuss work in a classroom at Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lacey Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Powell says she’s inspired by Billy’s newfound passion for voting. “I just really like the fact that Billy is a voter and is spreading that enthusiasm to other students” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Powell’s civics course includes discussion of voting rights, how to read an election manual and the occasional visit from local election officials. It’s designed for people who are homeless. Or, like Cunningham, just getting back on their feet. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“A lot of people just haven’t had the chance to be engaged or somehow thought that their vote wouldn’t matter,” says Powell.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127176\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11127176\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-800x600.jpg\" alt=\" Katherine Powell teaches a civics course for an adult education program run by Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katherine Powell teaches a civics course for an adult education program run by Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lacey Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Black Americans cemented their right to vote 51 years ago with passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.civilrights.org/voting-rights/vra/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Voting Rights Act\u003c/a>. In 1920, women broke down barriers to the ballot box. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">But only in the last 30 years have homeless Americans done the same. Not only does their vote matter, say advocates, but you can cast that ballot even if you have no fixed address. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Luckily you can,” says \u003ca href=\"http://cangress.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">L.A. Community Action Network (LACAN) \u003c/a>executive director Pete White. He says people can list a shelter or a public park where they sleep. They don’t even need to be that specific. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“On the voter registration affidavit there’s a line that says: address or cross streets,” explains White. “That one line, ‘or cross streets,’ came about as a result of houseless advocates fighting for a campaign to make sure people without homes were not disenfranchised.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Last month, LACAN wrapped up a 30-day voter registration project on \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/07/skid-row-in-los-angeles-a-city-within-a-city/\">Skid Row,\u003c/a> a stretch of downtown L.A. that’s home to a big concentration of shelters and other services. This month they’re focusing on locating registered voters in areas with high rates of homelessness to make sure they can vote if they want to. That includes people like TC Alexander, who lives in a tent on the sidewalk just outside the offices of LACAN. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">After he feeds his dog some lunch, we duck inside the building to get away from the street noise. Alexander says he’s been homeless off and on since the mid-1980s. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Even so, Alexander rarely misses the chance to vote. When he was a kid, he joined his mom on voter registration drives across Los Angeles\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“I’m going with my mother downtown, anywhere, at an outing, a concert. She was educating me about the Voting Rights Act of 1965,” says Alexander. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Thirty years ago Alexander participated in demonstrations at L.A. City Hall demanding the homeless be allowed to vote. It was around the time a group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalhomeless.org/projects/vote/court.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">homeless men sued Santa Barbara County \u003c/a>when their voter registration forms were denied because they listed a public park as their home. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">The men won. And the state of California revised its eligibility rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“You don’t need an ID to vote. Why should you need an address to vote,” says Alexander. “You had to fight for everything. We had to fight for that right for homeless people to vote as citizens of the United States.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">There’s an estimated 28,000 homeless people in the city of L.A. and about half a million nationwide — a massive, largely untapped voting bloc.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“We know on any given night there are hundreds of thousands of people who are homeless,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.innercitylaw.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Inner City Law Center \u003c/a>policy director Jerry Jones. “And voting is especially important, given how poorly served people who are living in destitution are from our government.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Jones says the November election in L.A. is unlike any in recent memory. And not because of who’s running for president. There’s a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lachamber.com/advocacy/measure-hhh/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$1.2 billion bond measure on the ballot \u003c/a>that supporters hope will spur construction of up to 10,000 units of permanent supportive housing over the next decade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“So, showing up and voting is especially important to people who are experiencing homelessness (because) there is finally real hope of getting the resources we need to make a difference in this crisis in L.A.,” says Jones.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">In San Francisco, voters are weighing \u003ca href=\"http://www.lwvsf.org/elections-2/pro-cons-prop-q-november-8-2016-2/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition Q\u003c/a>. It aims to crack down on makeshift homeless encampments by requiring people to move into a shelter if space is available. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Proposition Q made for a lively discussion recently in that civics class Katherine Powell teaches at Episcopal Community Services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127178\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11127178\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-800x537.jpg\" alt=\"Proposition Q made for a lively discussion recently in a civics class at Episcopal Community Services\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-800x537.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-400x269.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-1180x792.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-960x645.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Proposition Q made for a lively discussion recently in a civics class at Episcopal Community Services \u003ccite>(Lacey Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">It was Billy Cunningham’s first chance to consider its pros and cons. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“The city does need to be cleaned up, but where you gonna put these people?” asks Cunningham. “There are only four or five shelters, and they are overcrowded. I’d rather walk over people than to have people just pushed aside, and no telling what you gonna do with them.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Cunningham says he hadn’t really planned to launch a one-man voter drive. But there is this friend of his, a Vietnam veteran who’s homeless. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“I believe he prefers to be on the streets, why I don’t know. But I believe he is a registered voter,” says Cunningham. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">So maybe he’ll start there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Billy Cunningham has been eligible to cast a ballot almost as long as he’s lived in San Francisco. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“I’ve been here overs 40 years. I came to San Francisco about 10 or 11,” says Cunningham, sitting in an office at the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://www.ecs-sf.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco\u003c/a>. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thing is, though: He hasn’t voted. Not even the \u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">chance to vote for America’s first black president could move him.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289950288″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289950288″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Never really been into voting, politics and none of that,” he says\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Cunningham fell on hard times a while back, was homeless for a time. Now he’s living in a single-room-occupancy hotel. He also enrolled in a civics course offered by Episcopal Community Services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Voting came up one day and I registered to vote in class,” says Cunningham.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Yeah,” chimes in Cunningham’s teacher, Katherine Powell. “Billy became a first-time voter as, and I’ll say this is because we’re the same age, a very mature adult.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11127175\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-800x585.jpg\" alt=\"Billy Cunningham and Katherine Powell discuss work in a classroom at Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco. \" width=\"800\" height=\"585\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-800x585.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-400x293.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-1180x863.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-V_Katherine-and-Billy-960x703.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billy Cunningham and Katherine Powell discuss work in a classroom at Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lacey Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Powell says she’s inspired by Billy’s newfound passion for voting. “I just really like the fact that Billy is a voter and is spreading that enthusiasm to other students” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Powell’s civics course includes discussion of voting rights, how to read an election manual and the occasional visit from local election officials. It’s designed for people who are homeless. Or, like Cunningham, just getting back on their feet. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“A lot of people just haven’t had the chance to be engaged or somehow thought that their vote wouldn’t matter,” says Powell.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127176\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11127176\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-800x600.jpg\" alt=\" Katherine Powell teaches a civics course for an adult education program run by Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/HOMELESS-VOTERS-_Katherine-portrait-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Katherine Powell teaches a civics course for an adult education program run by Episcopal Community Services of San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lacey Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Black Americans cemented their right to vote 51 years ago with passage of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.civilrights.org/voting-rights/vra/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Voting Rights Act\u003c/a>. In 1920, women broke down barriers to the ballot box. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">But only in the last 30 years have homeless Americans done the same. Not only does their vote matter, say advocates, but you can cast that ballot even if you have no fixed address. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“Luckily you can,” says \u003ca href=\"http://cangress.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">L.A. Community Action Network (LACAN) \u003c/a>executive director Pete White. He says people can list a shelter or a public park where they sleep. They don’t even need to be that specific. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“On the voter registration affidavit there’s a line that says: address or cross streets,” explains White. “That one line, ‘or cross streets,’ came about as a result of houseless advocates fighting for a campaign to make sure people without homes were not disenfranchised.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Last month, LACAN wrapped up a 30-day voter registration project on \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/04/07/skid-row-in-los-angeles-a-city-within-a-city/\">Skid Row,\u003c/a> a stretch of downtown L.A. that’s home to a big concentration of shelters and other services. This month they’re focusing on locating registered voters in areas with high rates of homelessness to make sure they can vote if they want to. That includes people like TC Alexander, who lives in a tent on the sidewalk just outside the offices of LACAN. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">After he feeds his dog some lunch, we duck inside the building to get away from the street noise. Alexander says he’s been homeless off and on since the mid-1980s. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Even so, Alexander rarely misses the chance to vote. When he was a kid, he joined his mom on voter registration drives across Los Angeles\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“I’m going with my mother downtown, anywhere, at an outing, a concert. She was educating me about the Voting Rights Act of 1965,” says Alexander. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Thirty years ago Alexander participated in demonstrations at L.A. City Hall demanding the homeless be allowed to vote. It was around the time a group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nationalhomeless.org/projects/vote/court.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">homeless men sued Santa Barbara County \u003c/a>when their voter registration forms were denied because they listed a public park as their home. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">The men won. And the state of California revised its eligibility rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“You don’t need an ID to vote. Why should you need an address to vote,” says Alexander. “You had to fight for everything. We had to fight for that right for homeless people to vote as citizens of the United States.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">There’s an estimated 28,000 homeless people in the city of L.A. and about half a million nationwide — a massive, largely untapped voting bloc.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“We know on any given night there are hundreds of thousands of people who are homeless,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.innercitylaw.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Inner City Law Center \u003c/a>policy director Jerry Jones. “And voting is especially important, given how poorly served people who are living in destitution are from our government.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Jones says the November election in L.A. is unlike any in recent memory. And not because of who’s running for president. There’s a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lachamber.com/advocacy/measure-hhh/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$1.2 billion bond measure on the ballot \u003c/a>that supporters hope will spur construction of up to 10,000 units of permanent supportive housing over the next decade.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“So, showing up and voting is especially important to people who are experiencing homelessness (because) there is finally real hope of getting the resources we need to make a difference in this crisis in L.A.,” says Jones.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">In San Francisco, voters are weighing \u003ca href=\"http://www.lwvsf.org/elections-2/pro-cons-prop-q-november-8-2016-2/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition Q\u003c/a>. It aims to crack down on makeshift homeless encampments by requiring people to move into a shelter if space is available. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Proposition Q made for a lively discussion recently in that civics class Katherine Powell teaches at Episcopal Community Services. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127178\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11127178\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-800x537.jpg\" alt=\"Proposition Q made for a lively discussion recently in a civics class at Episcopal Community Services\" width=\"800\" height=\"537\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-800x537.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-400x269.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-1180x792.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/homeless-voters-ECS_Classroom-960x645.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Proposition Q made for a lively discussion recently in a civics class at Episcopal Community Services \u003ccite>(Lacey Roberts/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">It was Billy Cunningham’s first chance to consider its pros and cons. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“The city does need to be cleaned up, but where you gonna put these people?” asks Cunningham. “There are only four or five shelters, and they are overcrowded. I’d rather walk over people than to have people just pushed aside, and no telling what you gonna do with them.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Cunningham says he hadn’t really planned to launch a one-man voter drive. But there is this friend of his, a Vietnam veteran who’s homeless. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">“I believe he prefers to be on the streets, why I don’t know. But I believe he is a registered voter,” says Cunningham. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">So maybe he’ll start there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Jose's Vietnamese-American Voters Poised for New Clout",
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"content": "\u003cp>Anthony Tran cares a lot about having a voice — in his community and at the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just about every week, the 23-year-old Democrat sings in the Vietnamese-American choir at Our Lady of La Vang Parish in downtown San Jose. And recently he also found his voice in the 2016 elections after being inspired by former Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first year I became more political and talked to my parents about it,” said the San Jose State University economics major. “My parents never talked about anything politics before this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287178538″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tran’s parents are part of a large community of refugees who came to San Jose after escaping Saigon when it fell to the communists in 1975. For decades, many in the community said they didn’t get involved in politics. They were just focused on learning English and rebuilding their lives here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today Vietnamese-Americans’ political influence is reaching a new level, especially on the San Jose City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two Vietnamese-American council members now, and after November’s election there could be \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/2016/10/02/san-jose-district-8-voters-have-a-tough-decision-in-november/\">three out of 11\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly a sign of the growing influence and power of a very important community that for many years, frankly, didn’t have power,” said Mayor Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Jose’s District 8, attorney Jimmy Nguyen is running against Sylvia Arenas. Tam Nguyen represents District 7 and Manh Nguyen represents District 4. In June,\u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/2016/09/07/outgoing-san-jose-councilman-ramps-up-pr-efforts/\"> Manh Nguyen was defeated\u003c/a> by Lan Diep, who won the seat by a dozen votes. Diep will take office in January 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vietnamese-Americans now make up about 10 percent of the city’s population. They are an even larger share of the city’s electorate, said Hien Do, a professor of sociology and interdisciplinary social sciences specializing in Asian-American studies at San Jose State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think one of the reasons they probably \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/s/llpdz5smfklkxpn/NAAS2016-Oct5report-oct3%20jw.docx?dl=0\">vote more than other\u003c/a> communities is because they feel they have more at stake, but also they see their politicians representing them,” said Do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That political evolution started around 2005, when Madison Nguyen was elected as the first Vietnamese-American member on the San Jose City Council. She subsequently became vice mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can elect the candidate that they support, then they feel very empowered,” said Nguyen. “And that sense of empowerment is significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loc Vu, an 84-year-old former South Vietnamese Army colonel, said the reason older Vietnamese-American voters turn out in large numbers is because of their experience of war and political persecution in Vietnam. As with many in his generation, Vu often votes Republican, even though he’s now registered as an independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most refugees believe Republicans are more anti-communist than the other party,” said Vu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madison Nguyen, who left Vietnam and came to the United States when she was 4 years old, said the anti-communist Republican mindset is hardwired into a large majority of older Vietnamese-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can almost guarantee you that every Vietnamese-American who left Vietnam resents the communist government because that’s the reason we left in the first place,” said Nguyen, a Democrat. “It’s because we don’t want to live in a country where we could be persecuted for our political or religious beliefs. We came to this country for a better shot at success and a future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today a new generation of Vietnamese-Americans in Santa Clara County are openly becoming Democrats. \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/2008/10/25/young-vietnamese-americans-turn-away-from-gop/\">In 2008, a Mercury News \u003c/a>computer analysis of nearly 30,000 new voters showed that Vietnamese Americans age 30 and under were registering Democratic over Republican by nearly 4-1. The analysis was done by putting Vietnamese surnames into a database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a coffee shop in San Jose’s Little Saigon neighborhood, Nicole Le, who came to the United States from Vietnam when she was 10, said her parents are staunch Republicans but all five of their children are registered Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The younger generation wants to break away from the mold, that teaching, that philosophy,” said Le, 44, a professional at a tech company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madison Nguyen, now running for the state’s 27th Assembly District against current councilman Ash Kalra, said younger voters are less concerned about communism and more concerned about the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other issues, such as education, job creation and the housing crisis,” said Nguyen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11122788\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-11122788\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Former San Jose Vice Mayor Madison Nguyen is campaigning for state Assembly at New India Chat Cafe.\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Jose Vice Mayor Madison Nguyen is campaigning for state Assembly at New India Chaat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That said, Nguyen’s political path is a cautionary tale about the continuing electoral power of older Vietnamese-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen was almost recalled from the San Jose City Council in 2009 when she proposed naming a San Jose shopping and restaurant area “Saigon Business District” instead of “Little Saigon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do said it was a miscalculation because the name “Little Saigon” represented the Vietnamese who had been displaced and it honored all their sacrifices and hard work building a new life in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t just a place to do business, it was the place, our home, our language, our culture. All those things that represent who we are and who we were as refugees,” said Do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen said that in 2009 she was a young, green politician when she made the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think I would classify it as losing touch with my community. I was just politically inexperienced,” said Nguyen, who prevailed in the recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today millennial voters like Tran said that unlike many of the community’s elders, they won’t vote for a local candidate just because that person is Vietnamese-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nice for a new ethnic group to enter office, but to me it doesn’t matter as long as the best-qualified people represent the people’s interest,” said Tran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Tran has been bitten by the political bug, he said, casting a ballot and having a voice in the election is what matters most to him.