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"title": "Breed’s $15.9 Billion SF Budget Plan Adds Money for Police, Other City Workers",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s proposed $15.9 billion budget includes new funding for police and other city workers, alternative revenue sources, and cuts to close what was projected to be a $789 million two-year deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal released Friday comes at a precarious political time for Breed as she fends off challengers in the November election. The election gave city unions leverage to ask for better wages even as revenues continue declining. In December, Breed had asked city departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-budget-deficit-breed-cuts-next-year-18551808.php\">to make 10% cuts\u003c/a> to stave off the budget shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this budget, we made the tough decisions to close our deficit and those are never easy, but we also made the right decision to invest in critical city services our residents expect and deserve,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget spans two years: $15.9 billion for fiscal year 2024–25 and $15.5 billion for fiscal year 2025–26, pending approval by the Board of Supervisors. The board’s Budget and Appropriations Committee will hold hearings to review Breed’s proposal and to hear from community members. The budget deadline is Aug. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the San Francisco Police Department, Breed proposed an increase of 7.75% for entry-level and existing salaries, new incentive packages to entice entry-level and mid-career officers to join amid a staffing shortage, and retention increases for existing officers to stem retirements and transfers. The proposal also includes new funding for SFPD surveillance cameras and related data collection, enacted partly due to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978236/propositions-e-and-f-in-san-francisco-appear-headed-for-victory\">expansion of police surveillance powers\u003c/a> with the passage of Proposition E on the March ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has reached amicable outcomes with most of the city’s 30-plus unions, dodging the potential for messy strikes that would’ve become the focal point of her reelection campaign. The new labor agreements provide wage increases of at least 13% over the next three years, increasing wage funding by $100 million past what the mayor had budgeted for last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paying for those increases was managed through budget maneuvers that may push off steeper cuts to later years. Supervisor Connie Chan, chair of the supervisors’ budget committee, said Breed isn’t spending tax dollars wisely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely concerned by the wasteful spending and inefficiencies we have seen, particularly in the past few months, in our city contract and departmental spending,” Chan wrote in a statement. “My task is clear. We must comb through the Mayor’s proposed budget and advance a budget that prioritizes all San Franciscans — not just the demands of the wealthy few.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='london-breed']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of the funding gap has been closed by various funding source shifts and leveraging “significant one-time revenue sources,” including $51 million from the city’s reserve and $68 million in funds from ballot measures — like the Families First Fund, or Hotel Tax for the Arts Fund — to prevent cutting programs in some departments, according to the mayor’s budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s critics have already seized on her use of short-term funding sources to stave off future budget deficits, including mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie, the Levi Strauss heir and nonprofit CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public safety and public health must be a priority every day, and not just when a conference is in town or during an election year,” Lurie said in a statement. “City hall insiders used one-time funding sources and wasted a decade of boom years. That’s what happens when budgets are designed around political allegiances rather than achieving outcomes for San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has seen its tax revenue plummet as businesses bail from the downtown core driven, in part, by a shift to remote work. The tech sector has abandoned offices quicker than other industries, prompting officials to bemoan the city’s overreliance on tech businesses for its tax base. Inflation-related cost increases and rising health insurance costs also contributed to the shortfall, according to the mayor’s budget proposal. City projections show the deficit growing to more than $1.3 billion in the next five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Underlying trends of slow revenue growth were unchanged” since the deficit was first identified in 2023, the proposal reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, nonprofits across San Francisco have rallied at City Hall’s steps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985465/youth-and-nonprofits-rally-against-cuts-to-sf-family-support-programs\">to demand no cuts to the services they provide\u003c/a> to the LGBTQ community, families, young adults and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joyce Lam, acting co-director of the Chinese Progressive Association, said a preliminary review of the budget shows cuts to some nonprofits providing services to monolingual communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed in how the mayor is framing outreach and education as non-essential; we believe those are actually the lifelines for many of our most vulnerable working families and non-English speaking immigrants to understand their rights and tools to defend themselves,” Lam said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the Board of Supervisors said they hadn’t had enough time to review the mayor’s proposal to ensure that those cuts would indeed take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai, a candidate for mayor, said the mayor’s budget will face a rocky time at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the mayor’s proposed budget is just empty words and numbers—crafted without real collaboration or input from the Board or impacted communities,” he said. “It fails to fully restore crucial cuts to children and family services and harms communities still struggling the most post-COVID by slashing workforce training initiatives. Her budget is out of touch with working families, and there’s no way it will pass as is.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Mayor London Breed’s budget proposal comes as she faces a tough reelection campaign, giving city unions leverage to seek better wages even as the city’s revenues continue to decline. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Mayor London Breed’s proposed $15.9 billion budget includes new funding for police and other city workers, alternative revenue sources, and cuts to close what was projected to be a $789 million two-year deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal released Friday comes at a precarious political time for Breed as she fends off challengers in the November election. The election gave city unions leverage to ask for better wages even as revenues continue declining. In December, Breed had asked city departments \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-budget-deficit-breed-cuts-next-year-18551808.php\">to make 10% cuts\u003c/a> to stave off the budget shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this budget, we made the tough decisions to close our deficit and those are never easy, but we also made the right decision to invest in critical city services our residents expect and deserve,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed budget spans two years: $15.9 billion for fiscal year 2024–25 and $15.5 billion for fiscal year 2025–26, pending approval by the Board of Supervisors. The board’s Budget and Appropriations Committee will hold hearings to review Breed’s proposal and to hear from community members. The budget deadline is Aug. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the San Francisco Police Department, Breed proposed an increase of 7.75% for entry-level and existing salaries, new incentive packages to entice entry-level and mid-career officers to join amid a staffing shortage, and retention increases for existing officers to stem retirements and transfers. The proposal also includes new funding for SFPD surveillance cameras and related data collection, enacted partly due to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11978236/propositions-e-and-f-in-san-francisco-appear-headed-for-victory\">expansion of police surveillance powers\u003c/a> with the passage of Proposition E on the March ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed has reached amicable outcomes with most of the city’s 30-plus unions, dodging the potential for messy strikes that would’ve become the focal point of her reelection campaign. The new labor agreements provide wage increases of at least 13% over the next three years, increasing wage funding by $100 million past what the mayor had budgeted for last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paying for those increases was managed through budget maneuvers that may push off steeper cuts to later years. Supervisor Connie Chan, chair of the supervisors’ budget committee, said Breed isn’t spending tax dollars wisely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am extremely concerned by the wasteful spending and inefficiencies we have seen, particularly in the past few months, in our city contract and departmental spending,” Chan wrote in a statement. “My task is clear. We must comb through the Mayor’s proposed budget and advance a budget that prioritizes all San Franciscans — not just the demands of the wealthy few.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of the funding gap has been closed by various funding source shifts and leveraging “significant one-time revenue sources,” including $51 million from the city’s reserve and $68 million in funds from ballot measures — like the Families First Fund, or Hotel Tax for the Arts Fund — to prevent cutting programs in some departments, according to the mayor’s budget proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s critics have already seized on her use of short-term funding sources to stave off future budget deficits, including mayoral candidate Daniel Lurie, the Levi Strauss heir and nonprofit CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Public safety and public health must be a priority every day, and not just when a conference is in town or during an election year,” Lurie said in a statement. “City hall insiders used one-time funding sources and wasted a decade of boom years. That’s what happens when budgets are designed around political allegiances rather than achieving outcomes for San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has seen its tax revenue plummet as businesses bail from the downtown core driven, in part, by a shift to remote work. The tech sector has abandoned offices quicker than other industries, prompting officials to bemoan the city’s overreliance on tech businesses for its tax base. Inflation-related cost increases and rising health insurance costs also contributed to the shortfall, according to the mayor’s budget proposal. City projections show the deficit growing to more than $1.3 billion in the next five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Underlying trends of slow revenue growth were unchanged” since the deficit was first identified in 2023, the proposal reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, nonprofits across San Francisco have rallied at City Hall’s steps \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985465/youth-and-nonprofits-rally-against-cuts-to-sf-family-support-programs\">to demand no cuts to the services they provide\u003c/a> to the LGBTQ community, families, young adults and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joyce Lam, acting co-director of the Chinese Progressive Association, said a preliminary review of the budget shows cuts to some nonprofits providing services to monolingual communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed in how the mayor is framing outreach and education as non-essential; we believe those are actually the lifelines for many of our most vulnerable working families and non-English speaking immigrants to understand their rights and tools to defend themselves,” Lam said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the Board of Supervisors said they hadn’t had enough time to review the mayor’s proposal to ensure that those cuts would indeed take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai, a candidate for mayor, said the mayor’s budget will face a rocky time at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Much of the mayor’s proposed budget is just empty words and numbers—crafted without real collaboration or input from the Board or impacted communities,” he said. “It fails to fully restore crucial cuts to children and family services and harms communities still struggling the most post-COVID by slashing workforce training initiatives. Her budget is out of touch with working families, and there’s no way it will pass as is.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "alameda-county-sheriffs-office-and-district-attorney-take-to-facebook-to-air-charging-dispute",