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Anthony Tran cares a lot about having a voice — in his community and at the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just about every week, the 23-year-old Democrat sings in the Vietnamese-American choir at Our Lady of La Vang Parish in downtown San Jose. And recently he also found his voice in the 2016 elections after being inspired by former Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first year I became more political and talked to my parents about it,” said the San Jose State University economics major. “My parents never talked about anything politics before this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287178538″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287178538″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tran’s parents are part of a large community of refugees who came to San Jose after escaping Saigon when it fell to the communists in 1975. For decades, many in the community said they didn’t get involved in politics. They were just focused on learning English and rebuilding their lives here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today Vietnamese-Americans’ political influence is reaching a new level, especially on the San Jose City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two Vietnamese-American council members now, and after November’s election there could be \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/2016/10/02/san-jose-district-8-voters-have-a-tough-decision-in-november/\">three out of 11\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s certainly a sign of the growing influence and power of a very important community that for many years, frankly, didn’t have power,” said Mayor Sam Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Jose’s District 8, attorney Jimmy Nguyen is running against Sylvia Arenas. Tam Nguyen represents District 7 and Manh Nguyen represents District 4. In June,\u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/2016/09/07/outgoing-san-jose-councilman-ramps-up-pr-efforts/\"> Manh Nguyen was defeated\u003c/a> by Lan Diep, who won the seat by a dozen votes. Diep will take office in January 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vietnamese-Americans now make up about 10 percent of the city’s population. They are an even larger share of the city’s electorate, said Hien Do, a professor of sociology and interdisciplinary social sciences specializing in Asian-American studies at San Jose State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think one of the reasons they probably \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/s/llpdz5smfklkxpn/NAAS2016-Oct5report-oct3%20jw.docx?dl=0\">vote more than other\u003c/a> communities is because they feel they have more at stake, but also they see their politicians representing them,” said Do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That political evolution started around 2005, when Madison Nguyen was elected as the first Vietnamese-American member on the San Jose City Council. She subsequently became vice mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can elect the candidate that they support, then they feel very empowered,” said Nguyen. “And that sense of empowerment is significant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loc Vu, an 84-year-old former South Vietnamese Army colonel, said the reason older Vietnamese-American voters turn out in large numbers is because of their experience of war and political persecution in Vietnam. As with many in his generation, Vu often votes Republican, even though he’s now registered as an independent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most refugees believe Republicans are more anti-communist than the other party,” said Vu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madison Nguyen, who left Vietnam and came to the United States when she was 4 years old, said the anti-communist Republican mindset is hardwired into a large majority of older Vietnamese-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can almost guarantee you that every Vietnamese-American who left Vietnam resents the communist government because that’s the reason we left in the first place,” said Nguyen, a Democrat. “It’s because we don’t want to live in a country where we could be persecuted for our political or religious beliefs. We came to this country for a better shot at success and a future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But today a new generation of Vietnamese-Americans in Santa Clara County are openly becoming Democrats. \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/2008/10/25/young-vietnamese-americans-turn-away-from-gop/\">In 2008, a Mercury News \u003c/a>computer analysis of nearly 30,000 new voters showed that Vietnamese Americans age 30 and under were registering Democratic over Republican by nearly 4-1. The analysis was done by putting Vietnamese surnames into a database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a coffee shop in San Jose’s Little Saigon neighborhood, Nicole Le, who came to the United States from Vietnam when she was 10, said her parents are staunch Republicans but all five of their children are registered Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The younger generation wants to break away from the mold, that teaching, that philosophy,” said Le, 44, a professional at a tech company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madison Nguyen, now running for the state’s 27th Assembly District against current councilman Ash Kalra, said younger voters are less concerned about communism and more concerned about the local economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are other issues, such as education, job creation and the housing crisis,” said Nguyen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11122788\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-11122788\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-400x300.jpg\" alt=\"Former San Jose Vice Mayor Madison Nguyen is campaigning for state Assembly at New India Chat Cafe.\" width=\"400\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21389_IMG_1389-qut2-1-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San Jose Vice Mayor Madison Nguyen is campaigning for state Assembly at New India Chaat Cafe. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That said, Nguyen’s political path is a cautionary tale about the continuing electoral power of older Vietnamese-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen was almost recalled from the San Jose City Council in 2009 when she proposed naming a San Jose shopping and restaurant area “Saigon Business District” instead of “Little Saigon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do said it was a miscalculation because the name “Little Saigon” represented the Vietnamese who had been displaced and it honored all their sacrifices and hard work building a new life in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t just a place to do business, it was the place, our home, our language, our culture. All those things that represent who we are and who we were as refugees,” said Do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen said that in 2009 she was a young, green politician when she made the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think I would classify it as losing touch with my community. I was just politically inexperienced,” said Nguyen, who prevailed in the recall election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today millennial voters like Tran said that unlike many of the community’s elders, they won’t vote for a local candidate just because that person is Vietnamese-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s nice for a new ethnic group to enter office, but to me it doesn’t matter as long as the best-qualified people represent the people’s interest,” said Tran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that Tran has been bitten by the political bug, he said, casting a ballot and having a voice in the election is what matters most to him.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "The Challenge of Covering Donald Trump If You're a Latino Reporter",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s safe to say there has never been much of a honeymoon phase between Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump and the Spanish-language news media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tone was set last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a news conference shortly after Trump launched his presidential campaign, \u003ca href=\"http://www.univision.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Univision\u003c/a> TV anchor Jorge Ramos didn’t wait to be called on before challenging Trump’s inflammatory comments about Mexican immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Go back to Univision,” Trump growled before Ramos was removed from the room. New York-based Univision is the most watched Spanish-language TV network in the world, and Jorge Ramos is viewed by many as a Latino Walter Cronkite-type newsman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0w251in94pA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos, who was born in Mexico and is a U.S. citizen, was later allowed back into the Trump news conference and engaged the candidate in a lively exchange for several minutes over the candidate’s proposals to deport enormous numbers of undocumented immigrants and erect a wall along the Mexican border, although a series of man-made barriers and other security measures already exist along some 600 miles of the United States’ 2,000-mile border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a bigger heart than you do,” Trump quipped to Ramos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos later told the New York Times that he considers Trump’s coarse rhetoric on Latinos “personal.” On Tuesday, Ramos penned a scathing anti-Trump commentary titled \u003ca href=\"http://fusion.net/story/288052/jorge-ramos-hate-is-contagious/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Summer of Hate”\u003c/a> for the Univision news and culture outlet Fusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/274621921″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump is a hater. I’ve never witnessed such venom in American politics as in his campaign,” writes Ramos. “Undoubtedly many of his followers believe that if their candidate can attack people, they can, too. The result is a poisonous political climate where insults, bullying and racism have become commonplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all Spanish-language news reporters who cover Trump agree with such strong sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m Venezuelan. If someone comes out and says Venezuelans are all rapists, I might be offended,” says veteran Los Angeles-based reporter \u003ca href=\"http://www.pilarmarrero.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pilar Marrero\u003c/a>. “But as a reporter, I’m not supposed to take it personally. I’m supposed to be a good reporter and do my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marrero is covering the 2016 presidential election for \u003ca href=\"http://www.impremedia.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Impremedia\u003c/a>, a media company that operates Spanish-language newspapers across the U.S., including \u003ca href=\"http://www.laopinion.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">La Opinion\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. She’s in Cleveland this week covering the Republican National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11025956\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11025956\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-800x506.jpg\" alt=\"Pillar Marrero\" width=\"800\" height=\"506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-400x253.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-1180x747.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-960x608.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425.jpg 1686w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pillar Marrero \u003ccite>(Courtesy Pillarmarrero.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In terms of covering Trump, yes, we focus a lot on immigration,” says Marrero. “And a lot on his tone about race, but that’s because that’s the central part of his campaign. It has nothing to do with being subjective or objective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey from the conservative watchdog group Media Research Center concluded that the tone of Spanish-language news coverage paints Donald Trump unfairly as “an enemy of Latinos.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Oliver-Mendez, director of \u003ca href=\"http://newsbusters.org/latino\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MRC Latino\u003c/a>, says Spanish-language news outlets also devote a disproportionate amount of presidential election coverage to the issue of immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that legitimate concerns about national security, about law and order, about rule of law are marginalized and not considered fully. And you’ve had a real demonization of the other side, of the Republicans generally as the bad guys. Some very sweeping generalizations we see,” says Oliver-Mendez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge in covering a candidate like Trump, if you’re from a Spanish-language news organization, is that some people may assume you have a built-in bias, says Cal State Northridge journalism professor Jose Luis Benavides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody would tell to a reporter who covers Wall Street: Watch out because you are white and most of the people you are covering are white, so maybe you (have) a conflict of interest,” says Benavides, who also launched “\u003ca href=\"http://www.csun.edu/elnuevosol/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">El Nuevo Sol\u003c/a>,” a student-operated, Spanish-language online news site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benavides adds that there is a tradition in some Spanish-language news media of adopting a crusader reporting style. And that’s an approach that may give an impression of bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all going to have our biases. However, I really do believe in truths,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocweekly.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">OC Weekly\u003c/a> editor Gustavo Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OC Weekly is actually printed in English. But a lot of its readers are young, bilingual and Latino. The newspaper has been very critical of Trump and his policies, frequently satirizing and savagely ridiculing the candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the OC Weekly we’re not exactly known for liking Donald Trump,” says Arellano. “After all, we put did put him getting sodomized by a donkey on the cover a couple months ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11025957\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 738px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11025957\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/LATINO-NEWS-TRUMP-OC-WEEKLY.jpg\" alt=\"A recent OC Weekly cover created by syndicated cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz\" width=\"738\" height=\"580\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/LATINO-NEWS-TRUMP-OC-WEEKLY.jpg 738w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/LATINO-NEWS-TRUMP-OC-WEEKLY-400x314.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 738px) 100vw, 738px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A recent OC Weekly cover created by syndicated cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arellano is referring to an \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocweekly.com/news/why-oc-weeklys-cover-this-week-features-a-donkey-drumpf-ing-trump-7166923\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">infamous OC Weekly cover\u003c/a> by cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz that depicts a cartoon Democratic Party donkey mounting a cartoon Donald Trump from behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Check out our Trump Coverage!” exclaims the donkey. “It’s yuuuge!” grunts the cartoon Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Arellano says OC Weekly also doesn’t shy away from engaging with and spotlighting Trump supporters. Arellano is currently working on an extensive profile of a young Latino who plans to vote for Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because it’s a great story,” says Arellano. “If you’re going to let your biases get in the way of a great story, then you’re a hack reporter, straight up. Like here at the (OC) Weekly, we’re left of left of left. But we always let the other side have a say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump does have his say, but on his own terms, usually taking to social media or conservative-leaning Fox News to get out that day’s message du jour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His interactions with Spanish-language news media have been limited to a few TV interview appearances and some memorable face-offs with reporters at news conferences and primary debates. But those were in the first months of his presidential run. There’s been a virtual blackout ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11025959\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11025959\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The head of a Trump piñata brought to an Anaheim rally by an OC Weekly staffer gets impaled on a flag pole during a demonstration\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The head of a Trump piñata brought to an Anaheim rally by an OC Weekly staffer gets impaled on a flag pole during a demonstration \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benavides says that, unlike many Republican presidential candidates of the past, Trump pretty much ignores Spanish-language news media. In fact, his campaign has denied press credentials to Univision, Telemundo and La Opinion for past events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean he loses really a lot in not doing that kind of engagement with Spanish-language media, because that vote is going to be very significant in certain states,” says Benavides. “Think about Florida, think about Nevada. Their vote might matter a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oliver-Mendez of MRC Latino believes the frosty relationship between Trump and Spanish-language news media will begin to thaw as Election Day draws near. It’s likely many of Trump’s supporters are hoping that’s the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does have Spanish-language supporters among his delegates, among the Republican officials around the country,” says Oliver-Mendez. “And probably it’s smart politics to engage with this great ethnic media of our day in the United States. And remember, Mr. Trump himself told (Univision’s) Jorge Ramos, ‘We will be talking.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That promise came several months ago, shortly after Trump settled a lawsuit with Univision after it severed a five-year contract to broadcast the Miss USA beauty pageant, which Trump partially owns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as Trump prepares for his coronation as the GOP’s presidential nominee and his campaign prepares to roll on after Cleveland, Spanish-language news organizations say they’ll continue to follow closely — with or without a press pass.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos, who was born in Mexico and is a U.S. citizen, was later allowed back into the Trump news conference and engaged the candidate in a lively exchange for several minutes over the candidate’s proposals to deport enormous numbers of undocumented immigrants and erect a wall along the Mexican border, although a series of man-made barriers and other security measures already exist along some 600 miles of the United States’ 2,000-mile border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a bigger heart than you do,” Trump quipped to Ramos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramos later told the New York Times that he considers Trump’s coarse rhetoric on Latinos “personal.” On Tuesday, Ramos penned a scathing anti-Trump commentary titled \u003ca href=\"http://fusion.net/story/288052/jorge-ramos-hate-is-contagious/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“Summer of Hate”\u003c/a> for the Univision news and culture outlet Fusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/274621921″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/274621921″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump is a hater. I’ve never witnessed such venom in American politics as in his campaign,” writes Ramos. “Undoubtedly many of his followers believe that if their candidate can attack people, they can, too. The result is a poisonous political climate where insults, bullying and racism have become commonplace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all Spanish-language news reporters who cover Trump agree with such strong sentiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m Venezuelan. If someone comes out and says Venezuelans are all rapists, I might be offended,” says veteran Los Angeles-based reporter \u003ca href=\"http://www.pilarmarrero.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Pilar Marrero\u003c/a>. “But as a reporter, I’m not supposed to take it personally. I’m supposed to be a good reporter and do my job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marrero is covering the 2016 presidential election for \u003ca href=\"http://www.impremedia.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Impremedia\u003c/a>, a media company that operates Spanish-language newspapers across the U.S., including \u003ca href=\"http://www.laopinion.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">La Opinion\u003c/a> in Los Angeles. She’s in Cleveland this week covering the Republican National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11025956\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11025956\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-800x506.jpg\" alt=\"Pillar Marrero\" width=\"800\" height=\"506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-400x253.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-1180x747.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425-960x608.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/latino-news-Pilar-Marrero_37-ret-e1440359265425.jpg 1686w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pillar Marrero \u003ccite>(Courtesy Pillarmarrero.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In terms of covering Trump, yes, we focus a lot on immigration,” says Marrero. “And a lot on his tone about race, but that’s because that’s the central part of his campaign. It has nothing to do with being subjective or objective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent survey from the conservative watchdog group Media Research Center concluded that the tone of Spanish-language news coverage paints Donald Trump unfairly as “an enemy of Latinos.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Oliver-Mendez, director of \u003ca href=\"http://newsbusters.org/latino\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MRC Latino\u003c/a>, says Spanish-language news outlets also devote a disproportionate amount of presidential election coverage to the issue of immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that legitimate concerns about national security, about law and order, about rule of law are marginalized and not considered fully. And you’ve had a real demonization of the other side, of the Republicans generally as the bad guys. Some very sweeping generalizations we see,” says Oliver-Mendez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge in covering a candidate like Trump, if you’re from a Spanish-language news organization, is that some people may assume you have a built-in bias, says Cal State Northridge journalism professor Jose Luis Benavides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody would tell to a reporter who covers Wall Street: Watch out because you are white and most of the people you are covering are white, so maybe you (have) a conflict of interest,” says Benavides, who also launched “\u003ca href=\"http://www.csun.edu/elnuevosol/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">El Nuevo Sol\u003c/a>,” a student-operated, Spanish-language online news site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benavides adds that there is a tradition in some Spanish-language news media of adopting a crusader reporting style. And that’s an approach that may give an impression of bias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all going to have our biases. However, I really do believe in truths,” says \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocweekly.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">OC Weekly\u003c/a> editor Gustavo Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OC Weekly is actually printed in English. But a lot of its readers are young, bilingual and Latino. The newspaper has been very critical of Trump and his policies, frequently satirizing and savagely ridiculing the candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the OC Weekly we’re not exactly known for liking Donald Trump,” says Arellano. “After all, we put did put him getting sodomized by a donkey on the cover a couple months ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11025957\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 738px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11025957\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/LATINO-NEWS-TRUMP-OC-WEEKLY.jpg\" alt=\"A recent OC Weekly cover created by syndicated cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz\" width=\"738\" height=\"580\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/LATINO-NEWS-TRUMP-OC-WEEKLY.jpg 738w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/LATINO-NEWS-TRUMP-OC-WEEKLY-400x314.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 738px) 100vw, 738px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A recent OC Weekly cover created by syndicated cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arellano is referring to an \u003ca href=\"http://www.ocweekly.com/news/why-oc-weeklys-cover-this-week-features-a-donkey-drumpf-ing-trump-7166923\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">infamous OC Weekly cover\u003c/a> by cartoonist Lalo Alcaraz that depicts a cartoon Democratic Party donkey mounting a cartoon Donald Trump from behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Check out our Trump Coverage!” exclaims the donkey. “It’s yuuuge!” grunts the cartoon Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Arellano says OC Weekly also doesn’t shy away from engaging with and spotlighting Trump supporters. Arellano is currently working on an extensive profile of a young Latino who plans to vote for Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because it’s a great story,” says Arellano. “If you’re going to let your biases get in the way of a great story, then you’re a hack reporter, straight up. Like here at the (OC) Weekly, we’re left of left of left. But we always let the other side have a say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump does have his say, but on his own terms, usually taking to social media or conservative-leaning Fox News to get out that day’s message du jour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His interactions with Spanish-language news media have been limited to a few TV interview appearances and some memorable face-offs with reporters at news conferences and primary debates. But those were in the first months of his presidential run. There’s been a virtual blackout ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11025959\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11025959\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The head of a Trump piñata brought to an Anaheim rally by an OC Weekly staffer gets impaled on a flag pole during a demonstration\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/TRUMP-OC-pinata-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The head of a Trump piñata brought to an Anaheim rally by an OC Weekly staffer gets impaled on a flag pole during a demonstration \u003ccite>(Steven Cuevas / KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Benavides says that, unlike many Republican presidential candidates of the past, Trump pretty much ignores Spanish-language news media. In fact, his campaign has denied press credentials to Univision, Telemundo and La Opinion for past events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean he loses really a lot in not doing that kind of engagement with Spanish-language media, because that vote is going to be very significant in certain states,” says Benavides. “Think about Florida, think about Nevada. Their vote might matter a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oliver-Mendez of MRC Latino believes the frosty relationship between Trump and Spanish-language news media will begin to thaw as Election Day draws near. It’s likely many of Trump’s supporters are hoping that’s the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He does have Spanish-language supporters among his delegates, among the Republican officials around the country,” says Oliver-Mendez. “And probably it’s smart politics to engage with this great ethnic media of our day in the United States. And remember, Mr. Trump himself told (Univision’s) Jorge Ramos, ‘We will be talking.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That promise came several months ago, shortly after Trump settled a lawsuit with Univision after it severed a five-year contract to broadcast the Miss USA beauty pageant, which Trump partially owns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as Trump prepares for his coronation as the GOP’s presidential nominee and his campaign prepares to roll on after Cleveland, Spanish-language news organizations say they’ll continue to follow closely — with or without a press pass.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Many Notable California Republicans Staying Away From GOP Convention",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is sending \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/cagop/pages/52/attachments/original/1468272037/another_delegate_list.pdf?1468272037\">341 delegates\u003c/a> to the Republican National Convention this week in Cleveland. Among them is first-time delegate Juan Hernandez, who says he wants to do everything he can to get Republican nominee Donald Trump elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been a whirlwind since the beginning of June, since I went to his rally,” Hernandez says. “And I know not everybody is able to go to the RNC, and I know other people who wanted to go. So it’s a big thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez isn’t your typical Trump supporter. He’s a gay Latino conservative living in the traditionally liberal Bay Area. But Harmeet Dhillon, vice chair of the California Republican Party, says Hernandez is part of the most diverse delegation at the convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have people who are first-generation immigrants like me and my husband,” she says. “We have a number of other Indian-Americans, we have African-Americans, we have other types of Latinos, Asians. We have young, we have old, we have veterans, we have electeds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what they don’t have is the majority of GOP elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/274241091″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegation includes three members of the state Legislature, including Senate Republican leader Jean Fuller. Assembly Republican leader Chad Mayes is sitting it out. Of California’s 14 Republican congressional representatives, just six have confirmed to KQED they’ll be attending. Dhillon says there’s a practical reason other GOP officeholders aren’t making the trip — they’re busy running for re-election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that many of our Republican elected legislators are competing for their seats, I certainly think it would be electoral malpractice for them to spend a week in Cleveland when they should spend a week campaigning in their districts,” Dhillon says. “So I don’t blame anybody for staying home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11023864\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11023864\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-800x906.jpg\" alt=\"California Republican Party Vice Chair Harmeet Dhillon.\" width=\"800\" height=\"906\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-800x906.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-400x453.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-1180x1337.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-960x1088.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Republican Party Vice Chair Harmeet Dhillon. \u003ccite>(Jeremy Raff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Claremont McKenna College government professor Jack Pitney says it’s odd that more lawmakers aren’t attending the convention, where they could make valuable campaign contacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually this is an amazing networking opportunity for politicians,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.p2012.org/gopconv12/gopdelegates12ca.html\">2012 delegation\u003c/a> brought some big names along with it. Former Gov. Pete Wilson and former gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman were among them. Neither of them will be in Cleveland. The main reason for the high absenteeism, says Pitney, is Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t want to be present at a convention where there could be disorder,” Pitney says, “where the candidate is going to say something outrageous, where an opponent might try to link you with an increasingly unpopular figure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Rob Stutzman is among those staying home. He helped coordinate the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/06/stop-trump-forces-lining-up-in-california\">Never Trump\u003c/a> movement in California when it appeared the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/20/trump-campaign-sets-big-goals-for-california\">state’s primary\u003c/a> might have been crucial to choosing the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s almost unprecedented that you’ve had such an overwhelming response of Republicans, activists and elected Republicans to want to stay away from their national convention,” Stutzman says. “I mean it’s usually a phenomenally positive environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delegate and former state party chair Shawn Steel calls Trump’s nomination mind-boggling, but says the convention will still have a celebratory feel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you’re going to have at least half the delegates who are going have never been to a convention in their life,” Steel says. “In the past, 80 to 90 percent of delegates have been to a convention before. There’s a new era, new people and new blood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steel thinks the convention will be aimed at the general public who will be tuning in, rather than party insiders. Beyond that, he says it will be unpredictable, just like the candidate himself.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is sending \u003ca href=\"https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/cagop/pages/52/attachments/original/1468272037/another_delegate_list.pdf?1468272037\">341 delegates\u003c/a> to the Republican National Convention this week in Cleveland. Among them is first-time delegate Juan Hernandez, who says he wants to do everything he can to get Republican nominee Donald Trump elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been a whirlwind since the beginning of June, since I went to his rally,” Hernandez says. “And I know not everybody is able to go to the RNC, and I know other people who wanted to go. So it’s a big thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez isn’t your typical Trump supporter. He’s a gay Latino conservative living in the traditionally liberal Bay Area. But Harmeet Dhillon, vice chair of the California Republican Party, says Hernandez is part of the most diverse delegation at the convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have people who are first-generation immigrants like me and my husband,” she says. “We have a number of other Indian-Americans, we have African-Americans, we have other types of Latinos, Asians. We have young, we have old, we have veterans, we have electeds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what they don’t have is the majority of GOP elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/274241091″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/274241091″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delegation includes three members of the state Legislature, including Senate Republican leader Jean Fuller. Assembly Republican leader Chad Mayes is sitting it out. Of California’s 14 Republican congressional representatives, just six have confirmed to KQED they’ll be attending. Dhillon says there’s a practical reason other GOP officeholders aren’t making the trip — they’re busy running for re-election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that many of our Republican elected legislators are competing for their seats, I certainly think it would be electoral malpractice for them to spend a week in Cleveland when they should spend a week campaigning in their districts,” Dhillon says. “So I don’t blame anybody for staying home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11023864\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11023864\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-800x906.jpg\" alt=\"California Republican Party Vice Chair Harmeet Dhillon.\" width=\"800\" height=\"906\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-800x906.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-400x453.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-1180x1337.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/07/Harmeet-960x1088.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Republican Party Vice Chair Harmeet Dhillon. \u003ccite>(Jeremy Raff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Claremont McKenna College government professor Jack Pitney says it’s odd that more lawmakers aren’t attending the convention, where they could make valuable campaign contacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Usually this is an amazing networking opportunity for politicians,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.p2012.org/gopconv12/gopdelegates12ca.html\">2012 delegation\u003c/a> brought some big names along with it. Former Gov. Pete Wilson and former gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman were among them. Neither of them will be in Cleveland. The main reason for the high absenteeism, says Pitney, is Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t want to be present at a convention where there could be disorder,” Pitney says, “where the candidate is going to say something outrageous, where an opponent might try to link you with an increasingly unpopular figure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Rob Stutzman is among those staying home. He helped coordinate the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/06/stop-trump-forces-lining-up-in-california\">Never Trump\u003c/a> movement in California when it appeared the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/04/20/trump-campaign-sets-big-goals-for-california\">state’s primary\u003c/a> might have been crucial to choosing the nominee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s almost unprecedented that you’ve had such an overwhelming response of Republicans, activists and elected Republicans to want to stay away from their national convention,” Stutzman says. “I mean it’s usually a phenomenally positive environment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delegate and former state party chair Shawn Steel calls Trump’s nomination mind-boggling, but says the convention will still have a celebratory feel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you’re going to have at least half the delegates who are going have never been to a convention in their life,” Steel says. “In the past, 80 to 90 percent of delegates have been to a convention before. There’s a new era, new people and new blood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steel thinks the convention will be aimed at the general public who will be tuning in, rather than party insiders. Beyond that, he says it will be unpredictable, just like the candidate himself.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Mayor, Business Groups Line Up to Fight S.F. Tech Tax Proposal",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 6:15a.m., Friday to include Supervisor London Breed’s position on the proposal and comments by an aide to Supervisor John Avalos.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee, at least five members of the Board of Supervisors, the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce and a group that represents the city’s tech sector are opposed to a new proposal to tax the technology industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Supervisor Eric Mar unveiled a measure for the November ballot that would impose a 1.5 percent payroll tax on tech firms, which would be identified by their IRS tax identification codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, co-sponsored by Supervisors David Campos and Aaron Peskin, would affect dozens of large companies. The money would go toward affordable housing and homeless services at a time when many are blaming the tech industry for the city’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter\">\u003cstrong>Homelessness is a complex issue. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\">Learn more >>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11004769\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-800x240.jpg\" alt=\"sfproject3\" width=\"800\" height=\"240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-400x120.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to require big tech companies to pay their fair share,” Mar said Wednesday. “This is not a measure that is demonizing tech workers. It’s merely asking them … to address the issues that they are a part of causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mar said the tax would generate around $120 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of what’s called the “Fair Share Tech Tax” include community groups such as San Francisco Rising, Jobs with Justice and the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of our folks are facing displacement, and this is due in large part to the tech boom,” said Kung Feng, lead organizer for Jobs with Justice, at a press conference Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to truly address homelessness in San Francisco, we need a sustainable revenue source, we need to get serious about it, and in order to do that we need funding,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, the homeless coalition’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal will require six votes from members of the Board of Supervisors to get on the fall ballot. The measure is expected to get its first hearing next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Mark Farrell, Scott Wiener, Norman Yee, Jane Kim and London Breed do not plan to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During a time when it’s looking increasingly like we’re heading towards a recession, to put a job-killing tax on the ballot is the worst idea I can think of,” said Supervisor Mark Farrell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aide to Supervisor Kim, who tends to vote with the more progressive side of the board, said it’s unlikely she’ll vote for the proposal in its current state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Kim, who’s running against Wiener for a seat in the State Senate, said it addresses the kinds of problems that need to be solved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposal reflects the deep divide in our city as a few have prospered while so many are pushed out by rising costs,” Kim said in an email. “There is a growing problem that requires creative solutions that we can all support regardless of the industry in which you work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor John Avalos, one of the most progressive members of the board, has yet to make a decision, according to one of his aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John plans to make a decision when all of the various proposed taxes are before the Board,” said Jeremy Pollock. “He’s concerned about overloading the ballot with too many taxes and he’s hoping the board can winnow down the list some.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Mayor Ed Lee is adamant in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are we punishing businesses for creating jobs?” mayoral spokeswoman Deirdre Hussey asked. “This job-killing ballot measure puts San Francisco’s economic stability at risk and will return this city back to the days of the Great Recession. Rather than scapegoat a sector of our economy, we should be working together to find solutions to housing and homelessness, such as the sales tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group representing tech companies also criticized the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Mar should know better,” said Alex Tourk, a spokesman for \u003ca href=\"https://sfciti.org/\">San Francisco Citizens Initiative for Technology and Innovation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extorting more money from an industry who has helped ensure that we have the lowest unemployment rate in the country is ludicrous,” Tourk said. “We need engagement and innovative partnerships to solve this problem, not finger-pointing and divisiveness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Add the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce to the list of forces expected to battle the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This sends a terrible message to the business community that the city is not a good partner,” said Juliana Bunim, a chamber spokeswoman. “Singling out one industry and punishing its success is not the way to create and maintain a thriving economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposed tax makes it to the November ballot, it would need a two-thirds majority of votes to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One longtime housing advocate in a neighborhood that’s seen the high-profile arrival of a number of tech firms says it’s unlikely the tax will pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it has no chance,” said Randy Shaw, director of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic. “It raises questions why we are taxing tech and not large insurance companies, banks and oil companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City tax breaks for some tech companies have been \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2011/04/05/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\">the subject of controversy\u003c/a> in recent years. At Mayor Lee’s urging, the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2011/04/05/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\">agreed in 2011\u003c/a> to grant a temporary payroll tax exemption to firms located in the Mid-Market area — a move designed to lure Twitter and other enterprises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called Twitter tax break is set to expire next year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 6:15a.m., Friday to include Supervisor London Breed’s position on the proposal and comments by an aide to Supervisor John Avalos.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Ed Lee, at least five members of the Board of Supervisors, the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce and a group that represents the city’s tech sector are opposed to a new proposal to tax the technology industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Supervisor Eric Mar unveiled a measure for the November ballot that would impose a 1.5 percent payroll tax on tech firms, which would be identified by their IRS tax identification codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, co-sponsored by Supervisors David Campos and Aaron Peskin, would affect dozens of large companies. The money would go toward affordable housing and homeless services at a time when many are blaming the tech industry for the city’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter\">\u003cstrong>Homelessness is a complex issue. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\">Learn more >>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11004769\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-800x240.jpg\" alt=\"sfproject3\" width=\"800\" height=\"240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-400x120.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to require big tech companies to pay their fair share,” Mar said Wednesday. “This is not a measure that is demonizing tech workers. It’s merely asking them … to address the issues that they are a part of causing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mar said the tax would generate around $120 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of what’s called the “Fair Share Tech Tax” include community groups such as San Francisco Rising, Jobs with Justice and the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of our folks are facing displacement, and this is due in large part to the tech boom,” said Kung Feng, lead organizer for Jobs with Justice, at a press conference Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to truly address homelessness in San Francisco, we need a sustainable revenue source, we need to get serious about it, and in order to do that we need funding,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, the homeless coalition’s executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal will require six votes from members of the Board of Supervisors to get on the fall ballot. The measure is expected to get its first hearing next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors Mark Farrell, Scott Wiener, Norman Yee, Jane Kim and London Breed do not plan to vote for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During a time when it’s looking increasingly like we’re heading towards a recession, to put a job-killing tax on the ballot is the worst idea I can think of,” said Supervisor Mark Farrell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aide to Supervisor Kim, who tends to vote with the more progressive side of the board, said it’s unlikely she’ll vote for the proposal in its current state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Kim, who’s running against Wiener for a seat in the State Senate, said it addresses the kinds of problems that need to be solved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposal reflects the deep divide in our city as a few have prospered while so many are pushed out by rising costs,” Kim said in an email. “There is a growing problem that requires creative solutions that we can all support regardless of the industry in which you work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor John Avalos, one of the most progressive members of the board, has yet to make a decision, according to one of his aides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“John plans to make a decision when all of the various proposed taxes are before the Board,” said Jeremy Pollock. “He’s concerned about overloading the ballot with too many taxes and he’s hoping the board can winnow down the list some.