"title": "Alameda County Sheriff's Office and District Attorney Take to Facebook to Air Charging Dispute",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 7 p.m. Monday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A heated dispute over the decision by the Alameda County district attorney’s office to forgo criminal charges in a stabbing case has spun out into an unusually public spat between two of the county’s top law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the conflict is a federal parole violation hearing set to be heard Monday morning in San Francisco. The defendant, Hayward resident Robert Barroca, 59, was convicted in 2005 for making methamphetamine and being in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s officials identified Barroca as a suspect in a January stabbing that took place in Hayward’s Meek Estate Park, the sheriff’s department said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=854665116705613&set=a.256424806529650\">a May 30 Facebook post\u003c/a>. An Alameda County Superior Court judge issued an arrest warrant for Barroca, and on May 16, he was arrested by sheriff’s deputies, who presented the case to the district’s attorney’s office for charging, according to the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the DA declined to charge, the sheriff’s office said deputies reported Barroca’s alleged involvement in the stabbing to Barroca’s federal parole agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department’s Facebook post about the case garnered more than a hundred comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price, whose critics have accused her of not pursuing criminal cases aggressively enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time we have pointed out that the DA did not charge something,” a sheriff’s spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/alameda-county-sheriff-seeks-help-from-feds-after-da-declines-to-file-charges/\">told KRON4\u003c/a>. “It’s been more consistent. This is not a war on the DA’s office; this is us being honest with the public, with our community, about what’s happening,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Monday morning, Haaziq Madyun, a spokesperson for the DA’s office, said he couldn’t explain the decision not to charge Barroca because Price, who could provide that information, is away from the office at least through the end of the week, following the recent death of her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The matter was reviewed by a veteran charging deputy attorney, who advised ACSO to present the case to our federal law enforcement partners,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='pamela-price']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although KRON4 reported that Madyun said the DA’s office had reached out to federal authorities, Madyun later told KQED that the statement was incorrect and clarified it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=768694235446601&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> on Friday, Price’s campaign against the recall suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA’s office declined to prosecute but conspicuously left that information out of its Facebook post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign’s post invited Alameda County Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez to call Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A call seems like an appropriate first step from one professional Alameda County law enforcement official to another,” the post said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be fair, if the ACSO wants to make social media posts highlighting when cases are not charged, the community should demand that the ACSO create social media posts every time the DAO does charge on cases presented by the Sheriff’s Office,” the post continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday afternoon, Lt. Tya Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, said the office regularly posts on social media about the outcomes of department investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May, the sheriff’s office posted five times on its Facebook page about arrests, including the post about Barroca. Three mentioned the DA’s office charging the suspect, and the fourth, regarding a series of arrests made during an operation targeting a sideshow, didn’t mention whether charges were brought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the DA brings charges we say that, and when they don’t we say that,” Modeste said, adding that the sheriff’s office never goes into why a case was or was not charged by the DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Barroca’s case, Modeste said the DA declined to bring charges because the victim was not entirely certain Barroca was the person who stabbed them. On a 10-point scale, the victim ranked their certainty at an 8 or 9, according to Modeste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madyun said the dispute, and the comments on the sheriff’s Facebook post, point to a larger issue: Most of the DA’s work happens outside of public view, and when one case gets highlighted, it’s easy for the public to think that case is representative of all of the DA’s work when it might not be, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions to charge or not charge are made everyday by DA’s across the country. Individual cases are not posted on [Facebook] everyday,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County District Attorney’s 2023 annual report, charging rates under Price have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">remained relatively consistent\u003c/a> with those of her predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. The office reports it took action on 11,977 cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A Facebook post by the sheriff’s office about the case garnered more than 100 comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price. Price’s anti-recall campaign suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA declined to prosecute.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 7 p.m. Monday \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A heated dispute over the decision by the Alameda County district attorney’s office to forgo criminal charges in a stabbing case has spun out into an unusually public spat between two of the county’s top law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the conflict is a federal parole violation hearing set to be heard Monday morning in San Francisco. The defendant, Hayward resident Robert Barroca, 59, was convicted in 2005 for making methamphetamine and being in possession of a firearm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alameda County sheriff’s officials identified Barroca as a suspect in a January stabbing that took place in Hayward’s Meek Estate Park, the sheriff’s department said in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=854665116705613&set=a.256424806529650\">a May 30 Facebook post\u003c/a>. An Alameda County Superior Court judge issued an arrest warrant for Barroca, and on May 16, he was arrested by sheriff’s deputies, who presented the case to the district’s attorney’s office for charging, according to the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the DA declined to charge, the sheriff’s office said deputies reported Barroca’s alleged involvement in the stabbing to Barroca’s federal parole agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sheriff’s department’s Facebook post about the case garnered more than a hundred comments, many expressing support for the effort to recall District Attorney Pamela Price, whose critics have accused her of not pursuing criminal cases aggressively enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not the first time we have pointed out that the DA did not charge something,” a sheriff’s spokesperson \u003ca href=\"https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/alameda-county-sheriff-seeks-help-from-feds-after-da-declines-to-file-charges/\">told KRON4\u003c/a>. “It’s been more consistent. This is not a war on the DA’s office; this is us being honest with the public, with our community, about what’s happening,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Monday morning, Haaziq Madyun, a spokesperson for the DA’s office, said he couldn’t explain the decision not to charge Barroca because Price, who could provide that information, is away from the office at least through the end of the week, following the recent death of her mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The matter was reviewed by a veteran charging deputy attorney, who advised ACSO to present the case to our federal law enforcement partners,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although KRON4 reported that Madyun said the DA’s office had reached out to federal authorities, Madyun later told KQED that the statement was incorrect and clarified it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=768694235446601&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> on Friday, Price’s campaign against the recall suggested the sheriff’s office knew why the DA’s office declined to prosecute but conspicuously left that information out of its Facebook post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign’s post invited Alameda County Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez to call Price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A call seems like an appropriate first step from one professional Alameda County law enforcement official to another,” the post said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To be fair, if the ACSO wants to make social media posts highlighting when cases are not charged, the community should demand that the ACSO create social media posts every time the DAO does charge on cases presented by the Sheriff’s Office,” the post continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday afternoon, Lt. Tya Modeste, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office, said the office regularly posts on social media about the outcomes of department investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During May, the sheriff’s office posted five times on its Facebook page about arrests, including the post about Barroca. Three mentioned the DA’s office charging the suspect, and the fourth, regarding a series of arrests made during an operation targeting a sideshow, didn’t mention whether charges were brought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the DA brings charges we say that, and when they don’t we say that,” Modeste said, adding that the sheriff’s office never goes into why a case was or was not charged by the DA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Barroca’s case, Modeste said the DA declined to bring charges because the victim was not entirely certain Barroca was the person who stabbed them. On a 10-point scale, the victim ranked their certainty at an 8 or 9, according to Modeste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madyun said the dispute, and the comments on the sheriff’s Facebook post, point to a larger issue: Most of the DA’s work happens outside of public view, and when one case gets highlighted, it’s easy for the public to think that case is representative of all of the DA’s work when it might not be, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Decisions to charge or not charge are made everyday by DA’s across the country. Individual cases are not posted on [Facebook] everyday,” he wrote in a text message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Alameda County District Attorney’s 2023 annual report, charging rates under Price have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">remained relatively consistent\u003c/a> with those of her predecessor, Nancy O’Malley. The office reports it took action on 11,977 cases last year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price is suing several related home insurance companies, alleging they rely on an algorithm that systemically undervalues the homes they insure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint — filed in Alameda County Superior Court last month — said the Farmers Insurance Group uses a third-party software that generates the replacement value of homes using generalized information about the properties, like their zip code, rather than gathering individualized data. As a result, customers may end up underinsured and unable to rebuild.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insurance companies have a duty of good faith and fair dealing, and that includes providing accurate replacement costs, estimates for insured property, and charging premiums that actually reflect the value of what the homeowner is entitled to receive,” Price said at a press conference on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants include the Farmers Group Inc., Fire Underwriters Association and Mid-Century Insurance Company Co., which cover approximately 15% of the state’s home insurance market, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Farmers Insurance Group said the allegations in the complaint are incorrect. “We do not seek to provide low replacement cost estimates. We intend to discuss this with the DA’s office,” said Luis Sahagun, a spokesperson for Farmers Insurance.[aside postID=news_11986400 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/DSC06373-1020x682.jpg']Deputy District Attorney Alexandra Grayner, one of the attorneys on the case, said the rising rate of natural disasters in the state caused by climate change — and the subsequent influx of insurance claims — brought the issue to the attention of the office’s Consumer Justice Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit comes on the heels of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/pamela-price-vehicle-insurance-19453912.php\">another suit\u003c/a> from the office that makes similar allegations against auto insurers, including Progressive and the United Services Automobile Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that the insurance industry — whether it’s auto or homeowners — their primary focus is to make money at the expense of homeowners and to pay out as little compensation as they can,” Price said. “Until district attorneys and other law enforcement agencies take affirmative action to address the way in which consumers are being treated by insurance companies, we will continue to have problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992401/homeowners-insurance-market-stretched-even-thinner-as-2-more-companies-leave-california\">some insurance companies choose not to offer homeowners insurance\u003c/a> at all, and climate change increases the likelihood that homes will be damaged or destroyed in natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly don’t want to encourage anyone to leave the state of California,” Price said. “But we absolutely have a duty to protect our residents, and we do not want insurance companies in California who essentially are not willing to comply with the law or who engage in fraudulent practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA is seeking damages for Alameda County residents and injunctive relief that would require the companies to change how they calculate and communicate the value of the homes they insure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price is suing several related home insurance companies, alleging they rely on an algorithm that systemically undervalues the homes they insure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint — filed in Alameda County Superior Court last month — said the Farmers Insurance Group uses a third-party software that generates the replacement value of homes using generalized information about the properties, like their zip code, rather than gathering individualized data. As a result, customers may end up underinsured and unable to rebuild.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Insurance companies have a duty of good faith and fair dealing, and that includes providing accurate replacement costs, estimates for insured property, and charging premiums that actually reflect the value of what the homeowner is entitled to receive,” Price said at a press conference on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants include the Farmers Group Inc., Fire Underwriters Association and Mid-Century Insurance Company Co., which cover approximately 15% of the state’s home insurance market, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Farmers Insurance Group said the allegations in the complaint are incorrect. “We do not seek to provide low replacement cost estimates. We intend to discuss this with the DA’s office,” said Luis Sahagun, a spokesperson for Farmers Insurance.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Deputy District Attorney Alexandra Grayner, one of the attorneys on the case, said the rising rate of natural disasters in the state caused by climate change — and the subsequent influx of insurance claims — brought the issue to the attention of the office’s Consumer Justice Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit comes on the heels of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/pamela-price-vehicle-insurance-19453912.php\">another suit\u003c/a> from the office that makes similar allegations against auto insurers, including Progressive and the United Services Automobile Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that the insurance industry — whether it’s auto or homeowners — their primary focus is to make money at the expense of homeowners and to pay out as little compensation as they can,” Price said. “Until district attorneys and other law enforcement agencies take affirmative action to address the way in which consumers are being treated by insurance companies, we will continue to have problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992401/homeowners-insurance-market-stretched-even-thinner-as-2-more-companies-leave-california\">some insurance companies choose not to offer homeowners insurance\u003c/a> at all, and climate change increases the likelihood that homes will be damaged or destroyed in natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly don’t want to encourage anyone to leave the state of California,” Price said. “But we absolutely have a duty to protect our residents, and we do not want insurance companies in California who essentially are not willing to comply with the law or who engage in fraudulent practices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA is seeking damages for Alameda County residents and injunctive relief that would require the companies to change how they calculate and communicate the value of the homes they insure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "tough-on-crime-ballot-measure-claims-to-tackle-housing-crisis-experts-doubtful",
"title": "Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful",
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"content": "\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='housing']“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.[aside postID=news_11986380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-15-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.[aside postID=news_11986281 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/ALAS_1_WEB-KQED-1020x675.jpg']Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?",
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"title": "Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful | KQED",
"description": "Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Says California Water Tunnel Will Cost $20 Billion. Officials and Experts Say It's Worth It",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says Thursday it will now cost more than $20 billion to build a giant tunnel to catch more water when it rains and store it to better prepare for longer droughts caused by climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators have been trying to build some version of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-water-tunnel-gavin-newsom-7948a83b9db5e6cdaebede07ca456316\">a water tunnel system\u003c/a> for decades. The latest form championed by the Democratic governor is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sacramento-jerry-brown-trending-news-82c1f2b378ef01793dc69fb3140cf294\">a single giant tunnel\u003c/a>, down from two tunnels proposed by his predecessor, Jerry Brown. Newsom’s administration says the state can capture more water from the Sacramento River during major storms and send it south for storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last cost estimate, from 2020, put the price tag for a single tunnel project at $16 billion. The new analysis says the tunnel will cost $20.1 billion, an increase they attribute almost entirely to inflation, which soared after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project would be paid for by 29 local public water agencies, which get their money from customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis, conducted by the Berkeley Research Group but paid for by the state, says the tunnel would yield $38 billion in benefits, mostly because of an increased water supply that would be better protected from natural disasters like earthquakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The benefits clearly justify the costs,” says David Sunding, emeritus professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who led the analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rosy outlook, the tunnel remains one of the most controversial projects in recent memory. Environmental groups say its construction would have devastating impacts on the already vanishing ecosystem of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta, the largest estuary on the West Coast that is home to endangered species of salmon and other fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday notes the environmental impacts, which include lost agricultural land, reduced water quality in the Delta, and impacts on air quality, transportation and noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of foisting the costs of this boondoggle project onto Californians, the state should invest in sustainable water solutions that promise to restore the Delta ecosystem, not destroy it,” says Barbara Barrigan-Parrilla, executive director of the environmental advocacy group Restore the Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials note the project now includes $200 million for grants to fund local projects in areas impacted by construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond environmental concerns, the project has become a political landmine throughout the Central Valley’s farming communities, where it is seen as yet another attempt by Southern California to steal their water. While most of California’s population lives in the southern part of the state, most of the state’s water comes from the north. In the state Legislature, lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-delta-water-tunnel-newsom-bc1fb2a61ebb8b2bcb077312c69b3fd1\">blocked any effort\u003c/a> to benefit or speed up the tunnel’s construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new analysis acknowledges what we’ve known all along: the Delta Tunnel is meant to benefit Beverly Hills and leave Delta communities out to dry,” says U.S. Rep. Josh Harder, a Democrat whose district includes the Central Valley communities like Stockton, Lodi and Galt. “I’m sick and tired of politicians in Sacramento ignoring our Valley voices, and I will do everything in my power to stop them from stealing our water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tunnel would be part of the State Water Project — a complex system of reservoirs, dams and canals that provides water to 27 million people while irrigating 750,000 acres of farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969648,science_1992194,news_11981787\"]Climate change is threatening that supply. A recent drought saw the three driest years on record, which dropped reservoirs around the state to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-droughts-government-and-politics-science-business-76709d5854394905e0f46880ed6dab9c\">dangerously low levels\u003c/a> and prompted mandatory rationing and even caused some hydroelectric power plants to shut down. State officials predict that by 2070, State Water Project deliveries will decline by 22% because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed tunnel would be about 45 miles long and 36 feet wide or large enough to carry more than 161 million gallons of water per hour. State officials say this tunnel would let the state capture more water when hit by “atmospheric rivers” — large storms that can drench the state for weeks during the rainy season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday says the tunnel would increase water deliveries by about 17%, nearly accounting for the anticipated decline because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a very real cost to do nothing. It is vastly more efficient and economical to avoid declining supplies,” says Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources. “Water shortages, mandatory restrictions, land fallowing and job loss all impact our state and local economies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration says Thursday it will now cost more than $20 billion to build a giant tunnel to catch more water when it rains and store it to better prepare for longer droughts caused by climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators have been trying to build some version of \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-water-tunnel-gavin-newsom-7948a83b9db5e6cdaebede07ca456316\">a water tunnel system\u003c/a> for decades. The latest form championed by the Democratic governor is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-sacramento-jerry-brown-trending-news-82c1f2b378ef01793dc69fb3140cf294\">a single giant tunnel\u003c/a>, down from two tunnels proposed by his predecessor, Jerry Brown. Newsom’s administration says the state can capture more water from the Sacramento River during major storms and send it south for storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last cost estimate, from 2020, put the price tag for a single tunnel project at $16 billion. The new analysis says the tunnel will cost $20.1 billion, an increase they attribute almost entirely to inflation, which soared after the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project would be paid for by 29 local public water agencies, which get their money from customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis, conducted by the Berkeley Research Group but paid for by the state, says the tunnel would yield $38 billion in benefits, mostly because of an increased water supply that would be better protected from natural disasters like earthquakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The benefits clearly justify the costs,” says David Sunding, emeritus professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who led the analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rosy outlook, the tunnel remains one of the most controversial projects in recent memory. Environmental groups say its construction would have devastating impacts on the already vanishing ecosystem of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta, the largest estuary on the West Coast that is home to endangered species of salmon and other fish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday notes the environmental impacts, which include lost agricultural land, reduced water quality in the Delta, and impacts on air quality, transportation and noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of foisting the costs of this boondoggle project onto Californians, the state should invest in sustainable water solutions that promise to restore the Delta ecosystem, not destroy it,” says Barbara Barrigan-Parrilla, executive director of the environmental advocacy group Restore the Delta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials note the project now includes $200 million for grants to fund local projects in areas impacted by construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond environmental concerns, the project has become a political landmine throughout the Central Valley’s farming communities, where it is seen as yet another attempt by Southern California to steal their water. While most of California’s population lives in the southern part of the state, most of the state’s water comes from the north. In the state Legislature, lawmakers have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-budget-delta-water-tunnel-newsom-bc1fb2a61ebb8b2bcb077312c69b3fd1\">blocked any effort\u003c/a> to benefit or speed up the tunnel’s construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This new analysis acknowledges what we’ve known all along: the Delta Tunnel is meant to benefit Beverly Hills and leave Delta communities out to dry,” says U.S. Rep. Josh Harder, a Democrat whose district includes the Central Valley communities like Stockton, Lodi and Galt. “I’m sick and tired of politicians in Sacramento ignoring our Valley voices, and I will do everything in my power to stop them from stealing our water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tunnel would be part of the State Water Project — a complex system of reservoirs, dams and canals that provides water to 27 million people while irrigating 750,000 acres of farmland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Climate change is threatening that supply. A recent drought saw the three driest years on record, which dropped reservoirs around the state to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-droughts-government-and-politics-science-business-76709d5854394905e0f46880ed6dab9c\">dangerously low levels\u003c/a> and prompted mandatory rationing and even caused some hydroelectric power plants to shut down. State officials predict that by 2070, State Water Project deliveries will decline by 22% because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed tunnel would be about 45 miles long and 36 feet wide or large enough to carry more than 161 million gallons of water per hour. State officials say this tunnel would let the state capture more water when hit by “atmospheric rivers” — large storms that can drench the state for weeks during the rainy season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis released Thursday says the tunnel would increase water deliveries by about 17%, nearly accounting for the anticipated decline because of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a very real cost to do nothing. It is vastly more efficient and economical to avoid declining supplies,” says Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources. “Water shortages, mandatory restrictions, land fallowing and job loss all impact our state and local economies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie",