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A representative for Mayor Ed Lee is adamant in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are we punishing businesses for creating jobs?” mayoral spokeswoman Deirdre Hussey asked. “This job-killing ballot measure puts San Francisco’s economic stability at risk and will return this city back to the days of the Great Recession. Rather than scapegoat a sector of our economy, we should be working together to find solutions to housing and homelessness, such as the sales tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group representing tech companies also criticized the idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Supervisor Mar should know better,” said Alex Tourk, a spokesman for \u003ca href=\"https://sfciti.org/\">San Francisco Citizens Initiative for Technology and Innovation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Extorting more money from an industry who has helped ensure that we have the lowest unemployment rate in the country is ludicrous,” Tourk said. “We need engagement and innovative partnerships to solve this problem, not finger-pointing and divisiveness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Add the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce to the list of forces expected to battle the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This sends a terrible message to the business community that the city is not a good partner,” said Juliana Bunim, a chamber spokeswoman. “Singling out one industry and punishing its success is not the way to create and maintain a thriving economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the proposed tax makes it to the November ballot, it would need a two-thirds majority of votes to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One longtime housing advocate in a neighborhood that’s seen the high-profile arrival of a number of tech firms says it’s unlikely the tax will pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it has no chance,” said Randy Shaw, director of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic. “It raises questions why we are taxing tech and not large insurance companies, banks and oil companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City tax breaks for some tech companies have been \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2011/04/05/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\">the subject of controversy\u003c/a> in recent years. At Mayor Lee’s urging, the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2011/04/05/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\">agreed in 2011\u003c/a> to grant a temporary payroll tax exemption to firms located in the Mid-Market area — a move designed to lure Twitter and other enterprises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called Twitter tax break is set to expire next year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "10 Hurt in Sacramento Clash Between White Nationalists, Protesters",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated 10:15 a.m. Monday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A white nationalist group’s rally outside the California state Capitol turned violent as fighting broke out with a larger group of counter-protesters, leaving 10 people injured with stab wounds, cuts and bruises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fights erupted when about 30 members of the Traditionalist Worker Party, gathering to rally around noon Sunday, were met by about 400 counterprotesters, California Highway Patrol Officer George Granada said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As people tried to leave the area, smaller fights broke out, Granada said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Fire Department spokesman Chris Harvey said nine men and one woman, ranging from 19 to 58 years old, were treated for stab wounds, cuts, scrapes and bruises. Of the injured, two were taken to the hospital with critical stab wounds, but they were expected to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a large number of people carrying sticks and rushing to either get into the melee or see what was going on,” Harvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police were investigating two assaults that happened outside the Capitol grounds, but no arrests have been made, the Sacramento Police Department said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Capitol was on lockdown until protesters cleared the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Videos from the melee posted on social media showed mounted officers dispersing a group of mostly young people, some with their faces covered, while some threw stones toward a man holding a stick and being shielded by police officers in riot gear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KCRA-TV reporter and his cameraman were caught in an altercation with protesters, who shouted “no cameras” as they tried to grab their equipment and shove them away from the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victims were all present while the protest took place, said Sacramento police spokesman Matt McPhail, but he said it was still unclear whether and how they were involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Traditionalist Worker Party had scheduled and received a permit to rally for two hours in front of the Capitol. Law enforcement was aware of the counterprotest effort and police deployed more than 100 officers to the Capitol, McPhail said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Poverty Law Center has described TWP as a group formed in 2015 as the political wing of the Traditionalist Youth Network, which aims to “indoctrinate high school and college students into white nationalism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Heimbach, chairman of the Traditionalist Worker Party, told the Los Angeles Times that his group and the Golden State Skinheads organized the Sunday rally. Heimbach said that in the clash, one of their marchers had been stabbed in an artery and six of the counterprotesters had also been stabbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice chairman Matt Parrott, who was not present at the Sacramento rally, blamed “leftist radicals” for instigating the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A message left at a phone number for the Traditionalist Worker Party was not immediately returned to the Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A post recently uploaded to the site of the Traditionalist Youth Network said TWP members planned to march in Sacramento to protest against globalization and in defense of their right to free expression. They said they expected to be outnumbered 10-to-1 by counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We concluded that it was time to use this rally to make a statement about the precarious situation our race is in,” the Traditionalist Youth Network statement said. “With our folk on the brink of becoming a disarmed, disengaged, and disenfranchised minority, the time to do something was yesterday!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash follows a confrontation in March between Ku Klux Klan members and counterprotesters in Anaheim, in which three people were stabbed.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated 10:15 a.m. Monday\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A white nationalist group’s rally outside the California state Capitol turned violent as fighting broke out with a larger group of counter-protesters, leaving 10 people injured with stab wounds, cuts and bruises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fights erupted when about 30 members of the Traditionalist Worker Party, gathering to rally around noon Sunday, were met by about 400 counterprotesters, California Highway Patrol Officer George Granada said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As people tried to leave the area, smaller fights broke out, Granada said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Fire Department spokesman Chris Harvey said nine men and one woman, ranging from 19 to 58 years old, were treated for stab wounds, cuts, scrapes and bruises. Of the injured, two were taken to the hospital with critical stab wounds, but they were expected to survive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a large number of people carrying sticks and rushing to either get into the melee or see what was going on,” Harvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police were investigating two assaults that happened outside the Capitol grounds, but no arrests have been made, the Sacramento Police Department said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Capitol was on lockdown until protesters cleared the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Videos from the melee posted on social media showed mounted officers dispersing a group of mostly young people, some with their faces covered, while some threw stones toward a man holding a stick and being shielded by police officers in riot gear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KCRA-TV reporter and his cameraman were caught in an altercation with protesters, who shouted “no cameras” as they tried to grab their equipment and shove them away from the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The victims were all present while the protest took place, said Sacramento police spokesman Matt McPhail, but he said it was still unclear whether and how they were involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Traditionalist Worker Party had scheduled and received a permit to rally for two hours in front of the Capitol. Law enforcement was aware of the counterprotest effort and police deployed more than 100 officers to the Capitol, McPhail said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Poverty Law Center has described TWP as a group formed in 2015 as the political wing of the Traditionalist Youth Network, which aims to “indoctrinate high school and college students into white nationalism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Heimbach, chairman of the Traditionalist Worker Party, told the Los Angeles Times that his group and the Golden State Skinheads organized the Sunday rally. Heimbach said that in the clash, one of their marchers had been stabbed in an artery and six of the counterprotesters had also been stabbed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice chairman Matt Parrott, who was not present at the Sacramento rally, blamed “leftist radicals” for instigating the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A message left at a phone number for the Traditionalist Worker Party was not immediately returned to the Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A post recently uploaded to the site of the Traditionalist Youth Network said TWP members planned to march in Sacramento to protest against globalization and in defense of their right to free expression. They said they expected to be outnumbered 10-to-1 by counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We concluded that it was time to use this rally to make a statement about the precarious situation our race is in,” the Traditionalist Youth Network statement said. “With our folk on the brink of becoming a disarmed, disengaged, and disenfranchised minority, the time to do something was yesterday!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clash follows a confrontation in March between Ku Klux Klan members and counterprotesters in Anaheim, in which three people were stabbed.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Ahead of our \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/about-npr/477341009/code-switch-podcast-launch\">forthcoming podcast\u003c/a>, I’ve been heads-down in some reading and interviews about the way we talk about, well, white people. Whiteness has always been a central dynamic of American cultural and political life, though we don’t tend to talk about it as such.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election cycle is making it much harder to avoid discussions of white racial grievance and identity politics when, for instance, Donald Trump’s only viable pathway to the White House is to essentially win \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/03/donald-trump-needs-7-of-10-white-guys-213699?o=0\">\u003cem>all\u003c/em> of the white dudes.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And indeed, the roiling civil war between the Republican Party’s elites and a huge swath of its base \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2016/03/23/470908502/on-who-gets-to-be-a-real-american-and-who-deserves-a-helping-hand\">has prompted an unusually candid public grappling with whiteness\u003c/a>. Take this paragraph from a post by Bloomberg’s Sasha Issenberg \u003ca href=\"http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2016-03-16/hillary-clinton-s-appalachian-problem\">on “Hillary Clinton’s Appalachian Problem:”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“This is all a reminder of how circumstantial Clinton’s position as tribune of the white working class was during her first presidential campaign. (Thought exercises: what would Clinton’s 2008 coalition have looked like had it been John Edwards, not Obama, who had won the Iowa caucuses that year? And what would it look this year if her liberal challenger were Deval Patrick instead of Sanders?) Perhaps now that she is no longer running against an African-American candidate—and has anointed herself a crusader against the ‘challenges of racism, of sexism, of discrimination against the LGBT community’—Clinton no longer has much of a connection with those ‘hard-working Americans.’ “\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>This is much \u003cem>closer\u003c/em> to Saying The Thing than we normally get, an acknowledgment that the reason “hard-working Americans” — the quotes underscoring the euphemism — don’t really rock with Hillary Clinton is a sense that some of the concerns she’s championing are, if not anathema to them, then at least not theirs. And that this time around, there isn’t a black candidate to ensure that some white voters will vote for her, however grudgingly, despite her platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then there’s the liberal commentator Jonathan Chait’s recent essay in New York Magazine, \u003ca href=\"http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/05/heres-the-real-reason-we-all-underrated-trump.html\">“The Real Reason We All Underrated Trump,”\u003c/a> in which he openly wonders whether Republican voters who’ve fallen for Trump are “idiots”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Most voters don’t follow politics and policy for a living, and it’s understandable that they would often fall for arguments based on faulty numbers or a misreading of history. … As low as my estimation of the intelligence of the Republican electorate may be, I did not think enough of them would be dumb enough to buy his act. And, yes, I do believe that to watch Donald Trump and see a qualified and plausible president, you probably have some kind of mental shortcoming. As many fellow Republicans have pointed out, Donald Trump is a con man. What I failed to realize — and, I believe, what so many others failed to realize, though they have reasons not to say so — is just how easily so many Republicans are duped.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>It’s telling that Chait finds it easier to imagine that huge swaths of Republican primary voters are childlike and naive, rather than folks who quite rationally dig Trump’s direct appeals to their interests —\u003cem> their racial interests\u003c/em>. Among Trump’s most notorious policy proposals is a moratorium on Muslims entering the country. He has called Mexican immigrants “rapists.” Maybe we should concede that these declarations are not incidental to his appeal among his supporters, but \u003cem>central\u003c/em> to them. Calling them “idiots” posits that they’ve been duped, when perhaps Trump is saying precisely what they want to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump’s supporters aren’t being written off as intellectually incapable of knowing a huckster when they see one, their motivations are often ascribed to their being “working class.” But the working class today \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2016/05/what_pundits_keep_getting_wrong_about_donald_trump_and_the_working_class.html\">is nearly 40 percent people of color\u003c/a> — and among people of color, Trump is profoundly unpopular. His coalition is nearly entirely white. Even the class part of the “working class” narrative is inaccurate; \u003ca href=\"http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-mythology-of-trumps-working-class-support/\">Trump’s supporters are wealthier\u003c/a> than most Americans, and have higher incomes than supporters of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. The “working-class revolt” explanation for Trump’s rise is overstated — and it can be a useful dodge to avoid talking about explanations involving racial grievance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been outlets and pundits this election cycle who have \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/03/no-ones-looking-out-for-the-white-guy-heres-what-political-science-knows-about-trumps-appeal-to-ethnic-resentment/\">shown\u003c/a> they’re \u003ca href=\"http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/03/the-resentment-powering-trump/473775/\">willing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a54671/donald-trump-sexist-racist/\">able\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/cover_story/2016/03/how_donald_trump_happened_racism_against_barack_obama.html\">dig into\u003c/a> the role that racial grievance plays in How Trump Happened. Others haven’t, and continue not to. And that’s a problem. When we don’t grapple with whiteness in our politics directly and explicitly — to talk about the fact that not-insignificant numbers of white voters are motivated more by identity politics than by ideology or faith — we’re essentially agreeing to misidentify some of the most important dynamics of this cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=It%27s+Gotten+A+Lot+Harder+To+Act+Like+Whiteness+Doesn%27t+Shape+Our+Politics&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Ahead of our \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/about-npr/477341009/code-switch-podcast-launch\">forthcoming podcast\u003c/a>, I’ve been heads-down in some reading and interviews about the way we talk about, well, white people. Whiteness has always been a central dynamic of American cultural and political life, though we don’t tend to talk about it as such.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this election cycle is making it much harder to avoid discussions of white racial grievance and identity politics when, for instance, Donald Trump’s only viable pathway to the White House is to essentially win \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/03/donald-trump-needs-7-of-10-white-guys-213699?o=0\">\u003cem>all\u003c/em> of the white dudes.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And indeed, the roiling civil war between the Republican Party’s elites and a huge swath of its base \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2016/03/23/470908502/on-who-gets-to-be-a-real-american-and-who-deserves-a-helping-hand\">has prompted an unusually candid public grappling with whiteness\u003c/a>. Take this paragraph from a post by Bloomberg’s Sasha Issenberg \u003ca href=\"http://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2016-03-16/hillary-clinton-s-appalachian-problem\">on “Hillary Clinton’s Appalachian Problem:”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“This is all a reminder of how circumstantial Clinton’s position as tribune of the white working class was during her first presidential campaign. (Thought exercises: what would Clinton’s 2008 coalition have looked like had it been John Edwards, not Obama, who had won the Iowa caucuses that year? And what would it look this year if her liberal challenger were Deval Patrick instead of Sanders?) Perhaps now that she is no longer running against an African-American candidate—and has anointed herself a crusader against the ‘challenges of racism, of sexism, of discrimination against the LGBT community’—Clinton no longer has much of a connection with those ‘hard-working Americans.’ “\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>This is much \u003cem>closer\u003c/em> to Saying The Thing than we normally get, an acknowledgment that the reason “hard-working Americans” — the quotes underscoring the euphemism — don’t really rock with Hillary Clinton is a sense that some of the concerns she’s championing are, if not anathema to them, then at least not theirs. And that this time around, there isn’t a black candidate to ensure that some white voters will vote for her, however grudgingly, despite her platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then there’s the liberal commentator Jonathan Chait’s recent essay in New York Magazine, \u003ca href=\"http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/05/heres-the-real-reason-we-all-underrated-trump.html\">“The Real Reason We All Underrated Trump,”\u003c/a> in which he openly wonders whether Republican voters who’ve fallen for Trump are “idiots”:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“Most voters don’t follow politics and policy for a living, and it’s understandable that they would often fall for arguments based on faulty numbers or a misreading of history. … As low as my estimation of the intelligence of the Republican electorate may be, I did not think enough of them would be dumb enough to buy his act. And, yes, I do believe that to watch Donald Trump and see a qualified and plausible president, you probably have some kind of mental shortcoming. As many fellow Republicans have pointed out, Donald Trump is a con man. What I failed to realize — and, I believe, what so many others failed to realize, though they have reasons not to say so — is just how easily so many Republicans are duped.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>It’s telling that Chait finds it easier to imagine that huge swaths of Republican primary voters are childlike and naive, rather than folks who quite rationally dig Trump’s direct appeals to their interests —\u003cem> their racial interests\u003c/em>. Among Trump’s most notorious policy proposals is a moratorium on Muslims entering the country. He has called Mexican immigrants “rapists.” Maybe we should concede that these declarations are not incidental to his appeal among his supporters, but \u003cem>central\u003c/em> to them. Calling them “idiots” posits that they’ve been duped, when perhaps Trump is saying precisely what they want to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Trump’s supporters aren’t being written off as intellectually incapable of knowing a huckster when they see one, their motivations are often ascribed to their being “working class.” But the working class today \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2016/05/what_pundits_keep_getting_wrong_about_donald_trump_and_the_working_class.html\">is nearly 40 percent people of color\u003c/a> — and among people of color, Trump is profoundly unpopular. His coalition is nearly entirely white. Even the class part of the “working class” narrative is inaccurate; \u003ca href=\"http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-mythology-of-trumps-working-class-support/\">Trump’s supporters are wealthier\u003c/a> than most Americans, and have higher incomes than supporters of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders. The “working-class revolt” explanation for Trump’s rise is overstated — and it can be a useful dodge to avoid talking about explanations involving racial grievance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been outlets and pundits this election cycle who have \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2016/02/03/no-ones-looking-out-for-the-white-guy-heres-what-political-science-knows-about-trumps-appeal-to-ethnic-resentment/\">shown\u003c/a> they’re \u003ca href=\"http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/03/the-resentment-powering-trump/473775/\">willing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a54671/donald-trump-sexist-racist/\">able\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/cover_story/2016/03/how_donald_trump_happened_racism_against_barack_obama.html\">dig into\u003c/a> the role that racial grievance plays in How Trump Happened. Others haven’t, and continue not to. And that’s a problem. When we don’t grapple with whiteness in our politics directly and explicitly — to talk about the fact that not-insignificant numbers of white voters are motivated more by identity politics than by ideology or faith — we’re essentially agreeing to misidentify some of the most important dynamics of this cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=It%27s+Gotten+A+Lot+Harder+To+Act+Like+Whiteness+Doesn%27t+Shape+Our+Politics&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As Pablo Aguilar was waking up in his cell in \u003ca href=\"http://www.yolocounty.org/law-justice/probation/institutional-services/juvenile-detention-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yolo County’s juvenile hall\u003c/a> in rural Northern California one recent Sunday morning, a white minivan was making its way toward him, up Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dawn illuminated the tomato fields across the road from the jail, but the 16-year-old likely didn’t see that. The only window in Pablo’s cell — roughly 6 inches tall by 2 feet long — was positioned so high in the cinderblock wall that he would have needed to stand on his concrete bunk to peek out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the minivan, his mother, Evelyn, watched the farmland of the Central Valley turn rosy, then golden, as the sun crested the mountains to the east. Evelyn, 38, had driven a portion of the 400-mile journey from Los Angeles, but now Mario, a friend from church, was at the wheel. Evelyn’s mother, Albertina, was dozing in the back seat. (We’ve agreed not to use their last names, because Evelyn is undocumented.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the trio reached Sacramento, they stopped at an IHOP for breakfast before driving the last 20 minutes to the jail in Woodland. The pancake stop has become a ritual of the journey, which they make every three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We leave Los Angeles at 2 in the morning,” Evelyn told me. “It’s a night when we don’t sleep, because of all the anticipation about seeing Pablo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo has been held in immigration custody for more than 21 months. He had just turned 15 when he left El Salvador in the hope of finding a safe haven with his mother in California. He made it across the Rio Grande but wound up in the hands of the Border Patrol. That was in June of 2014. He’s been locked up ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258066702&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Children Fleeing Violence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo is one of more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">200,000 migrant kids\u003c/a> traveling without their parents who have been detained at the U.S.