"title": "Evan Low Advances in Silicon Valley Congressional Race, After Recount Breaks Historic Tie",
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"headTitle": "Evan Low Advances in Silicon Valley Congressional Race, After Recount Breaks Historic Tie | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Assemblymember Evan Low claimed second place in the primary election for California’s 16th Congressional District on Wednesday by five votes after the completion of a recount that broke a historic tie between him and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low (D-Campbell) will now face fellow Democrat Sam Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, in the November general election to fill the seat long held by Rep. Anna Eshoo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">who is not running for \u003c/a>another term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My team and I knew that succeeding the esteemed Anna Eshoo would be challenging, so we see a race ending in a tie followed by a recount as character building for your next representative in Congress,” Low wrote on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result brings to a close a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982090/unpredictable-race-for-silicon-valley-congressional-seat-after-unprecedented-tie\"> nail-biting primary\u003c/a> replete with political intrigue, legal quandaries and a 13-day recount in parts of Santa Clara and San Mateo counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simitian, whose run for Congress came after stints representing the South Bay at the county and state level, said in a statement that he was “disappointed, but not sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed on a personal level because I had looked forward to running in November and serving in Congress. I’m disappointed because I couldn’t deliver a win for the oh-so-many folks who gave their time, effort, energy and resources to our campaign,” Simitian said. “And frankly, I’m disappointed because I won’t have the opportunity to bring a fresh take to our nation’s capital— where we urgently need a renewed sense of purpose and a commitment to maintaining and sustaining our democracy.”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"evan-low,joe-simitian\"]The recount was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">requested last month\u003c/a> by Jonathan Padilla, a tech entrepreneur and former Liccardo campaign staffer, who donated $1,000 to Liccardo’s congressional campaign in December. Those ties led to criticisms from Low and his allies that Liccardo and his supporters were orchestrating the recount to narrow the field to two candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said his efforts, which included helping to start a political committee to raise money for the recount’s costs, were intended to both ensure a proper count and to prevent a three-way general election in which a candidate could claim the seat with less than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not spoken to Mr. Liccardo about this. I have not spoken to anybody in the campaign about this,” Padilla told KQED early in the recount. “I’ve had no meaningful contact with anybody in the Liccardo campaign since I made my donation at the end of December.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The independent expenditure committee that Padilla helped create, called Count the Vote, paid over $300,000 for a machine recount in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties, as California does not have a law to trigger an automatic government-funded recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla requested the recount on behalf of Low, even though the candidate said he opposed the effort. Lawyers for California’s Secretary of State’s office ruled last week that Padilla could not recoup his costs even if Low finished ahead of Simitian because Low would already be heading to the general election by virtue of the tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of lawyers with the Santa Clara County Government Attorneys Association filed a complaint with the Federal Elections Commission last week, arguing that recount backers coordinated their efforts with Liccardo without disclosing their activities as in-kind contributions to Liccardo’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount committee has until July 15 to report its donors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/6/EMG_chapt_15_august_26_2010.pdf\">per federal guidelines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s campaign has denied any involvement in the recount. On Tuesday, Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/opinion/sam-liccardo-its-the-counting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote in an op-ed in San Jose Inside, \u003c/a>“Neither I nor anyone in my campaign has communicated with Padilla or his donors about the recount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that Padilla is a supporter of mine is not remarkable; every independent expenditure committee in history has been created by a candidate’s supporter,” Liccardo added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo commended election officials on Wednesday for working to ensure an accurate result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982871/evan-low-joe-simitian-recount-16th-congressional-district\"> began the process\u003c/a> of recounting ballots earlier this month, which involved running them back through counting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla’s lawyers also challenged a number of ballots that were left out of the initial count after being deemed ineligible by election officials. These included ballots received without a postmark date and others that were cast by individuals who registered to vote on the same day they cast a ballot — and who did not check a box attesting to their U.S. citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 45 uncounted ballots that were challenged in Santa Clara County, seven were ultimately included in the recount. Additionally, 19 ballots that the registrar said it had “not tallied due to human errors by the tabulation machine operators” were included in the final count, while three ballots mistakenly counted twice were removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, 28 ballots were challenged, 16 of which were challenged because of their postmark date and when they actually arrived at the elections office. Seven of those ballots ultimately added to the tally, giving Low one additional vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Low narrowly pulled ahead of Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian — by five votes — and will face fellow Democrat Sam Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, in the November general election.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Assemblymember Evan Low claimed second place in the primary election for California’s 16th Congressional District on Wednesday by five votes after the completion of a recount that broke a historic tie between him and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low (D-Campbell) will now face fellow Democrat Sam Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, in the November general election to fill the seat long held by Rep. Anna Eshoo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">who is not running for \u003c/a>another term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My team and I knew that succeeding the esteemed Anna Eshoo would be challenging, so we see a race ending in a tie followed by a recount as character building for your next representative in Congress,” Low wrote on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result brings to a close a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982090/unpredictable-race-for-silicon-valley-congressional-seat-after-unprecedented-tie\"> nail-biting primary\u003c/a> replete with political intrigue, legal quandaries and a 13-day recount in parts of Santa Clara and San Mateo counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simitian, whose run for Congress came after stints representing the South Bay at the county and state level, said in a statement that he was “disappointed, but not sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed on a personal level because I had looked forward to running in November and serving in Congress. I’m disappointed because I couldn’t deliver a win for the oh-so-many folks who gave their time, effort, energy and resources to our campaign,” Simitian said. “And frankly, I’m disappointed because I won’t have the opportunity to bring a fresh take to our nation’s capital— where we urgently need a renewed sense of purpose and a commitment to maintaining and sustaining our democracy.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The recount was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">requested last month\u003c/a> by Jonathan Padilla, a tech entrepreneur and former Liccardo campaign staffer, who donated $1,000 to Liccardo’s congressional campaign in December. Those ties led to criticisms from Low and his allies that Liccardo and his supporters were orchestrating the recount to narrow the field to two candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said his efforts, which included helping to start a political committee to raise money for the recount’s costs, were intended to both ensure a proper count and to prevent a three-way general election in which a candidate could claim the seat with less than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not spoken to Mr. Liccardo about this. I have not spoken to anybody in the campaign about this,” Padilla told KQED early in the recount. “I’ve had no meaningful contact with anybody in the Liccardo campaign since I made my donation at the end of December.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The independent expenditure committee that Padilla helped create, called Count the Vote, paid over $300,000 for a machine recount in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties, as California does not have a law to trigger an automatic government-funded recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla requested the recount on behalf of Low, even though the candidate said he opposed the effort. Lawyers for California’s Secretary of State’s office ruled last week that Padilla could not recoup his costs even if Low finished ahead of Simitian because Low would already be heading to the general election by virtue of the tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of lawyers with the Santa Clara County Government Attorneys Association filed a complaint with the Federal Elections Commission last week, arguing that recount backers coordinated their efforts with Liccardo without disclosing their activities as in-kind contributions to Liccardo’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount committee has until July 15 to report its donors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/6/EMG_chapt_15_august_26_2010.pdf\">per federal guidelines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s campaign has denied any involvement in the recount. On Tuesday, Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/opinion/sam-liccardo-its-the-counting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote in an op-ed in San Jose Inside, \u003c/a>“Neither I nor anyone in my campaign has communicated with Padilla or his donors about the recount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that Padilla is a supporter of mine is not remarkable; every independent expenditure committee in history has been created by a candidate’s supporter,” Liccardo added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo commended election officials on Wednesday for working to ensure an accurate result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982871/evan-low-joe-simitian-recount-16th-congressional-district\"> began the process\u003c/a> of recounting ballots earlier this month, which involved running them back through counting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla’s lawyers also challenged a number of ballots that were left out of the initial count after being deemed ineligible by election officials. These included ballots received without a postmark date and others that were cast by individuals who registered to vote on the same day they cast a ballot — and who did not check a box attesting to their U.S. citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 45 uncounted ballots that were challenged in Santa Clara County, seven were ultimately included in the recount. Additionally, 19 ballots that the registrar said it had “not tallied due to human errors by the tabulation machine operators” were included in the final count, while three ballots mistakenly counted twice were removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, 28 ballots were challenged, 16 of which were challenged because of their postmark date and when they actually arrived at the elections office. Seven of those ballots ultimately added to the tally, giving Low one additional vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "As Border Debate Shifts Right, Sen. Alex Padilla Emerges as Persistent Counterforce for Immigrants",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden had a question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it true?” Biden asked Sen. Alex Padilla, referencing the roughly 25% of U.S. students in kindergarten through high school who are Latino. Padilla said the question came as he was waiting with the president in a back room at a library in Culver City, California before an event in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was exactly the kind of opening Padilla was hoping to get with the Democratic president. Biden was weighing his reelection campaign, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-border-donald-trump-f0ca943f0f148e165bc6e8ebfd149f14\">executive actions on immigration\u003c/a> and what to do about a southern border that has been marked by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-border-crossings-mexico-biden-18ac91ef502e0c5433f74de6cc629b32\">historic numbers of illegal crossings\u003c/a> during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla wanted to make sure Biden also took into account the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-jobs-economy-wages-gdp-trump-biden-fbd1f2ec89e84fdfaf81d005054edad0\">potential of the country’s immigrants\u003c/a>. “Mr. President, do you know what I call them, those students?” Padilla recalled saying. “It’s the workforce of tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was just one of the many times Padilla, who at 52 years old is now the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-alex-padilla-60caab4661f65771f8fa21a585de2638\">senior senator of California\u003c/a>, has taken the opportunity — from face-to-face moments with the president to regular calls with top White House staff and sometimes outspoken criticism — to put his stamp on the Democratic Party’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The son of Mexican immigrants and the first Latino to represent his state in the Senate, Padilla has emerged as a persistent force at a time when Democrats are increasingly focused on border security and the country’s posture toward immigrants is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal immigration is seen as a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-border-security-democrats-ca10e37c4f961700cdd1645e09422ac0\">growing political crisis for Democrats\u003c/a> after authorities both at the border and in cities nationwide have struggled to handle recent surges. The party may also be losing favor with Hispanic voters amid disenchantment with Biden. But Padilla, in a series of interviews with The Associated Press, expressed a deep reserve of optimism about his party’s ability to win support both from and for immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t be afraid, don’t be reluctant to talk about immigration. Lean into it,” Padilla said. “Because number one, it’s the morally right thing to do. Number two, it is key to the strength, the security and the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator has tried to anchor his fellow Democrats to that stance even as the politics of immigration grow increasingly toxic. Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, has said immigrants who enter the U.S. illegally are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/border-immigration-trump-biden-rhetoric-2024-election-327c08045edcc200f850d893de6a79d6\">“poisoning the blood” of the country\u003c/a> and accused Biden of allowing a “bloodbath” at the southern border. Biden, meanwhile, has \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-asylum-border-congress-7507034034ba49a8f170777600cad46e\">shifted to the right\u003c/a> at times in both the policies and language he is willing to use as illegal border crossings become a vulnerability for his reelection bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such was the case when Biden, during his State of the Union address, entered into an unscripted exchange with Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican of Georgia, and referred to a Venezuelan man accused of killing a nursing student in Georgia as an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/illegal-biden-backlash-laken-riley-41819b01c3942435f0f862789cd1d0f0#:~:text=Politics-,Biden's%20reference%20to%20'an%20illegal'%20rankles%20some%20Democrats%20who%20argue,he's%20still%20preferable%20to%20Trump&text=MIAMI%20(AP)%20%E2%80%94%20President%20Joe,State%20of%20the%20Union%20speech.\">“illegal” — a term anathema to immigration rights advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the speech, Padilla discussed the moment with Rep. Tony Cárdenas in the apartment they share in Washington. Cárdenas said their conversation turned to how they wanted politicians to avoid labeling migrants as “illegals” because it deprived them of dignity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla told him he would call the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the kind of person who steps in and steps up, and, you know, he’s tactical about it,” Cárdenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a difficult role to play, especially as Democrats try to shore up what’s seen as a weakness on border security in the battleground states that will determine control of the White House and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in California, Republicans have been emboldened on immigration as they try to reassert statewide relevance, said Mark Meuser, a lawyer who lost elections against Padilla for the Senate in 2022 and California Secretary of State in 2018. He argued top California Democrats like Padilla “are driving hard towards the extreme edges of their party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla has urged the president and fellow Democrats to hold firm to the position that border enforcement measures be paired with reforms for immigrants who are already in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Senate negotiations earlier this year over border policy, Padilla asserted himself as the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/senate-border-immigration-biden-66531bcefb908d5440a52b54c543b006\">leader of congressional opposition\u003c/a> from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla, along with four other Democratic-aligned senators, eventually \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-ukraine-aid-border-security-386dcc54b29a5491f8bd87b727a284f8\">voted against advancing the package\u003c/a>, ensuring its failure as Republicans also rejected it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is a lone voice but it is a courageous voice in the Senate,” said Vanessa Cardenas, who leads the immigration advocacy organization America’s Voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been a quick ascent for Padilla, who is just beginning his fourth year in Congress. Yet for Padilla, it’s the very reason he entered politics in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11979131,news_11970221,news_11982020\"]When he graduated in 1994 with an engineering degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, it was a dream fulfilled for his parents — his father a short order cook and his mother a house cleaner. But he was soon drawn into politics as the state’s attention turned to Proposition 187, a 1994 ballot measure that was approved to deny education, health care and other non-emergency services to immigrants who entered the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was branded by supporters as the Save Our State Initiative. Padilla still remembers the ads for the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to blame a downward economy on the hardest working people that I know was offensive and an outrage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now he sees parallels between California in the 1990s, which approved the ballot measure but then had it invalidated in federal court, and the wider country today: changing demographics, economic uncertainty and political opportunists “scapegoating” immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet it also spurred the state’s Latinos to get involved politically. To Padilla, it’s no coincidence that California, the state with the most immigrants, now boasts the nation’s largest economy and is a stronghold for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Joe Biden had a question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is it true?” Biden asked Sen. Alex Padilla, referencing the roughly 25% of U.S. students in kindergarten through high school who are Latino. Padilla said the question came as he was waiting with the president in a back room at a library in Culver City, California before an event in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was exactly the kind of opening Padilla was hoping to get with the Democratic president. Biden was weighing his reelection campaign, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-border-donald-trump-f0ca943f0f148e165bc6e8ebfd149f14\">executive actions on immigration\u003c/a> and what to do about a southern border that has been marked by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-border-crossings-mexico-biden-18ac91ef502e0c5433f74de6cc629b32\">historic numbers of illegal crossings\u003c/a> during his tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla wanted to make sure Biden also took into account the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/immigration-jobs-economy-wages-gdp-trump-biden-fbd1f2ec89e84fdfaf81d005054edad0\">potential of the country’s immigrants\u003c/a>. “Mr. President, do you know what I call them, those students?” Padilla recalled saying. “It’s the workforce of tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was just one of the many times Padilla, who at 52 years old is now the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-california-kamala-harris-gavin-newsom-alex-padilla-60caab4661f65771f8fa21a585de2638\">senior senator of California\u003c/a>, has taken the opportunity — from face-to-face moments with the president to regular calls with top White House staff and sometimes outspoken criticism — to put his stamp on the Democratic Party’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The son of Mexican immigrants and the first Latino to represent his state in the Senate, Padilla has emerged as a persistent force at a time when Democrats are increasingly focused on border security and the country’s posture toward immigrants is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illegal immigration is seen as a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-border-security-democrats-ca10e37c4f961700cdd1645e09422ac0\">growing political crisis for Democrats\u003c/a> after authorities both at the border and in cities nationwide have struggled to handle recent surges. The party may also be losing favor with Hispanic voters amid disenchantment with Biden. But Padilla, in a series of interviews with The Associated Press, expressed a deep reserve of optimism about his party’s ability to win support both from and for immigrant communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Don’t be afraid, don’t be reluctant to talk about immigration. Lean into it,” Padilla said. “Because number one, it’s the morally right thing to do. Number two, it is key to the strength, the security and the future of our country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator has tried to anchor his fellow Democrats to that stance even as the politics of immigration grow increasingly toxic. Donald Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, has said immigrants who enter the U.S. illegally are \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/border-immigration-trump-biden-rhetoric-2024-election-327c08045edcc200f850d893de6a79d6\">“poisoning the blood” of the country\u003c/a> and accused Biden of allowing a “bloodbath” at the southern border. Biden, meanwhile, has \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/joe-biden-immigration-asylum-border-congress-7507034034ba49a8f170777600cad46e\">shifted to the right\u003c/a> at times in both the policies and language he is willing to use as illegal border crossings become a vulnerability for his reelection bid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such was the case when Biden, during his State of the Union address, entered into an unscripted exchange with Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, a Republican of Georgia, and referred to a Venezuelan man accused of killing a nursing student in Georgia as an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/illegal-biden-backlash-laken-riley-41819b01c3942435f0f862789cd1d0f0#:~:text=Politics-,Biden's%20reference%20to%20'an%20illegal'%20rankles%20some%20Democrats%20who%20argue,he's%20still%20preferable%20to%20Trump&text=MIAMI%20(AP)%20%E2%80%94%20President%20Joe,State%20of%20the%20Union%20speech.\">“illegal” — a term anathema to immigration rights advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the speech, Padilla discussed the moment with Rep. Tony Cárdenas in the apartment they share in Washington. Cárdenas said their conversation turned to how they wanted politicians to avoid labeling migrants as “illegals” because it deprived them of dignity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla told him he would call the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the kind of person who steps in and steps up, and, you know, he’s tactical about it,” Cárdenas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a difficult role to play, especially as Democrats try to shore up what’s seen as a weakness on border security in the battleground states that will determine control of the White House and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in California, Republicans have been emboldened on immigration as they try to reassert statewide relevance, said Mark Meuser, a lawyer who lost elections against Padilla for the Senate in 2022 and California Secretary of State in 2018. He argued top California Democrats like Padilla “are driving hard towards the extreme edges of their party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla has urged the president and fellow Democrats to hold firm to the position that border enforcement measures be paired with reforms for immigrants who are already in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Senate negotiations earlier this year over border policy, Padilla asserted himself as the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/senate-border-immigration-biden-66531bcefb908d5440a52b54c543b006\">leader of congressional opposition\u003c/a> from the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla, along with four other Democratic-aligned senators, eventually \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/congress-ukraine-aid-border-security-386dcc54b29a5491f8bd87b727a284f8\">voted against advancing the package\u003c/a>, ensuring its failure as Republicans also rejected it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is a lone voice but it is a courageous voice in the Senate,” said Vanessa Cardenas, who leads the immigration advocacy organization America’s Voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been a quick ascent for Padilla, who is just beginning his fourth year in Congress. Yet for Padilla, it’s the very reason he entered politics in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When he graduated in 1994 with an engineering degree from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, it was a dream fulfilled for his parents — his father a short order cook and his mother a house cleaner. But he was soon drawn into politics as the state’s attention turned to Proposition 187, a 1994 ballot measure that was approved to deny education, health care and other non-emergency services to immigrants who entered the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was branded by supporters as the Save Our State Initiative. Padilla still remembers the ads for the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to blame a downward economy on the hardest working people that I know was offensive and an outrage,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now he sees parallels between California in the 1990s, which approved the ballot measure but then had it invalidated in federal court, and the wider country today: changing demographics, economic uncertainty and political opportunists “scapegoating” immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet it also spurred the state’s Latinos to get involved politically. To Padilla, it’s no coincidence that California, the state with the most immigrants, now boasts the nation’s largest economy and is a stronghold for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Silicon Valley Readies for Low-Simitian House Race Recount — but How Does It Work?