-Mexico border over the past five years. He’s part of a wave of Central American children fleeing violence, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP23-Gangs-Central-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminal gangs in El Salvador and neighboring countries\u003c/a> have come to \u003ca href=\"http://lawg.org/action-center/lawg-blog/69-general/1579-el-salvadors-gang-violence-turf-wars-internal-battles-and-life-defined-by-invisible-borders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wield terrifying power\u003c/a> with impunity, and weak governments struggle to respond. That violence is a legacy of the civil wars of the 1980s, subsequent migrations to the United States and the deportation of gang members back to their home countries in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adults are picked up at the border, they are dealt with by the Department of Homeland Security. But unaccompanied children are turned over to a different agency, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/programs/ucs\">Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a>, in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. As the number of migrant kids has multiplied, ORR’s job has grown. In 2011, the agency took custody of 7,000 children. In 2014 it was 57,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924343\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924343\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png\" alt=\"Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"266\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-400x133.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-1180x393.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-960x320.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those kids spend about a month in a licensed ORR-funded shelter, and then they’re placed with a relative or another sponsor while they await their day in immigration court. But a small fraction — roughly 500 to 700 in any given year — are placed in jail-like settings: locked group homes or juvenile detention facilities, as Pablo has been. Those kids are held for two to three months, on average, but, like Pablo, some are detained much longer. Advocates say they become practically invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924330\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924330\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png\" alt=\"Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-400x225.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-1180x664.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-960x540.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for immigrant children say kids in ORR detention don’t have the legal protections they should. Many may be eligible for asylum or some other kind of protection. But \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/juvenile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of them don’t even have a lawyer\u003c/a>. And prolonged detention can be psychologically damaging, according to child advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-110hr7311enr/pdf/BILLS-110hr7311enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">By law\u003c/a>, children in immigration custody must be placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child. But they \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied-section-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">can be confined\u003c/a> if their behavior is disruptive or dangerous, if they’re considered an escape risk, if they have a criminal or delinquent history or if they’re merely suspected of criminal activity. Often that information is provided by the Border Patrol or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that is handing the child over to ORR. But advocates for immigrant kids say ORR makes placement decisions behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn says the government hasn’t told her why it won’t release her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924032\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924032 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son Pablo when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend Mario is in the background of the photo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-400x371.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1920x1781.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1180x1094.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-960x890.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son, Pablo, when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend, Mario, is in the background of the photo. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Visiting Her Child\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother stepped out of the minivan into the parking lot of Yolo County’s juvenile hall, in sweatshirts and sneakers, a little bleary from the trip. They always arrive in Woodland early to maximize the visit. Evelyn showed me a stack of family photos she was bringing to Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn told me she came to the United States a decade ago, seeing no other option to support her children as a single parent than to follow her own mother to L.A. She said she left Pablo and his older brother, William, in the care of her sister in their town of San Juan Nonualco, an hour outside the capital. She sent money to support them from the housecleaning business she built in L.A.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”iZFAUJISIkRU4u8XQvN0zHZeKKt7Yll0″]\u003cbr>\nRed-winged blackbirds swooped along the fence row in Woodland and dogs barked at the Sheriff’s Department compound next door. But Evelyn’s mind was back in El Salvador. She told me about how her boys grew up with their cousins, attended a good school and played soccer. But the area where they lived grew sketchier after she left and gangs operated openly. The police were either intimidated or corrupted, she said. And teenagers were frequent targets of gang recruitment and coercion. Four years ago, something happened to William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“William was 16 when I lost him, the same age Pablo is now,” Evelyn said. “One weekend I was driving to work when my sister called and said she had something bad to tell me. … She said, ‘Here’s what happened to William. The gang took him.’ He was always trying to steer clear of them. But they forced him. They disappeared with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anguish, she added, “As a mother I have hope that one day someone will tell me if he’s alive or not. I’m still hoping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo became physically sick after is brother disappeared, Evelyn told me. But she wasn’t there to take care of him. Two years later, when Pablo reached high school, Evelyn said her sister told her he was not safe. So the boy headed north to avoid his brother’s fate. But he never reached his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in spite of her lack of immigration status, Evelyn walks right into the jail every three weeks in order to see her child and to finally have a chance to touch him. She and Albertina would have two hours in a family room with Pablo, followed by another two hours in the “no contact” visit area, speaking by phone with a glass partition between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn gathered up the things she can take inside the jail: the photographs, her ID and her Bible. They always start the visit with a prayer. She pressed a buzzer and spoke into the intercom. A guard ushered the women into the lobby, and waved a metal detector wand over them. I wasn’t permitted to join them, so I watched through the plate glass as Evelyn and her mother disappeared through a heavy door into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924042\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924042 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yolo County Chief Probation Officer Brent Cardall, and Victoria Blacksmith, the case manager in charge of immigrant children in Office of Refugee Resettlement custody, give a tour of the county's juvenile detention facility on Jan. 15, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility in Woodland, California, houses up to 30 immigrant children in secure confinement, part of a $4 million contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside the Cell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On another day, I got an idea of what life is like for Pablo by visiting the facility with Brent Cardall, the Yolo County probation chief.\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He took me in through the “sally port,” the double set of steel doors, which are locked and unlocked remotely to prevent escape. He showed me the family room, where Evelyn visited with her son. And I saw a classroom, windowless but full of books, like the one where Pablo goes to school. Then we stepped into an empty cell, much like Pablo’s. It was about 8 feet by 12 feet, with a stainless steel toilet and sink, and that tiny window — what Cardall called “your normal cell-looking type of room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really proud of our juvenile hall,” he told me. “We have a lot of great things going on.” He showed me murals on the walls, and talked about the volunteers who come in to work with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facility does look like a jail, but we are trying to make it more homelike,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yolo County has a $4 million contract to house up to 30 juveniles for the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That revenue helps Cardall cover the cost of general Probation Department staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Working for Pablo’s Release\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles down the road from the juvenile hall is the UC Davis law school. Professor Holly Cooper runs the immigration law clinic, and she and her students are working to gain Pablo’s release. When I visited, law students were drafting legal briefs, case notes spread across conference tables. The files for another immigrant kid, a 2-foot-tall stack of paperwork, teetered beside Cooper’s computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper has devoted much of her career to minors in immigration custody, and her office walls are covered with artwork made by detained children. She told me Pablo has been transferred around the country by ORR so many times that no pro bono lawyer has had a chance to build a case for his release until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924051\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924051\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924051 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Pablo Aguilar's mother Evelyn meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-400x282.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1920x1355.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1180x832.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-960x677.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pablo Aguilar’s mother, Evelyn, meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles, on Feb. 8, 2016. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in McAllen, Texas, he’s been in Miami, Florida, he’s been in Virginia, he’s been in Portland, Oregon, and now he’s out here in California,” she said. Pablo has been housed in the Woodland facility since September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government did appoint a so-called child advocate from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://theyoungcenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights\u003c/a> to speak up for Pablo’s best interests. Cooper showed me the group’s recommendation: three times last year the advocate sent letters to ORR arguing that Pablo be released to his mom, or at least placed in a less restrictive shelter nearer Evelyn’s home. But ORR hasn’t acted. And Pablo is still locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the problem, say Cooper and other advocates, is that ORR makes decisions at internal meetings about where children are placed and whether they’re released. And ORR doesn’t recognize courts as a place where children can challenge their detention. The upshot is that kids like Pablo, who have not been charged with a crime, can be jailed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without any judicial or third-party oversight, ORR is both the jailer and the person who decides whether the kid is getting out,” said Cooper. “That’s a really dangerous power dynamic that is developing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “secure” and “staff-secure” lockups may indeed be the right placement for some children. But Cooper and other lawyers say there’s no way to know without an open proceeding. They note that adults in immigration custody have more access to due process, because they have the right to go before an immigration judge to contest their detention and request release on bond. Children do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, says Jessica Jones, policy counsel at \u003ca href=\"http://lirs.org\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., children in other types of legal proceedings have more of a voice than kids in ORR confinement do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so disturbing about this whole process is that unlike the juvenile justice system, where you have the involvement of the child’s attorney and the child themselves, they are completely left out of the process,” said Jones. “The child may have a parent in the country and they are often completely left out of the decision-making process. … ORR should do better by children and be meeting basic child welfare standards in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, is charged with monitoring the government’s treatment of minors in immigration custody, as part of a two-decade-old legal agreement known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/immigrants/flores_v_meese_agreement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores Settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most advocates believe ORR is a better custodian than in the old days, before 2002, when detained migrant children were held by immigration agents. But Holguin, Jones, Cooper and other advocates around the country want better. They have been meeting with ORR officials, arguing for more transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process itself is completely opaque,” said Holguin. “Most times there’s no written decision at all. There’s great delay before the decisions are actually released. And there’s no opportunity for the juvenile or the proposed custodian to review the evidence that the federal government is relying on to maintain the juvenile in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ORR Official Speaks Out\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of requesting an interview, I finally got to speak with the person who oversees ORR’s unaccompanied children’s program: Bobbie Gregg, the deputy director for children’s services in the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg emphasized that the safety of children is her first priority. She said all children are assessed when they first arrive, and every 30 days that they’re in custody. The agency monitors the physical health and mental health of children and provides them with a legal orientation. And it posts \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its policies\u003c/a> on its website in detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I asked Gregg about the lack of a system for children to challenge their detention, she told me instead about how parents or others who have been turned down as sponsors can appeal that decision to higher-ups within the agency. In Evelyn’s case, there’s nothing she can appeal, because ORR has still not made a decision on her fitness as a sponsor for Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsor can make a request for information about the reason for the decision and can appeal from that decision,” said Gregg. “With respect to the child him or herself, children are kept informed through their case managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR has been in hot water in recent months after a number of cases where officials failed to screen sponsors properly and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/failures-in-handling-unaccompanied-migrant-minors-have-led-to-trafficking/2016/01/26/c47de164-c138-11e5-9443-7074c3645405_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">children were released to labor traffickers\u003c/a> rather than relatives. That scandal led to Senate hearings, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/02-23-16%20Brown%20Testimony.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Government Accountability Office and a series of reforms at ORR to tighten the vetting of sponsors before releasing children from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Gregg about how a kid like Pablo could be detained for 21 months and bounced around the country between so many facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t speak to any particular child,” Gregg told me. “But for each child we’re making determinations based on the least restrictive setting for that child, taking into consideration that particular child’s safety, the safety to the community as well as the risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Indefinite Custody\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does it mean for a kid to be locked up for almost two years, with no clear idea why they’re being held or for how long?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Cooper, the UC Davis law professor, says one of the toughest things for kids in ORR detention is not knowing when they’ll be released. She said she’s also seen the pain caused by giving kids false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indefinite custody,” she said. “And when you start telling kids, ‘You’ve been recommended for release. Your parent can come get you. Next week you’ll be out. Tomorrow you’ll be out,’ and it doesn’t happen? We’ve seen that that can be very psychologically harmful to the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to another teenager Cooper and her students are representing: Rafael Armenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s case is a little different. His mother brought him to the U.S. from Mexico as an infant, Cooper said, and he grew up in Southern California. In middle school, she said, he got involved with a rough crowd and ran afoul of the juvenile justice system. He served a sentence (the family doesn’t want to talk about the details) and then, had he been a U.S. citizen, he would have been released. But Rafael, who’s 16, is undocumented, so he was put in deportation proceedings and handed over to ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over several months the agency kept suggesting Rafael could be released to await his deportation hearing. Then officials backtracked over the holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friday was New Year’s,” Cooper recalled. “And they called me. I was on a run actually: my New Year’s resolution to go running. And I got a call and I said, ‘You just need to tell me one way or the other. We need to know. He needs to know. He’s calling me eight times a day.’ And they said, ‘We’re denying it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks later, though, there was another reversal. In February, Rafael was released from the detention facility in Woodland. His mother and some cousins arrived to collect him, after making their own all-night drive from Southern California. He hugged his mom for the first time in seven months and walked out of the juvenile hall into the winter sunshine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924046\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924046\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Rafael Armenta, 16, is released to his family from the Yolo County juvenile detention facility on Feb. 6, 2016, after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rafael Armenta, 16, and UC Davis law student Lesley Sedano, walk out of the Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility on Feb. 6, 2016. Rafael was released to his family after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There in the parking lot, wearing a crewcut and a dazed smile, Rafael told me how good it felt to take off the jail uniform — khaki shorts and a brown T-shirt — and put on his own T-shirt and jeans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought this day was never going to come,” he said. “But it came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him what it felt like to be told repeatedly that he could go home and then to hear that he could not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a bad reaction to that,” Rafael said. “I’d go in a room and just do some inappropriate things, like hit the wall and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked a little longer, but Rafael was anxious to go. So he and his mother and his three cousins piled into the family car, and headed home to Orange County. In the weeks that followed, Rafael would reacquaint himself with his younger brother and sister and enroll in high school, where he hoped to stay clear of trouble. He said he had covered so much coursework in detention that his teachers told him he’d be going in as a 12th-grader. Holly Cooper and her law students would keep in touch and help him fight to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper told me she has seen kids who have harmed themselves, including cutting themselves, in response to the powerlessness of indefinite detention. An official at the Yolo County juvenile hall said that they routinely have kids on suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice experts say ORR’s secure detention may not be intended as a form of punishment, but it is punishing by nature. Barry Krisberg, a criminologist at UC Berkeley and an expert in juvenile detention, said that’s especially true for children who have been through traumatic experiences already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of secure detention are generally quite bad,” said Krisberg. “Increasingly what we understand is that secure custody — and it doesn’t really matter whether it’s staff-secure or there’s razor wire on the outside — is a toxic experience for youth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Bobbie Gregg at ORR if she was concerned about the psychological toll of prolonged detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very mindful that this is a special population with special needs,” she answered. “Having said that, we’re also very mindful of our responsibility as their custodian while they’re in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>End of a Visit\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The afternoon was almost gone when Evelyn and her mother emerged from the juvenile hall in Woodland. Pablo was glad to see her, she told me, and happy to get the photos. With no end in sight to Pablo’s confinement, they rely on faith to keep going, she said. But it’s not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003ccite>Listen to the full Reveal episode above with an extended version of this story.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest: I walk out and part of me is still inside,” she said. “I want to take him with me. I want so badly to take him with me…. I go, and half of me leaves but half of me stays here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn would return in three weeks’ time. She and her mom and her friend Mario would drive through the night, 400 miles up the length of California. And she’ll keep coming back, until the day when she gets to take her son home with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with the public radio program \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reveal: from The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> and PRX. You can hear an extended version of this story and subscribe to the Reveal podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/kids-crossing-borders-alone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png\" alt=\"reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi\" width=\"400\" height=\"178\" class=\"aligncenter size-thumbnail wp-image-10927629\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-400x178.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-800x357.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1920x856.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-1180x526.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/reveal-cir-prx-logos-600dpi-960x428.png 960w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Child advocates say kids locked in immigration custody don't get adequate legal protections.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As Pablo Aguilar was waking up in his cell in \u003ca href=\"http://www.yolocounty.org/law-justice/probation/institutional-services/juvenile-detention-facility\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Yolo County’s juvenile hall\u003c/a> in rural Northern California one recent Sunday morning, a white minivan was making its way toward him, up Interstate 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dawn illuminated the tomato fields across the road from the jail, but the 16-year-old likely didn’t see that. The only window in Pablo’s cell — roughly 6 inches tall by 2 feet long — was positioned so high in the cinderblock wall that he would have needed to stand on his concrete bunk to peek out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the minivan, his mother, Evelyn, watched the farmland of the Central Valley turn rosy, then golden, as the sun crested the mountains to the east. Evelyn, 38, had driven a portion of the 400-mile journey from Los Angeles, but now Mario, a friend from church, was at the wheel. Evelyn’s mother, Albertina, was dozing in the back seat. (We’ve agreed not to use their last names, because Evelyn is undocumented.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the trio reached Sacramento, they stopped at an IHOP for breakfast before driving the last 20 minutes to the jail in Woodland. The pancake stop has become a ritual of the journey, which they make every three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We leave Los Angeles at 2 in the morning,” Evelyn told me. “It’s a night when we don’t sleep, because of all the anticipation about seeing Pablo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo has been held in immigration custody for more than 21 months. He had just turned 15 when he left El Salvador in the hope of finding a safe haven with his mother in California. He made it across the Rio Grande but wound up in the hands of the Border Patrol. That was in June of 2014. He’s been locked up ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"no\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258066702&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Children Fleeing Violence\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo is one of more than \u003ca href=\"http://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-border-unaccompanied-children/fy-2016\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">200,000 migrant kids\u003c/a> traveling without their parents who have been detained at the U.S.-Mexico border over the past five years. He’s part of a wave of Central American children fleeing violence, as \u003ca href=\"http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/fileadmin/docs/B-Occasional-papers/SAS-OP23-Gangs-Central-America.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">criminal gangs in El Salvador and neighboring countries\u003c/a> have come to \u003ca href=\"http://lawg.org/action-center/lawg-blog/69-general/1579-el-salvadors-gang-violence-turf-wars-internal-battles-and-life-defined-by-invisible-borders\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wield terrifying power\u003c/a> with impunity, and weak governments struggle to respond. That violence is a legacy of the civil wars of the 1980s, subsequent migrations to the United States and the deportation of gang members back to their home countries in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When adults are picked up at the border, they are dealt with by the Department of Homeland Security. But unaccompanied children are turned over to a different agency, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/programs/ucs\">Office of Refugee Resettlement\u003c/a>, in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. As the number of migrant kids has multiplied, ORR’s job has grown. In 2011, the agency took custody of 7,000 children. In 2014 it was 57,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924343\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924343\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png\" alt=\"Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"266\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-800x266.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-400x133.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-1180x393.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder-960x320.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Placement_of_Immigrant_Children_in_FY_2015_FY_2015_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of those kids spend about a month in a licensed ORR-funded shelter, and then they’re placed with a relative or another sponsor while they await their day in immigration court. But a small fraction — roughly 500 to 700 in any given year — are placed in jail-like settings: locked group homes or juvenile detention facilities, as Pablo has been. Those kids are held for two to three months, on average, but, like Pablo, some are detained much longer. Advocates say they become practically invisible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924330\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-10924330\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png\" alt=\"Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-800x450.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-400x225.png 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-1180x664.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder-960x540.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/Immigrant_Children_in_Locked_Group_Homes_or_Juvenile_Detention_Secure-Staff_Secure_chartbuilder.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for immigrant children say kids in ORR detention don’t have the legal protections they should. Many may be eligible for asylum or some other kind of protection. But \u003ca href=\"http://trac.syr.edu/phptools/immigration/juvenile/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half of them don’t even have a lawyer\u003c/a>. And prolonged detention can be psychologically damaging, according to child advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/BILLS-110hr7311enr/pdf/BILLS-110hr7311enr.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">By law\u003c/a>, children in immigration custody must be placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child. But they \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied-section-1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">can be confined\u003c/a> if their behavior is disruptive or dangerous, if they’re considered an escape risk, if they have a criminal or delinquent history or if they’re merely suspected of criminal activity. Often that information is provided by the Border Patrol or Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the agency that is handing the child over to ORR. But advocates for immigrant kids say ORR makes placement decisions behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn says the government hasn’t told her why it won’t release her son.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924032\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924032\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924032 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg\" alt=\"Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son Pablo when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend Mario is in the background of the photo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"742\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-800x742.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-400x371.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1920x1781.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-1180x1094.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto-960x890.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/momAndPhoto.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Evelyn holds up a photo of herself visiting with her son, Pablo, when he was detained at a facility in Oregon in 2015. Her friend, Mario, is in the background of the photo. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Visiting Her Child\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her mother stepped out of the minivan into the parking lot of Yolo County’s juvenile hall, in sweatshirts and sneakers, a little bleary from the trip. They always arrive in Woodland early to maximize the visit. Evelyn showed me a stack of family photos she was bringing to Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn told me she came to the United States a decade ago, seeing no other option to support her children as a single parent than to follow her own mother to L.A. She said she left Pablo and his older brother, William, in the care of her sister in their town of San Juan Nonualco, an hour outside the capital. She sent money to support them from the housecleaning business she built in L.A.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nRed-winged blackbirds swooped along the fence row in Woodland and dogs barked at the Sheriff’s Department compound next door. But Evelyn’s mind was back in El Salvador. She told me about how her boys grew up with their cousins, attended a good school and played soccer. But the area where they lived grew sketchier after she left and gangs operated openly. The police were either intimidated or corrupted, she said. And teenagers were frequent targets of gang recruitment and coercion. Four years ago, something happened to William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“William was 16 when I lost him, the same age Pablo is now,” Evelyn said. “One weekend I was driving to work when my sister called and said she had something bad to tell me. … She said, ‘Here’s what happened to William. The gang took him.’ He was always trying to steer clear of them. But they forced him. They disappeared with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In anguish, she added, “As a mother I have hope that one day someone will tell me if he’s alive or not. I’m still hoping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pablo became physically sick after is brother disappeared, Evelyn told me. But she wasn’t there to take care of him. Two years later, when Pablo reached high school, Evelyn said her sister told her he was not safe. So the boy headed north to avoid his brother’s fate. But he never reached his mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in spite of her lack of immigration status, Evelyn walks right into the jail every three weeks in order to see her child and to finally have a chance to touch him. She and Albertina would have two hours in a family room with Pablo, followed by another two hours in the “no contact” visit area, speaking by phone with a glass partition between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn gathered up the things she can take inside the jail: the photographs, her ID and her Bible. They always start the visit with a prayer. She pressed a buzzer and spoke into the intercom. A guard ushered the women into the lobby, and waved a metal detector wand over them. I wasn’t permitted to join them, so I watched through the plate glass as Evelyn and her mother disappeared through a heavy door into the jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924042\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924042\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924042 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Yolo County Chief Probation Officer Brent Cardall, and Victoria Blacksmith, the case manager in charge of immigrant children in Office of Refugee Resettlement custody, give a tour of the county's juvenile detention facility on Jan. 15, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/yoloDetention.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility in Woodland, California, houses up to 30 immigrant children in secure confinement, part of a $4 million contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Inside the Cell\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On another day, I got an idea of what life is like for Pablo by visiting the facility with Brent Cardall, the Yolo County probation chief.\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003ci> \u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He took me in through the “sally port,” the double set of steel doors, which are locked and unlocked remotely to prevent escape. He showed me the family room, where Evelyn visited with her son. And I saw a classroom, windowless but full of books, like the one where Pablo goes to school. Then we stepped into an empty cell, much like Pablo’s. It was about 8 feet by 12 feet, with a stainless steel toilet and sink, and that tiny window — what Cardall called “your normal cell-looking type of room.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really proud of our juvenile hall,” he told me. “We have a lot of great things going on.” He showed me murals on the walls, and talked about the volunteers who come in to work with the kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The facility does look like a jail, but we are trying to make it more homelike,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yolo County has a $4 million contract to house up to 30 juveniles for the Office of Refugee Resettlement. That revenue helps Cardall cover the cost of general Probation Department staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Working for Pablo’s Release\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few miles down the road from the juvenile hall is the UC Davis law school. Professor Holly Cooper runs the immigration law clinic, and she and her students are working to gain Pablo’s release. When I visited, law students were drafting legal briefs, case notes spread across conference tables. The files for another immigrant kid, a 2-foot-tall stack of paperwork, teetered beside Cooper’s computer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper has devoted much of her career to minors in immigration custody, and her office walls are covered with artwork made by detained children. She told me Pablo has been transferred around the country by ORR so many times that no pro bono lawyer has had a chance to build a case for his release until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924051\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924051\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-10924051 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Pablo Aguilar's mother Evelyn meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles on Feb. 8, 2016.\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-800x564.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-400x282.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1920x1355.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-1180x832.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer-960x677.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/EvelynandLawyer.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pablo Aguilar’s mother, Evelyn, meets with Mercedes Castillo, an immigration lawyer in East Los Angeles, on Feb. 8, 2016. \u003ccite>(Tena Rubio/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He’s been in McAllen, Texas, he’s been in Miami, Florida, he’s been in Virginia, he’s been in Portland, Oregon, and now he’s out here in California,” she said. Pablo has been housed in the Woodland facility since September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government did appoint a so-called child advocate from the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"http://theyoungcenter.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Young Center for Immigrant Children’s Rights\u003c/a> to speak up for Pablo’s best interests. Cooper showed me the group’s recommendation: three times last year the advocate sent letters to ORR arguing that Pablo be released to his mom, or at least placed in a less restrictive shelter nearer Evelyn’s home. But ORR hasn’t acted. And Pablo is still locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crux of the problem, say Cooper and other advocates, is that ORR makes decisions at internal meetings about where children are placed and whether they’re released. And ORR doesn’t recognize courts as a place where children can challenge their detention. The upshot is that kids like Pablo, who have not been charged with a crime, can be jailed indefinitely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without any judicial or third-party oversight, ORR is both the jailer and the person who decides whether the kid is getting out,” said Cooper. “That’s a really dangerous power dynamic that is developing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “secure” and “staff-secure” lockups may indeed be the right placement for some children. But Cooper and other lawyers say there’s no way to know without an open proceeding. They note that adults in immigration custody have more access to due process, because they have the right to go before an immigration judge to contest their detention and request release on bond. Children do not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, says Jessica Jones, policy counsel at \u003ca href=\"http://lirs.org\">Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., children in other types of legal proceedings have more of a voice than kids in ORR confinement do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is so disturbing about this whole process is that unlike the juvenile justice system, where you have the involvement of the child’s attorney and the child themselves, they are completely left out of the process,” said Jones. “The child may have a parent in the country and they are often completely left out of the decision-making process. … ORR should do better by children and be meeting basic child welfare standards in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carlos Holguin, of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhumanrights.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, is charged with monitoring the government’s treatment of minors in immigration custody, as part of a two-decade-old legal agreement known as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/immigrants/flores_v_meese_agreement.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Flores Settlement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most advocates believe ORR is a better custodian than in the old days, before 2002, when detained migrant children were held by immigration agents. But Holguin, Jones, Cooper and other advocates around the country want better. They have been meeting with ORR officials, arguing for more transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The process itself is completely opaque,” said Holguin. “Most times there’s no written decision at all. There’s great delay before the decisions are actually released. And there’s no opportunity for the juvenile or the proposed custodian to review the evidence that the federal government is relying on to maintain the juvenile in custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>ORR Official Speaks Out\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After three months of requesting an interview, I finally got to speak with the person who oversees ORR’s unaccompanied children’s program: Bobbie Gregg, the deputy director for children’s services in the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregg emphasized that the safety of children is her first priority. She said all children are assessed when they first arrive, and every 30 days that they’re in custody. The agency monitors the physical health and mental health of children and provides them with a legal orientation. And it posts \u003ca href=\"http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/resource/children-entering-the-united-states-unaccompanied\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">its policies\u003c/a> on its website in detail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when I asked Gregg about the lack of a system for children to challenge their detention, she told me instead about how parents or others who have been turned down as sponsors can appeal that decision to higher-ups within the agency. In Evelyn’s case, there’s nothing she can appeal, because ORR has still not made a decision on her fitness as a sponsor for Pablo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sponsor can make a request for information about the reason for the decision and can appeal from that decision,” said Gregg. “With respect to the child him or herself, children are kept informed through their case managers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ORR has been in hot water in recent months after a number of cases where officials failed to screen sponsors properly and \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/failures-in-handling-unaccompanied-migrant-minors-have-led-to-trafficking/2016/01/26/c47de164-c138-11e5-9443-7074c3645405_story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">children were released to labor traffickers\u003c/a> rather than relatives. That scandal led to Senate hearings, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/02-23-16%20Brown%20Testimony.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">investigation\u003c/a> by the Government Accountability Office and a series of reforms at ORR to tighten the vetting of sponsors before releasing children from custody.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Gregg about how a kid like Pablo could be detained for 21 months and bounced around the country between so many facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t speak to any particular child,” Gregg told me. “But for each child we’re making determinations based on the least restrictive setting for that child, taking into consideration that particular child’s safety, the safety to the community as well as the risk of flight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Indefinite Custody\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What does it mean for a kid to be locked up for almost two years, with no clear idea why they’re being held or for how long?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Cooper, the UC Davis law professor, says one of the toughest things for kids in ORR detention is not knowing when they’ll be released. She said she’s also seen the pain caused by giving kids false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s an indefinite custody,” she said. “And when you start telling kids, ‘You’ve been recommended for release. Your parent can come get you. Next week you’ll be out. Tomorrow you’ll be out,’ and it doesn’t happen? We’ve seen that that can be very psychologically harmful to the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what happened to another teenager Cooper and her students are representing: Rafael Armenta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rafael’s case is a little different. His mother brought him to the U.S. from Mexico as an infant, Cooper said, and he grew up in Southern California. In middle school, she said, he got involved with a rough crowd and ran afoul of the juvenile justice system. He served a sentence (the family doesn’t want to talk about the details) and then, had he been a U.S. citizen, he would have been released. But Rafael, who’s 16, is undocumented, so he was put in deportation proceedings and handed over to ORR.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over several months the agency kept suggesting Rafael could be released to await his deportation hearing. Then officials backtracked over the holidays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Friday was New Year’s,” Cooper recalled. “And they called me. I was on a run actually: my New Year’s resolution to go running. And I got a call and I said, ‘You just need to tell me one way or the other. We need to know. He needs to know. He’s calling me eight times a day.’ And they said, ‘We’re denying it.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few weeks later, though, there was another reversal. In February, Rafael was released from the detention facility in Woodland. His mother and some cousins arrived to collect him, after making their own all-night drive from Southern California. He hugged his mom for the first time in seven months and walked out of the juvenile hall into the winter sunshine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10924046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-10924046\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10924046\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Rafael Armenta, 16, is released to his family from the Yolo County juvenile detention facility on Feb. 6, 2016, after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/04/RafaelArmentawSister.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rafael Armenta, 16, and UC Davis law student Lesley Sedano, walk out of the Yolo County Juvenile Detention Facility on Feb. 6, 2016. Rafael was released to his family after seven months of immigration detention in the custody of the Office of Refugee Resettlement. \u003ccite>(Tyche Hendricks/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There in the parking lot, wearing a crewcut and a dazed smile, Rafael told me how good it felt to take off the jail uniform — khaki shorts and a brown T-shirt — and put on his own T-shirt and jeans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought this day was never going to come,” he said. “But it came.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him what it felt like to be told repeatedly that he could go home and then to hear that he could not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a bad reaction to that,” Rafael said. “I’d go in a room and just do some inappropriate things, like hit the wall and stuff like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We talked a little longer, but Rafael was anxious to go. So he and his mother and his three cousins piled into the family car, and headed home to Orange County. In the weeks that followed, Rafael would reacquaint himself with his younger brother and sister and enroll in high school, where he hoped to stay clear of trouble. He said he had covered so much coursework in detention that his teachers told him he’d be going in as a 12th-grader. Holly Cooper and her law students would keep in touch and help him fight to stay in the U.S. legally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper told me she has seen kids who have harmed themselves, including cutting themselves, in response to the powerlessness of indefinite detention. An official at the Yolo County juvenile hall said that they routinely have kids on suicide watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juvenile justice experts say ORR’s secure detention may not be intended as a form of punishment, but it is punishing by nature. Barry Krisberg, a criminologist at UC Berkeley and an expert in juvenile detention, said that’s especially true for children who have been through traumatic experiences already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The consequences of secure detention are generally quite bad,” said Krisberg. “Increasingly what we understand is that secure custody — and it doesn’t really matter whether it’s staff-secure or there’s razor wire on the outside — is a toxic experience for youth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked Bobbie Gregg at ORR if she was concerned about the psychological toll of prolonged detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re very mindful that this is a special population with special needs,” she answered. “Having said that, we’re also very mindful of our responsibility as their custodian while they’re in care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>End of a Visit\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The afternoon was almost gone when Evelyn and her mother emerged from the juvenile hall in Woodland. Pablo was glad to see her, she told me, and happy to get the photos. With no end in sight to Pablo’s confinement, they rely on faith to keep going, she said. But it’s not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/258034455″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ccite>Listen to the full Reveal episode above with an extended version of this story.