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A closely watched congressional race in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties has already seen weeks of deadlocked ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981809/in-extraordinary-tie-evan-low-and-joe-simitian-both-advance-in-race-for-silicon-valley-house-seat\">there was a historically tied finish\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, this race is taking yet another wild twist: On Monday, election officials started the process of recounting ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new count could break the precarious tie for second place between Assemblymember Evan Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian, who finished behind fellow Democrat Sam Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, in the March primary. If \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982090/unpredictable-race-for-silicon-valley-congressional-seat-after-unprecedented-tie\">the results stand, all three candidates will advance\u003c/a> to the general election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981809 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240403-Low-Simitian-MD-02-1020x680.jpg']The recount has been accompanied by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">political mystery, clashes between the campaigns and their allies\u003c/a> and a whole host of procedural questions. Here’s what we know about how the recount in the 16th Congressional District will work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#lowsimitianrecountrequest\">Who can request an electoral recount?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#lowsimitianrecountcost\">How much will this recount cost and where is the money coming from?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Why is this recount happening?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Unlike \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/election-recounts\">roughly two dozen states\u003c/a>, California does not have a law triggering recounts in close races for federal or state offices. Santa Clara has an automatic recount law on the books, but it only applies to local races, not a federal contest like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, recounts are triggered by a request from a voter in the district. Two voters, Dan Stegink and Jonathan Padilla, asked for this recount — but Stegink ultimately withdrew his request, and only Padilla put down the necessary deposit to fund the process (more on that later).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla previously worked for Liccardo and has supported his campaign, leading to criticisms that his pursuit of a new count was motivated by a desire to narrow the field of candidates to advantage Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three campaigns said they have no involvement in the recount requests. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">Read more about the backstory of this recount.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"lowsimitianrecountrequest\">\u003c/a>Under what circumstances is a recount allowed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Any voter can request a recount — for any office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For statewide offices (such as attorney general or insurance commissioner) or statewide ballot measures where the margin between candidates is within 1,000 votes or 0.00015%, the governor can order a state-funded, manual recount of every vote cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How long will the recount take? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The recount will only cover votes in the 16th Congressional District, which includes Palo Alto, Mountain View, and parts of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount could be completed within five days, according to Michael Borja, associate communications officer at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The very first action item would be to retrieve the ballots from storage and retrieve the complete precincts that are requested,” Borja said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11982501 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240303-Liccardo-HQ-KSM-1_qut-1020x680.jpg']On Monday, Santa Clara County election workers began retrieving the ballots for precincts within the 16th Congressional District. That initial processing will take at least a day, with the counting likely beginning in earnest on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount process was set to begin parallel in San Mateo County, but as of Monday morning, election officials said no payment had been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"lowsimitianrecountcost\">\u003c/a>How much will the recount cost?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County officials estimate a daily cost of $16,800 for this machine recount, leading to an estimated total cost of $84,200 to count every relevant ballot in the county. In San Mateo, officials pegged the cost of a machine review at $4,550 per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his request, Padilla also requested a review of disqualified ballots, envelopes and other materials and system logs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those will incur additional cost on top of the costs for the [new] tally,” Borja said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who is paying for the recount? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla will have to place a daily deposit to cover the costs of that day’s recount work. If he fails to make the daily payment, Padilla’s recount request will end — although he has suggested that he is, in fact, ready to make the daily payments necessary to carry out a recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can the recount requesters get their money back? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe. A recount requester must specify which candidate they are requesting the recount on behalf of. If the results change in that candidate’s favor, the county assumes the cost of the recount and refunds the requester. That means local taxpayers \u003cem>could \u003c/em>be on the hook, depending on the recount’s result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla listed Evan Low as the candidate he is requesting a recount on behalf of, although Low’s campaign was not involved and opposed the request. If Low moves ahead of Simitian after a recount, Padilla could get his money back, according to election officials in both counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for Low dispute that reading of the state’s law on recount refunds, however. In a Friday letter to the county registrars, they argued that Low is already in the general election as a result of the tied vote. Therefore, Padilla should not be refunded if Low moves ahead of Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do the requesters have to make any disclosures about the source of their funds? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11977769 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/036_KQED_SanMateo_ElectionsOffice_10212020_qut-1020x680.jpg']Not during the daily recount deposit process. Any involvement from outside political groups, such as super PACs operating separately from the campaigns, could be revealed in campaign finance disclosures filed in the coming weeks and months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Once the recount begins, are requesters required to pay for the entire count? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No. Requesters can choose to stop paying at any point, which could end the count. However, this would void any change in results revealed during the recount up to that point. For a change in the final result to be certified, every precinct in the district needs to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can stop, but the process stops at that time, and there are no changes,” said Jim Irizarry, assistant chief elections officer in San Mateo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What is the process for actually counting the ballots? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The machine recount process is very similar to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">how ballots are initially counted after polls close.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have these tabulation machines in a secure facility,” Borja said. “After retrieving the ballots, the ballots will be put into the machines for counting … and the machines are pretty much scanning the ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots that the machine has trouble counting will get moved to an adjudication process. These can include ballots in which the voter used red ink or marked their choice in a way the machine could not decipher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the adjudication process, there are two people looking at the same ballot on two screens,” Borja said. “They have to both agree on what the voter’s intent was.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election workers reviewing the ballots can ask for help from a supervisor, and observers can also challenge an initial determination and ask for an appeal to a more senior elections official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The requester, in this case Padilla, determines the order of the ballots counted on each day — meaning that they can ask election officials to start with a precinct in Campbell, followed by one in Los Gatos, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What happens to ballots that were not counted in the initial tally, such as those with signature issues? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This is perhaps the biggest outstanding question heading into the recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In every election, vote counters flag ballots that have issues preventing them from being processed. Typically, those are ballots in which the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974391/i-made-a-mistake-on-my-ballot-how-to-fix-presidential-primary-california-election-2024#mistake\">voter forgot to sign their envelope or wrote a signature that doesn’t match the signature\u003c/a> on the voter’s file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials contacted voters with these issues in hopes of “curing” their ballots, but the deadline for voters to respond and remedy the issues was back on April 2. In Santa Clara County, 115 ballots were left uncured by the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On paper, those ballots are ineligible to be tallied in the recount. But Padilla is asking for a review of “unvoted ballots” and “all materials used to verify voter signatures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible that Padilla or his attorneys could challenge the decision to place a ballot in the “cure” pile — a move that could lead to additional review by the top elections officer or even legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as we’ve seen in the past, it’s not unheard of for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977769/feel-like-your-vote-doesnt-matter-check-out-these-close-election-results\">local or state elections to ultimately be decided by a relatively small number of votes.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How can the public follow along with the outcome of this recount? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irizarry said San Mateo officials will publicize the vote tally at the end of every day of recounting ballots. In Santa Clara, however, Borja said the recount results would only be made public at the end of the entire process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, true clarity on one of the wildest primary elections in California history may not happen until later in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A closely watched congressional race in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties has already seen weeks of deadlocked ballot counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981809/in-extraordinary-tie-evan-low-and-joe-simitian-both-advance-in-race-for-silicon-valley-house-seat\">there was a historically tied finish\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, this race is taking yet another wild twist: On Monday, election officials started the process of recounting ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new count could break the precarious tie for second place between Assemblymember Evan Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian, who finished behind fellow Democrat Sam Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, in the March primary. If \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982090/unpredictable-race-for-silicon-valley-congressional-seat-after-unprecedented-tie\">the results stand, all three candidates will advance\u003c/a> to the general election in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The recount has been accompanied by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">political mystery, clashes between the campaigns and their allies\u003c/a> and a whole host of procedural questions. Here’s what we know about how the recount in the 16th Congressional District will work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#lowsimitianrecountrequest\">Who can request an electoral recount?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#lowsimitianrecountcost\">How much will this recount cost and where is the money coming from?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Why is this recount happening?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Unlike \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/election-recounts\">roughly two dozen states\u003c/a>, California does not have a law triggering recounts in close races for federal or state offices. Santa Clara has an automatic recount law on the books, but it only applies to local races, not a federal contest like this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, recounts are triggered by a request from a voter in the district. Two voters, Dan Stegink and Jonathan Padilla, asked for this recount — but Stegink ultimately withdrew his request, and only Padilla put down the necessary deposit to fund the process (more on that later).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla previously worked for Liccardo and has supported his campaign, leading to criticisms that his pursuit of a new count was motivated by a desire to narrow the field of candidates to advantage Liccardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three campaigns said they have no involvement in the recount requests. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">Read more about the backstory of this recount.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"lowsimitianrecountrequest\">\u003c/a>Under what circumstances is a recount allowed?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Any voter can request a recount — for any office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For statewide offices (such as attorney general or insurance commissioner) or statewide ballot measures where the margin between candidates is within 1,000 votes or 0.00015%, the governor can order a state-funded, manual recount of every vote cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How long will the recount take? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The recount will only cover votes in the 16th Congressional District, which includes Palo Alto, Mountain View, and parts of San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount could be completed within five days, according to Michael Borja, associate communications officer at the Santa Clara County Registrar of Voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The very first action item would be to retrieve the ballots from storage and retrieve the complete precincts that are requested,” Borja said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On Monday, Santa Clara County election workers began retrieving the ballots for precincts within the 16th Congressional District. That initial processing will take at least a day, with the counting likely beginning in earnest on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount process was set to begin parallel in San Mateo County, but as of Monday morning, election officials said no payment had been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"lowsimitianrecountcost\">\u003c/a>How much will the recount cost?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County officials estimate a daily cost of $16,800 for this machine recount, leading to an estimated total cost of $84,200 to count every relevant ballot in the county. In San Mateo, officials pegged the cost of a machine review at $4,550 per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his request, Padilla also requested a review of disqualified ballots, envelopes and other materials and system logs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those will incur additional cost on top of the costs for the [new] tally,” Borja said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Who is paying for the recount? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla will have to place a daily deposit to cover the costs of that day’s recount work. If he fails to make the daily payment, Padilla’s recount request will end — although he has suggested that he is, in fact, ready to make the daily payments necessary to carry out a recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can the recount requesters get their money back? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe. A recount requester must specify which candidate they are requesting the recount on behalf of. If the results change in that candidate’s favor, the county assumes the cost of the recount and refunds the requester. That means local taxpayers \u003cem>could \u003c/em>be on the hook, depending on the recount’s result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla listed Evan Low as the candidate he is requesting a recount on behalf of, although Low’s campaign was not involved and opposed the request. If Low moves ahead of Simitian after a recount, Padilla could get his money back, according to election officials in both counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for Low dispute that reading of the state’s law on recount refunds, however. In a Friday letter to the county registrars, they argued that Low is already in the general election as a result of the tied vote. Therefore, Padilla should not be refunded if Low moves ahead of Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Do the requesters have to make any disclosures about the source of their funds? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Not during the daily recount deposit process. Any involvement from outside political groups, such as super PACs operating separately from the campaigns, could be revealed in campaign finance disclosures filed in the coming weeks and months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Once the recount begins, are requesters required to pay for the entire count? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No. Requesters can choose to stop paying at any point, which could end the count. However, this would void any change in results revealed during the recount up to that point. For a change in the final result to be certified, every precinct in the district needs to be counted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can stop, but the process stops at that time, and there are no changes,” said Jim Irizarry, assistant chief elections officer in San Mateo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What is the process for actually counting the ballots? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The machine recount process is very similar to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11841201/you-mailed-your-ballot-where-does-it-go-and-when-is-it-counted\">how ballots are initially counted after polls close.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have these tabulation machines in a secure facility,” Borja said. “After retrieving the ballots, the ballots will be put into the machines for counting … and the machines are pretty much scanning the ballots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots that the machine has trouble counting will get moved to an adjudication process. These can include ballots in which the voter used red ink or marked their choice in a way the machine could not decipher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the adjudication process, there are two people looking at the same ballot on two screens,” Borja said. “They have to both agree on what the voter’s intent was.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The election workers reviewing the ballots can ask for help from a supervisor, and observers can also challenge an initial determination and ask for an appeal to a more senior elections official.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The requester, in this case Padilla, determines the order of the ballots counted on each day — meaning that they can ask election officials to start with a precinct in Campbell, followed by one in Los Gatos, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What happens to ballots that were not counted in the initial tally, such as those with signature issues? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This is perhaps the biggest outstanding question heading into the recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In every election, vote counters flag ballots that have issues preventing them from being processed. Typically, those are ballots in which the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974391/i-made-a-mistake-on-my-ballot-how-to-fix-presidential-primary-california-election-2024#mistake\">voter forgot to sign their envelope or wrote a signature that doesn’t match the signature\u003c/a> on the voter’s file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials contacted voters with these issues in hopes of “curing” their ballots, but the deadline for voters to respond and remedy the issues was back on April 2. In Santa Clara County, 115 ballots were left uncured by the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On paper, those ballots are ineligible to be tallied in the recount. But Padilla is asking for a review of “unvoted ballots” and “all materials used to verify voter signatures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible that Padilla or his attorneys could challenge the decision to place a ballot in the “cure” pile — a move that could lead to additional review by the top elections officer or even legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as we’ve seen in the past, it’s not unheard of for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977769/feel-like-your-vote-doesnt-matter-check-out-these-close-election-results\">local or state elections to ultimately be decided by a relatively small number of votes.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How can the public follow along with the outcome of this recount? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irizarry said San Mateo officials will publicize the vote tally at the end of every day of recounting ballots. In Santa Clara, however, Borja said the recount results would only be made public at the end of the entire process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, true clarity on one of the wildest primary elections in California history may not happen until later in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Assembly Bills Seek to Curb Retail Theft, Maintain Proposition 47",
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"content": "\u003cp>A handful of proposals to reduce retail theft in California cleared an initial hurdle at the state capitol on Tuesday, hours after Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas and a bipartisan group of lawmakers unveiled the legislation they touted as a sensible approach to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">curb shoplifting and commercial robberies in the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Assembly is moving forward a comprehensive, balanced, and bipartisan legislative package that seeks to strengthen public safety, protect shoppers and business owners across California and assure that we deliver real, visible, quality of life improvements to Californians,” Rivas (D-Salinas) said at a press conference in Sacramento.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas\"]‘For us it’s understanding the root causes of this problem, which is complex, and for us, each one of these bills gets after those layers of complexity.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills, which passed the Assembly Public Safety committee, include provisions to toughen penalties and make it easier for law enforcement to arrest and charge theft suspects. Taken together, they represent a bold and controversial legislative vision: that retail theft can be reduced without changing California’s landmark criminal justice reform act, Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11980483,news_11979533,news_11975692\" label=\"Related Stories\"]That ballot measure, approved by voters in 2014, has been the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975753/critics-say-prop-47-has-fueled-a-spike-in-property-crime-the-data-do-not-show-that\">target of critics who say it’s led to a spike in property crime\u003c/a> from luxury mall outlets to neighborhood pharmacies, though state data does not fully support this claim. Proposition 47 downgraded charges for low-level drug possession and property theft from felonies to misdemeanors. As a result, the state has saved hundreds of millions of dollars in prison and jail costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">KQED analysis of the measure and retail theft found\u003c/a> that the arrest rate for shoplifting crimes has declined in the last decade. Many of the most high-profile and brazen robberies, meanwhile, are driven by organized crime rings and generally fall outside the purview of Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no turning back the clock on the criminal justice reforms that have been enacted,” Rivas said on Tuesday. “For us, it’s understanding the root causes of this problem, which is complex, and for us, each one of these bills gets after those layers of complexity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2943\">Assembly Bill 2943\u003c/a>, written by Rivas and Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur (D-Hollywood), would allow police officers to make an arrest for shoplifting without directly witnessing the alleged crime. It would also make it easier for law enforcement to aggregate multiple thefts into a felony grand theft charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill says to organized crime rings, ‘We mean business, and we’re going to give law enforcement the tools they need to shut you down,’” Chavez Zbur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivas said the legislation was crafted with Gov. Gavin Newsom, who unveiled similar proposals earlier this year to curtail theft without touching Proposition 47, which would require approval from the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers may not have the last word on the fate of Proposition 47. Leaders of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">campaign to roll back parts of the measure are expressing confidence\u003c/a> that they will soon be able to submit the necessary signatures to put the issue on the ballot in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, backed by large retailers and prosecutors, would create new felonies for repeated theft and toughen penalties for selling and possessing drugs. Supporters, which include the Democratic mayors of San Diego, San José and San Francisco, say the measure is needed to restore accountability and push drug users into treatment. Critics say its provisions will take the state back to over-criminalizing low-level crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the proposed legislative bills are a step in the right direction, much more needs to be done to effectively hold individuals accountable and improve the safety of all Californians,” the campaign to repeal parts of Proposition 47 said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivas said Tuesday that he would be “monitoring the progress of that initiative,” which proponents could remove from the ballot even after qualifying if they could negotiate a favorable deal