\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be honest: I walk out and part of me is still inside,” she said. “I want to take him with me. I want so badly to take him with me…. I go, and half of me leaves but half of me stays here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evelyn would return in three weeks’ time. She and her mom and her friend Mario would drive through the night, 400 miles up the length of California. And she’ll keep coming back, until the day when she gets to take her son home with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported in collaboration with the public radio program \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Reveal: from The Center for Investigative Reporting\u003c/a> and PRX. You can hear an extended version of this story and subscribe to the Reveal podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/kids-crossing-borders-alone/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democrat\u003ca href=\"http://www.rokhanna.com/\"> Ro Khanna \u003c/a>isn’t only taking on eight-term congressman \u003ca href=\"http://mikehonda.com/\">Mike Honda \u003c/a>for the House seat in the heart of Silicon Valley. He’s roughing up the entire California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m fearless,” said 39-year-old Khanna, an Indian-American tech attorney from Fremont. “The rules are rigged. There’s a group of people trying to hold onto their power by appointing their friends, who will decide who gets the party’s endorsement. It’s a vestige of the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/250173174″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna admits he’s channeling Democrat Bernie Sanders and Republican Donald Trump in this year’s wild and unorthodox presidential race. He believes they have tapped into voters who are tired of parties looking out for their own interests instead of working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the Republican side — although I disagree with him on many issues — there is a populism to Trump’s campaign,” said Khanna. “There’s a lot of anger on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was hours before delegates at the California Democratic Party Convention in San Jose overwhelmingly endorsed Honda on Feb. 27. For the 74-year-old veteran congressman — who is in the throes of a\u003ca href=\"https://ethics.house.gov/\"> serious House Ethics Committee \u003c/a>investigation — this is a rematch of a bitter race Khanna narrowly lost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honda quickly brushed off Khanna’s accusations that the party rules are rigged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885476\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885476\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg\" alt=\"Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged.\" width=\"800\" height=\"659\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-400x330.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-1180x972.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-960x791.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Oh come on. For goodness sake,” said Honda, a Japanese-American former schoolteacher. “I’m not the one who paid for memberships to load up on Democratic clubs. … We’ll see how much of an impact his negative campaign, his innuendos and the impressions he’s trying to leave on people work out. I don’t think they will work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during this campaign Khanna plans to hit Honda hard on the House ethics probe every chance he gets. There are allegations that Honda mixed campaign and government business and gave improper favors, like fast-tracking visas, to top donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think it [the investigation] disqualifies Mike Honda from running. It’s my honest opinion,” said Khanna. “It represents cronyism, it represents giving favors to donors and it’s wrong. And I will speak out about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda said there’s an internal House process by which committee members will determine if a House rule was violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Violating an ethics rule is not breaking a law,” said Honda. “There is not a criminal investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the ethics committee’s decision is critical, said Larry Gerston, a political science professor emeritus at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the committee acts fairly soon, Honda could probably go a long way with putting it behind him,” said Gerston. “But if the committee acts in a negative way — let’s say in September or October — that could be a factor in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Khanna is portraying Honda “as everything wrong with politics” and himself as the ultimate Washington and Democratic Party outsider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take no PAC [political action committee] money,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he may want to brush up on who is serving in Congress. At the California Democratic Convention in San Jose last weekend, he bumped into Maxine Waters, the veteran Los Angeles congresswoman and former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. Khanna introduced himself and asked Waters what she’s running for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Re-election in Los Angeles,” said Waters, who was also once investigated for violating House ethics rules in 2010 and later exonerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885479\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885479\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg\" alt=\"Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"578\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-400x289.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-1180x852.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-960x693.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This race is very much a generational contrast between two Democrats who really don’t differ much on the issues, said Gerston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senior man who has been there, done that, because he has so much experience. The young guy who is perhaps a little bit more brazen, going to break a few things along the way, and isn’t afraid to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna is counting on support from younger voters who might not know or care about Honda’s history. But that might not be an adequate strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic activist Jay Cheng, 27, grew up in Cupertino and said he can count on Honda, who is a reliable vote on many issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For millennial Democrats who have grown up in the district, we know who has been there for us,” said Cheng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the convention, Khanna’s field director, Michael Ambler, said he had no problem signing up young volunteers from the district with no connection to Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of volunteers are in college and are worrying about how they are going to pay off their college loans,” said Ambler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 17th Congressional District — which includes Fremont, Sunnyvale, Cupertino, Newark, Milpitas, Santa Clara and North San Jose — is home to tech giants Tesla, Google, Apple, Cisco and others. It also has a large population of voters from India, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam and Pakistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Asian Pacific Islander Caucus at the convention, Khanna said tech companies in the district need to reflect the diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”QTzV4eaXdYx06AhRVYYr8tO0kxkeu9og”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go into the halls of Facebook, Google, Tesla, there are not enough Filipino-Americans, there are not enough African-Americans, there are not enough Latino-Americans,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda has a compelling life story many immigrants can relate to. During World War II, he and his family were put in an internment camp with other Americans of Japanese descent. He later became a champion of civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After eight terms in the House, Honda is reintroducing himself to voters to remind them where he came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people start to listen to who you are, your history and background, they say, ‘That sounds like me.’ So there’s a connection and it’s really important, and so is authenticity,” said Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Aisha Wahab, an Afghan-American voter who works in the district, said there’s one issue that cuts across all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A chance to grow, a chance to survive, a chance to thrive. And I think that’s what this race is about. Our future, not our past,” said Wahab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just how much voters get to hear the candidates debate the issues in coming months remains to be seen. The race has become such a slugfest that Democratic San Jose City Councilman Pierluigi Oliverio recently decided to run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s too much mudslinging already,” said Oliverio. “I’ll talk about the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a sign of how nasty this campaign may be, unsigned hit pieces were distributed at the convention portraying Khanna as a Republican puppet. The Honda campaign denies having any connection to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary rules, the top two finishers in the June election will advance. That means Khanna and Honda are likely to meet up again in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "A Nasty Silicon Valley Congressional Rematch Heats Up | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrat\u003ca href=\"http://www.rokhanna.com/\"> Ro Khanna \u003c/a>isn’t only taking on eight-term congressman \u003ca href=\"http://mikehonda.com/\">Mike Honda \u003c/a>for the House seat in the heart of Silicon Valley. He’s roughing up the entire California Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m fearless,” said 39-year-old Khanna, an Indian-American tech attorney from Fremont. “The rules are rigged. There’s a group of people trying to hold onto their power by appointing their friends, who will decide who gets the party’s endorsement. It’s a vestige of the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/250173174″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/250173174″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna admits he’s channeling Democrat Bernie Sanders and Republican Donald Trump in this year’s wild and unorthodox presidential race. He believes they have tapped into voters who are tired of parties looking out for their own interests instead of working families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the Republican side — although I disagree with him on many issues — there is a populism to Trump’s campaign,” said Khanna. “There’s a lot of anger on both sides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This was hours before delegates at the California Democratic Party Convention in San Jose overwhelmingly endorsed Honda on Feb. 27. For the 74-year-old veteran congressman — who is in the throes of a\u003ca href=\"https://ethics.house.gov/\"> serious House Ethics Committee \u003c/a>investigation — this is a rematch of a bitter race Khanna narrowly lost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honda quickly brushed off Khanna’s accusations that the party rules are rigged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885476\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885476\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg\" alt=\"Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged.\" width=\"800\" height=\"659\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-800x659.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-400x330.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-1180x972.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/KhannaSpeaking-960x791.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Congressman Mike Honda (seated, red tie) listens to opponent Ro Khanna call the state Democratic Party endorsement process rigged. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Oh come on. For goodness sake,” said Honda, a Japanese-American former schoolteacher. “I’m not the one who paid for memberships to load up on Democratic clubs. … We’ll see how much of an impact his negative campaign, his innuendos and the impressions he’s trying to leave on people work out. I don’t think they will work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during this campaign Khanna plans to hit Honda hard on the House ethics probe every chance he gets. There are allegations that Honda mixed campaign and government business and gave improper favors, like fast-tracking visas, to top donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think it [the investigation] disqualifies Mike Honda from running. It’s my honest opinion,” said Khanna. “It represents cronyism, it represents giving favors to donors and it’s wrong. And I will speak out about that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda said there’s an internal House process by which committee members will determine if a House rule was violated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Violating an ethics rule is not breaking a law,” said Honda. “There is not a criminal investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the ethics committee’s decision is critical, said Larry Gerston, a political science professor emeritus at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the committee acts fairly soon, Honda could probably go a long way with putting it behind him,” said Gerston. “But if the committee acts in a negative way — let’s say in September or October — that could be a factor in this race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Khanna is portraying Honda “as everything wrong with politics” and himself as the ultimate Washington and Democratic Party outsider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I take no PAC [political action committee] money,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he may want to brush up on who is serving in Congress. At the California Democratic Convention in San Jose last weekend, he bumped into Maxine Waters, the veteran Los Angeles congresswoman and former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. Khanna introduced himself and asked Waters what she’s running for.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Re-election in Los Angeles,” said Waters, who was also once investigated for violating House ethics rules in 2010 and later exonerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10885479\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10885479\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg\" alt=\"Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement.\" width=\"800\" height=\"578\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-800x578.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-400x289.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-1180x852.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/03/HondaSpeaks-960x693.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Honda talks with supporters from his district after getting the Democratic Party’s endorsement. \u003ccite>(Beth Willon/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This race is very much a generational contrast between two Democrats who really don’t differ much on the issues, said Gerston.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The senior man who has been there, done that, because he has so much experience. The young guy who is perhaps a little bit more brazen, going to break a few things along the way, and isn’t afraid to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna is counting on support from younger voters who might not know or care about Honda’s history. But that might not be an adequate strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic activist Jay Cheng, 27, grew up in Cupertino and said he can count on Honda, who is a reliable vote on many issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For millennial Democrats who have grown up in the district, we know who has been there for us,” said Cheng.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the convention, Khanna’s field director, Michael Ambler, said he had no problem signing up young volunteers from the district with no connection to Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of volunteers are in college and are worrying about how they are going to pay off their college loans,” said Ambler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 17th Congressional District — which includes Fremont, Sunnyvale, Cupertino, Newark, Milpitas, Santa Clara and North San Jose — is home to tech giants Tesla, Google, Apple, Cisco and others. It also has a large population of voters from India, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam and Pakistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Asian Pacific Islander Caucus at the convention, Khanna said tech companies in the district need to reflect the diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you go into the halls of Facebook, Google, Tesla, there are not enough Filipino-Americans, there are not enough African-Americans, there are not enough Latino-Americans,” said Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Honda has a compelling life story many immigrants can relate to. During World War II, he and his family were put in an internment camp with other Americans of Japanese descent. He later became a champion of civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After eight terms in the House, Honda is reintroducing himself to voters to remind them where he came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people start to listen to who you are, your history and background, they say, ‘That sounds like me.’ So there’s a connection and it’s really important, and so is authenticity,” said Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Aisha Wahab, an Afghan-American voter who works in the district, said there’s one issue that cuts across all ethnic and racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A chance to grow, a chance to survive, a chance to thrive. And I think that’s what this race is about. Our future, not our past,” said Wahab.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just how much voters get to hear the candidates debate the issues in coming months remains to be seen. The race has become such a slugfest that Democratic San Jose City Councilman Pierluigi Oliverio recently decided to run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s too much mudslinging already,” said Oliverio. “I’ll talk about the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a sign of how nasty this campaign may be, unsigned hit pieces were distributed at the convention portraying Khanna as a Republican puppet. The Honda campaign denies having any connection to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary rules, the top two finishers in the June election will advance. That means Khanna and Honda are likely to meet up again in the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "prosecutors-cry-foul-over-jerry-browns-ballot-measure",
"title": "Prosecutors Cry Foul Over Jerry Brown's Ballot Measure",
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"headTitle": "Prosecutors Cry Foul Over Jerry Brown’s Ballot Measure | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association (CDAA) and Sacramento DA Anne Marie Schubert are asking state Attorney General Kamala Harris to hold off on issuing a title and summary to the criminal sentencing reform ballot measure Gov. Jerry Brown announced recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oYZA6ZKS3hQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a filing with Superior Court in Sacramento, the CDAA claims Brown “cut in line” ahead of five other initiatives by taking a ballot measure filed Dec. 22, 2015 and basically doing a “gut-and-amend” with a “complete rewrite.” That, they say, circumvented the public input process, leaving the legislative analyst and the attorney general inadequate time to review and assess the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[scribd id=299116134 key=key-6PbOevRnieYA1KJ7wDdy mode=scroll]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement from his office, Brown said, “It’s perplexing why these DA’s would deny the people of California their right to vote on this important public safety measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court is closed until Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure gives Brown an opportunity few politicians ever get: To reach back and fix the unintended consequences of a law he signed nearly 40 years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246737775″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2012/01/23/the-law-that-help-pack-californias-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Uniform Determinate Sentencing Law \u003c/a>in 1976, he \u003cem>thought\u003c/em> he was correcting a bias in the parole board, with some inmates being kept in prison a lot longer than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were alleging racial disparities,” Brown said in an interview Thursday. “I tried to put more certainty into the process. I thought clarity and certainty of prison time would operate as a deterrent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown calls the law he signed “relatively modest,” but that was just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next four governors added longer sentences for specific crimes and circumstances, Brown said. “There are now 400 separate enhancements that can add up to 25 years, each one of them, and now you have over 5,000 separate criminal provisions. This is unheard of, when you compare (it with) the Ten Commandments, which have stayed at 10 for 2,700 years!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of it resulted in an explosion of California’s prison population, with the burden falling disproportionately on the poor, African-Americans and Latinos, Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of a one-note system now,” Brown said. “Time in the cell, time in the cell. What we need is a more sophisticated system … with restorative justice, drug treatment” and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor called the handiwork of legislators, past governors and the voters a “motorized legislative rampage,” culminating with the passage of Proposition 21 in 2000, which Brown says, was sold by Gov. Pete Wilson and prosecutors as an “anti-gang” measure. It gave prosecutors the power to charge juveniles accused of committing murder and other serious felonies the ability to try them as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is now promoting a fall ballot measure — \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0121%20%28Prison%20Sentence%20Reform%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Justice and Rehabilitation Act \u003c/a>— to put that power back in the hands of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the job of a prosecutor is to prosecute, not judge,” said the governor. “The job of a judge is to judge and whether someone 14, 15, 16, 17 should be tried in the juvenile court system or transferred to the adult court is primarily a judicial question. Let the judges decide. If you keep that separation of powers, you keep faith with the American tradition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s ballot measure also lets nonviolent inmates earn credit for good behavior. It would relax mandatory sentencing laws and give prisoners who “better themselves” behind bars the chance to get parole after they’ve served their primary sentence. Drawing on his Jesuit training, Brown promotes the idea of forgiveness and redemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Nobody knows what the hell is going on except a few deputy DA’s.’\u003ccite>Governor Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown called the current penal code “a giant phone book, an overreach with very minute prescriptions, and sections and subsections and subsections of subsections referring back to other subsections.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And nobody knows what the hell is going on,” he said, “except a few deputy DA’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Brown collects the 585,000 signatures needed to place this measure on the ballot, and voters approve, it would be the latest and perhaps most sweeping U-turn in criminal justice policy under this governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, law enforcement groups, led by the California District Attorneys Association, are signaling their opposition to Brown’s measure. “It still has to qualify,” said Sean Hoffman, who lobbies on behalf of the association. “So at this point, the extent of our opposition remains to be seen. There are a lot of unknowns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s may have other targets to focus on this fall. A measure to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0066%20%28Death%20Penalty%29.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban capital punishment \u003c/a>and another to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0096%20%28Death%20Penalty%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expedite executions \u003c/a>could also draw their interest, along with one to legalize marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever ultimately happens with Brown’s ballot measure, California is well on its way to reversing many of the harshest anti-crime provisions of the past four decades.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Governor is hoping to fix the untended consequences of a criminal sentencing law he signed 40 years ago, a law he calls 'an abysmal failure.'",
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"title": "Prosecutors Cry Foul Over Jerry Brown's Ballot Measure | KQED",
"description": "Governor is hoping to fix the untended consequences of a criminal sentencing law he signed 40 years ago, a law he calls 'an abysmal failure.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California District Attorneys Association (CDAA) and Sacramento DA Anne Marie Schubert are asking state Attorney General Kamala Harris to hold off on issuing a title and summary to the criminal sentencing reform ballot measure Gov. Jerry Brown announced recently.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/oYZA6ZKS3hQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/oYZA6ZKS3hQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>In a filing with Superior Court in Sacramento, the CDAA claims Brown “cut in line” ahead of five other initiatives by taking a ballot measure filed Dec. 22, 2015 and basically doing a “gut-and-amend” with a “complete rewrite.” That, they say, circumvented the public input process, leaving the legislative analyst and the attorney general inadequate time to review and assess the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ciframe\n class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\"\n src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/299116134/content?start_page=1&view_mode=&access_key=key-6PbOevRnieYA1KJ7wDdy\"\n title=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/299116134\"\n data-auto-height=\"true\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"scribd_299116134\"\n width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n \u003ca class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__scribdShortcode__scribd_footer\"\n href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/299116134\"\n target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">View this document on Scribd\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement from his office, Brown said, “It’s perplexing why these DA’s would deny the people of California their right to vote on this important public safety measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court is closed until Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure gives Brown an opportunity few politicians ever get: To reach back and fix the unintended consequences of a law he signed nearly 40 years earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246737775″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246737775″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Brown signed the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/lowdown/2012/01/23/the-law-that-help-pack-californias-prisons/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Uniform Determinate Sentencing Law \u003c/a>in 1976, he \u003cem>thought\u003c/em> he was correcting a bias in the parole board, with some inmates being kept in prison a lot longer than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were alleging racial disparities,” Brown said in an interview Thursday. “I tried to put more certainty into the process. I thought clarity and certainty of prison time would operate as a deterrent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown calls the law he signed “relatively modest,” but that was just the beginning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next four governors added longer sentences for specific crimes and circumstances, Brown said. “There are now 400 separate enhancements that can add up to 25 years, each one of them, and now you have over 5,000 separate criminal provisions. This is unheard of, when you compare (it with) the Ten Commandments, which have stayed at 10 for 2,700 years!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of it resulted in an explosion of California’s prison population, with the burden falling disproportionately on the poor, African-Americans and Latinos, Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of a one-note system now,” Brown said. “Time in the cell, time in the cell. What we need is a more sophisticated system … with restorative justice, drug treatment” and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor called the handiwork of legislators, past governors and the voters a “motorized legislative rampage,” culminating with the passage of Proposition 21 in 2000, which Brown says, was sold by Gov. Pete Wilson and prosecutors as an “anti-gang” measure. It gave prosecutors the power to charge juveniles accused of committing murder and other serious felonies the ability to try them as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown is now promoting a fall ballot measure — \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0121%20%28Prison%20Sentence%20Reform%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Justice and Rehabilitation Act \u003c/a>— to put that power back in the hands of judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because the job of a prosecutor is to prosecute, not judge,” said the governor. “The job of a judge is to judge and whether someone 14, 15, 16, 17 should be tried in the juvenile court system or transferred to the adult court is primarily a judicial question. Let the judges decide. If you keep that separation of powers, you keep faith with the American tradition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown’s ballot measure also lets nonviolent inmates earn credit for good behavior. It would relax mandatory sentencing laws and give prisoners who “better themselves” behind bars the chance to get parole after they’ve served their primary sentence. Drawing on his Jesuit training, Brown promotes the idea of forgiveness and redemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Nobody knows what the hell is going on except a few deputy DA’s.’\u003ccite>Governor Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Brown called the current penal code “a giant phone book, an overreach with very minute prescriptions, and sections and subsections and subsections of subsections referring back to other subsections.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And nobody knows what the hell is going on,” he said, “except a few deputy DA’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Brown collects the 585,000 signatures needed to place this measure on the ballot, and voters approve, it would be the latest and perhaps most sweeping U-turn in criminal justice policy under this governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, law enforcement groups, led by the California District Attorneys Association, are signaling their opposition to Brown’s measure. “It still has to qualify,” said Sean Hoffman, who lobbies on behalf of the association. “So at this point, the extent of our opposition remains to be seen. There are a lot of unknowns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s may have other targets to focus on this fall. A measure to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0066%20%28Death%20Penalty%29.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ban capital punishment \u003c/a>and another to \u003ca href=\"http://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0096%20%28Death%20Penalty%29_0.pdf?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expedite executions \u003c/a>could also draw their interest, along with one to legalize marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever ultimately happens with Brown’s ballot measure, California is well on its way to reversing many of the harshest anti-crime provisions of the past four decades.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Black Lives Matter Co-Founder's Plan to Reduce Law Enforcement Violence",
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"headTitle": "Black Lives Matter Co-Founder’s Plan to Reduce Law Enforcement Violence | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>From Silicon Valley to Hollywood, Californians lead the world with big ideas. For the latest installment of our “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/big-think\">Big Think\u003c/a>” series, we meet \u003ca href=\"http://patrissecullors.com/\">Patrisse Cullors\u003c/a>. She is the director of truth and reinvestment at the \u003ca href=\"http://ellabakercenter.org/\">Ella Baker Center for Human Rights\u003c/a> in Oakland and one of the co-founders of \u003ca href=\"http://blacklivesmatter.com/\">Black Lives Matter\u003c/a>. Her Big Think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Build a national network of communities to respond to law enforcement violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246038799″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=’166′ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors received a $500,000 racial justice grant from Google to help make her Big Think become a reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>#BlackLivesMatter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Black Lives Matter movement started with a simple love note. It was the night the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/07/13/201918229/judge-to-zimmerman-you-have-no-further-business-with-the-court\">jury acquitted George Zimmerman\u003c/a> of all charges in the 2012 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin during an altercation in a gated Florida community. Her friend, Alicia Garza, wrote a series of posts on Facebook that were intended to be an open letter to black people:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Where those folks at saying we are in post-racial America? where those folks at saying we have moved past race and that black folks in particular need to get over it? the sad part is, there’s a section of America who is cheering and celebrating right now. and that makes me sick to my stomach. we GOTTA get it together y’all. Our lives are hanging in the balance. Young black boys in this country are not safe. Black men in this country are not safe. This verdict will create many more George Zimmermans.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And also:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>black people. I love you. I love us. Our lives matter.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Cullors says she saw that love note and hash-tagged it. She then “used that hashtag over the next several hours to really just love on black people, and pretty quickly thereafter myself and Alicia spoke and said we need to build this out as a project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cullors, #BlackLivesMatter is an affirmation that embraces the resistance and resilience of black people. It is also a rallying cry to defend black life and create successful black futures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10848115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-800x449.jpg\" alt=\"L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter.\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10848115\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-400x225.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-768x431.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Patrisse Cullors)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A movement began to bubble up, as videos suggesting the use of excessive police force on unarmed black men went viral. There was the death of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/19/nyregion/staten-island-man-dies-after-he-is-put-in-chokehold-during-arrest.html?_r=0\">Eric Garner\u003c/a> and then the fatal shooting of \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/08/10/339334625/st-louis-police-black-teen-shot-in-altercation-with-officers\">Michael Brown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not to mention, the deaths of black women like \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/11/us/in-detroit-protests-of-shooting-of-woman-who-sought-help.html\">Renisha McBride\u003c/a>, who was shot on the porch of a suburban home when she sought help after she had car trouble, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/07/21/424909760/death-of-woman-found-hanged-in-texas-jail-cell-will-be-investigated-as-murder\">Sandra Bland\u003c/a>, who was found dead in her jail cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly people all over the world were talking about Black Lives Matter and using the hashtag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about all the other people who face law enforcement violence — who don’t have a video. Where do they turn?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Should Black and Brown Communities Handle Law Enforcement Violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Cullors says, she witnessed a significant amount of policing and police repression in her Van Nuys neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My brother was almost killed by the Sheriff’s Department when he was 19 years old inside of the L.A. County jails. And my mother had nowhere to go. She called the Sheriff’s Department over and over again and they sent her in circles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This experience is part of the reason why Cullors wants to create a network of rapid responders to help people deal with law enforcement violence. That includes violence at the hand of the police, FBI, ICE officers, California Highway Patrol and correctional officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”Jr3BGiagOQNhfhKXPRC3OReUOIUrFLiQ”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know what to do if an earthquake happens in California. People know what to do if a tornado happens. But what happens when your loved one is killed by the police? When your loved one is killed in a jail cell?” Cullors says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what to do. We’ve seen it time and time again. Families are at a loss. They don’t know who to talk to, they don’t know who to go to because, you don’t go to your murderer to have them give you justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and brown communities can’t rely on law enforcement to protect black and brown bodies, says Cullors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If your loved one is harmed or killed by law enforcement, if they’re illegally arrested, if there’s a raid on your home, you will be able to call a hotline number that will be staffed 24/7 that can help you navigate the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes her idea different is that the rapid responders will be people who live in the community and understand what it’s like to face law enforcement violence firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be a multiracial justice team. Allies can definitely play a role. But really the point is people who are directly impacted, and that often looks like black and brown people, and poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She imagines the first responders could help victims file a complaint against the police. And if the complaint isn’t getting attention, they could help stage a protest in the neighborhood or organize to demand that the officer is fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/caravan/\">mobilized the teams\u003c/a>. They are all over the state, from Sacramento to Orange County (and in between in Oakland, Stockton, Fresno, Salinas, Los Angeles and San Diego). The next step is to train the teams of rapid responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Platform to Focus Black Voices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>She’s also creating a social media platform specific to issues of law enforcement violence and mass incarceration. It will expand the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/\">Mobile Justice app\u003c/a> that the ACLU and Ella Baker Center created. It allows people to send a recording of questionable police activity directly to the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"http://www.pewinternet.org/2014/01/06/african-americans-and-technology-use/\">We use Twitter and Facebook\u003c/a> to talk about \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/19/is-the-internet-changing-the-way-we-talk-about-race\">our stories\u003c/a>, but we don’t own Twitter or Facebook. We need a social media platform that’s owned by the community, sourced by the community and where we know that if we put up our own images and videos, that we own it. This social media platform can’t bring it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors hopes that one day people all over the world will use the platform to organize. And the teams will help create more caring, healthy and safe communities for people of color all over the state.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Patrisse Cullors, co-founder of #BlackLivesMatter, shares her 'Big Think.' ",
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"title": "Black Lives Matter Co-Founder's Plan to Reduce Law Enforcement Violence | KQED",
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"headline": "Black Lives Matter Co-Founder's Plan to Reduce Law Enforcement Violence",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From Silicon Valley to Hollywood, Californians lead the world with big ideas. For the latest installment of our “\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/big-think\">Big Think\u003c/a>” series, we meet \u003ca href=\"http://patrissecullors.com/\">Patrisse Cullors\u003c/a>. She is the director of truth and reinvestment at the \u003ca href=\"http://ellabakercenter.org/\">Ella Baker Center for Human Rights\u003c/a> in Oakland and one of the co-founders of \u003ca href=\"http://blacklivesmatter.com/\">Black Lives Matter\u003c/a>. Her Big Think?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Build a national network of communities to respond to law enforcement violence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='’166′'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246038799″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/246038799″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors received a $500,000 racial justice grant from Google to help make her Big Think become a reality.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>#BlackLivesMatter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Black Lives Matter movement started with a simple love note. It was the night the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/07/13/201918229/judge-to-zimmerman-you-have-no-further-business-with-the-court\">jury acquitted George Zimmerman\u003c/a> of all charges in the 2012 fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin during an altercation in a gated Florida community. Her friend, Alicia Garza, wrote a series of posts on Facebook that were intended to be an open letter to black people:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Where those folks at saying we are in post-racial America? where those folks at saying we have moved past race and that black folks in particular need to get over it? the sad part is, there’s a section of America who is cheering and celebrating right now. and that makes me sick to my stomach. we GOTTA get it together y’all. Our lives are hanging in the balance. Young black boys in this country are not safe. Black men in this country are not safe. This verdict will create many more George Zimmermans.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And also:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>black people. I love you. I love us. Our lives matter.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Cullors says she saw that love note and hash-tagged it. She then “used that hashtag over the next several hours to really just love on black people, and pretty quickly thereafter myself and Alicia spoke and said we need to build this out as a project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cullors, #BlackLivesMatter is an affirmation that embraces the resistance and resilience of black people. It is also a rallying cry to defend black life and create successful black futures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10848115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-800x449.jpg\" alt=\"L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter.\" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10848115\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-400x225.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/patrisse_blm-768x431.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">L to R: Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors co-founded #BlackLivesMatter. \u003ccite>(Photo courtesy of Patrisse Cullors)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A movement began to bubble up, as videos suggesting the use of excessive police force on unarmed black men went viral. There was the death of \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/19/nyregion/staten-island-man-dies-after-he-is-put-in-chokehold-during-arrest.html?_r=0\">Eric Garner\u003c/a> and then the fatal shooting of \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2014/08/10/339334625/st-louis-police-black-teen-shot-in-altercation-with-officers\">Michael Brown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not to mention, the deaths of black women like \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2013/11/11/us/in-detroit-protests-of-shooting-of-woman-who-sought-help.html\">Renisha McBride\u003c/a>, who was shot on the porch of a suburban home when she sought help after she had car trouble, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/07/21/424909760/death-of-woman-found-hanged-in-texas-jail-cell-will-be-investigated-as-murder\">Sandra Bland\u003c/a>, who was found dead in her jail cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly people all over the world were talking about Black Lives Matter and using the hashtag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what about all the other people who face law enforcement violence — who don’t have a video. Where do they turn?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Should Black and Brown Communities Handle Law Enforcement Violence?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Growing up, Cullors says, she witnessed a significant amount of policing and police repression in her Van Nuys neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My brother was almost killed by the Sheriff’s Department when he was 19 years old inside of the L.A. County jails. And my mother had nowhere to go. She called the Sheriff’s Department over and over again and they sent her in circles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This experience is part of the reason why Cullors wants to create a network of rapid responders to help people deal with law enforcement violence. That includes violence at the hand of the police, FBI, ICE officers, California Highway Patrol and correctional officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know what to do if an earthquake happens in California. People know what to do if a tornado happens. But what happens when your loved one is killed by the police? When your loved one is killed in a jail cell?” Cullors says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what to do. We’ve seen it time and time again. Families are at a loss. They don’t know who to talk to, they don’t know who to go to because, you don’t go to your murderer to have them give you justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black and brown communities can’t rely on law enforcement to protect black and brown bodies, says Cullors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If your loved one is harmed or killed by law enforcement, if they’re illegally arrested, if there’s a raid on your home, you will be able to call a hotline number that will be staffed 24/7 that can help you navigate the system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes her idea different is that the rapid responders will be people who live in the community and understand what it’s like to face law enforcement violence firsthand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will be a multiracial justice team. Allies can definitely play a role. But really the point is people who are directly impacted, and that often looks like black and brown people, and poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She imagines the first responders could help victims file a complaint against the police. And if the complaint isn’t getting attention, they could help stage a protest in the neighborhood or organize to demand that the officer is fired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cullors has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/caravan/\">mobilized the teams\u003c/a>. They are all over the state, from Sacramento to Orange County (and in between in Oakland, Stockton, Fresno, Salinas, Los Angeles and San Diego). The next step is to train the teams of rapid responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A Platform to Focus Black Voices\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>She’s also creating a social media platform specific to issues of law enforcement violence and mass incarceration. It will expand the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mobilejusticeca.org/\">Mobile Justice app\u003c/a> that the ACLU and Ella Baker Center created. It allows people to send a recording of questionable police activity directly to the ACLU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"http://www.pewinternet.org/2014/01/06/african-americans-and-technology-use/\">We use Twitter and Facebook\u003c/a> to talk about \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/10/19/is-the-internet-changing-the-way-we-talk-about-race\">our stories\u003c/a>, but we don’t own Twitter or Facebook. We need a social media platform that’s owned by the community, sourced by the community and where we know that if we put up our own images and videos, that we own it. This social media platform can’t bring it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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