with the legislature before July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills unveiled Tuesday, however, further closed the door on the legislature proactively going to the voters to alter Proposition 47 this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That result was far from a foregone conclusion just three months ago when the legislature began its session. Hearings held by a select committee on retail theft that Rivas had created focused extensively on the effects of the ballot measure. Multiple moderate Democrats wrote bills to reverse pieces of the act. And Assemblymember Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the chair of the Assembly’s Public Safety committee, said all potential solutions to retail theft were on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after Newsom unveiled his proposals, Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D-North Coast) and Rivas soon \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979533/i-dont-want-to-go-back-to-the-ballot-assembly-speaker-rivas-opposes-changes-to-proposition-47\">followed suit and \u003c/a>opposed changing Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills approved in the Public Safety committee on Tuesday included proposals to: expand the state’s existing retail theft law to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1972\">cover merchandise stolen from cargo\u003c/a>; allow a judge to place a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3209\">restraining order on someone guilty of theft\u003c/a> to prohibit them from returning to the retail establishment they robbed; and allow counties to enact a program allowing retailers to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1794\">bring details of an alleged shoplifting directly to prosecutors\u003c/a> without involving police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates for criminal justice reforms voiced opposition to various provisions in the bill package — such as a bill to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1960\">provide a sentence enhancement of up to five years\u003c/a> when the property loss is more than $50,000 — but Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, a group opposing the Proposition 47 rollback, applauded the overall direction of the Assembly bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply seeking to score quick and cheap political points, the package reflects a commitment to pursuing solutions that would reduce the incidents of theft in the first place while also underscoring the critical need for law enforcement to effectively solve crime when it occurs,” Hollins said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the most punitive measures targeting retail theft have largely been derailed. A bill pursuing tougher consequences for Californians convicted of shoplifting was gutted before the committee hearing. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1772\">AB 1772\u003c/a>, authored by Assemblymember James Ramos (D-Highland) and supported by more than a half-dozen Democrats, initially asked the voters to add jail time for repeat thefts. It now seeks data collection on thefts during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ramos’ office did not respond to questions about why the change was made.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A handful of proposals to reduce retail theft in California cleared an initial hurdle at the state capitol on Tuesday, hours after Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas and a bipartisan group of lawmakers unveiled the legislation they touted as a sensible approach to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">curb shoplifting and commercial robberies in the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Assembly is moving forward a comprehensive, balanced, and bipartisan legislative package that seeks to strengthen public safety, protect shoppers and business owners across California and assure that we deliver real, visible, quality of life improvements to Californians,” Rivas (D-Salinas) said at a press conference in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills, which passed the Assembly Public Safety committee, include provisions to toughen penalties and make it easier for law enforcement to arrest and charge theft suspects. Taken together, they represent a bold and controversial legislative vision: that retail theft can be reduced without changing California’s landmark criminal justice reform act, Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That ballot measure, approved by voters in 2014, has been the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975753/critics-say-prop-47-has-fueled-a-spike-in-property-crime-the-data-do-not-show-that\">target of critics who say it’s led to a spike in property crime\u003c/a> from luxury mall outlets to neighborhood pharmacies, though state data does not fully support this claim. Proposition 47 downgraded charges for low-level drug possession and property theft from felonies to misdemeanors. As a result, the state has saved hundreds of millions of dollars in prison and jail costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system\">KQED analysis of the measure and retail theft found\u003c/a> that the arrest rate for shoplifting crimes has declined in the last decade. Many of the most high-profile and brazen robberies, meanwhile, are driven by organized crime rings and generally fall outside the purview of Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no turning back the clock on the criminal justice reforms that have been enacted,” Rivas said on Tuesday. “For us, it’s understanding the root causes of this problem, which is complex, and for us, each one of these bills gets after those layers of complexity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2943\">Assembly Bill 2943\u003c/a>, written by Rivas and Assemblymember Rick Chavez Zbur (D-Hollywood), would allow police officers to make an arrest for shoplifting without directly witnessing the alleged crime. It would also make it easier for law enforcement to aggregate multiple thefts into a felony grand theft charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill says to organized crime rings, ‘We mean business, and we’re going to give law enforcement the tools they need to shut you down,’” Chavez Zbur said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivas said the legislation was crafted with Gov. Gavin Newsom, who unveiled similar proposals earlier this year to curtail theft without touching Proposition 47, which would require approval from the voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers may not have the last word on the fate of Proposition 47. Leaders of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">campaign to roll back parts of the measure are expressing confidence\u003c/a> that they will soon be able to submit the necessary signatures to put the issue on the ballot in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, backed by large retailers and prosecutors, would create new felonies for repeated theft and toughen penalties for selling and possessing drugs. Supporters, which include the Democratic mayors of San Diego, San José and San Francisco, say the measure is needed to restore accountability and push drug users into treatment. Critics say its provisions will take the state back to over-criminalizing low-level crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the proposed legislative bills are a step in the right direction, much more needs to be done to effectively hold individuals accountable and improve the safety of all Californians,” the campaign to repeal parts of Proposition 47 said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rivas said Tuesday that he would be “monitoring the progress of that initiative,” which proponents could remove from the ballot even after qualifying if they could negotiate a favorable deal with the legislature before July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills unveiled Tuesday, however, further closed the door on the legislature proactively going to the voters to alter Proposition 47 this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That result was far from a foregone conclusion just three months ago when the legislature began its session. Hearings held by a select committee on retail theft that Rivas had created focused extensively on the effects of the ballot measure. Multiple moderate Democrats wrote bills to reverse pieces of the act. And Assemblymember Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento), the chair of the Assembly’s Public Safety committee, said all potential solutions to retail theft were on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after Newsom unveiled his proposals, Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D-North Coast) and Rivas soon \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979533/i-dont-want-to-go-back-to-the-ballot-assembly-speaker-rivas-opposes-changes-to-proposition-47\">followed suit and \u003c/a>opposed changing Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills approved in the Public Safety committee on Tuesday included proposals to: expand the state’s existing retail theft law to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1972\">cover merchandise stolen from cargo\u003c/a>; allow a judge to place a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3209\">restraining order on someone guilty of theft\u003c/a> to prohibit them from returning to the retail establishment they robbed; and allow counties to enact a program allowing retailers to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1794\">bring details of an alleged shoplifting directly to prosecutors\u003c/a> without involving police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some advocates for criminal justice reforms voiced opposition to various provisions in the bill package — such as a bill to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1960\">provide a sentence enhancement of up to five years\u003c/a> when the property loss is more than $50,000 — but Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, a group opposing the Proposition 47 rollback, applauded the overall direction of the Assembly bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rather than simply seeking to score quick and cheap political points, the package reflects a commitment to pursuing solutions that would reduce the incidents of theft in the first place while also underscoring the critical need for law enforcement to effectively solve crime when it occurs,” Hollins said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the most punitive measures targeting retail theft have largely been derailed. A bill pursuing tougher consequences for Californians convicted of shoplifting was gutted before the committee hearing. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1772\">AB 1772\u003c/a>, authored by Assemblymember James Ramos (D-Highland) and supported by more than a half-dozen Democrats, initially asked the voters to add jail time for repeat thefts. It now seeks data collection on thefts during the COVID-19 pandemic. Ramos’ office did not respond to questions about why the change was made.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981809/in-extraordinary-tie-evan-low-and-joe-simitian-both-advance-in-race-for-silicon-valley-house-seat\">unlikely tie for second place in a closely watched U.S. House election in Silicon Valley\u003c/a> has led to an unprecedented result: Three Democrats will compete in a general election for Congress, a first since California launched its top-two primary system in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After deadlocking at 30,249 votes each in the primary, Assemblymember Evan Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian will both advance to the general election with 16.6% of the vote. They’ll also face former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who finished with 21.1% of the vote atop an 11-candidate field in the 16th congressional district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981809 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240403-Low-Simitian-MD-02-1020x680.jpg']“This is so Silicon Valley,” Low told KQED. “We don’t want to just have two choices, we want three choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result has scrambled the candidates’ general election plans and created an unpredictable path toward November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a whole new race,” said Simitian, in an interview. “The three of us in the runoff got slightly more than half the votes that were cast in the [primary] election. That means that almost half the votes that were cast were cast for somebody else and those are all up for grabs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, Simitian and Low are vying for the seat held for the last three decades by Democrat Anna Eshoo, who announced late last year that she would not be seeking reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a two-candidate general election, campaigns typically seek out contrasts and issues to attack their lone opponent, said political strategist Katie Merrill. But this three-candidate race could more closely resemble a primary, she said, in which campaigns are often leery of having a negative spat blow back on them or unexpectedly boost another candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two candidates start a war with each other here, the third can sneak into first place,” Merrill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With results certified last week, any voter has until Tuesday to request a recount. But the costs could be prohibitive: A full manual recount in Santa Clara County could cost more than $300,000, while a new count in San Mateo County could easily top $100,000. And for Simitian and Low, there is little incentive to roll the dice on a count that could go in the other candidate’s favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say obviously don’t ask for a recount, just accept that you’re on the ballot,” said Merrill. “You want to be on and you’re on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the campaigns are likely to turn their attention to raising money ahead of a key July 15 mid-year filing deadline. In the primary, the 11 candidates combined to spend $5.6 million through Feb. 14 — flooding mailboxes from Pacifica to Los Gatos and placing pricey television ads in prime broadcast slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo begins the general election campaign with a hefty war chest. His campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/elections/house/CA/16/2024/\">reported $1.2 million on hand in mid-February\u003c/a>, and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/receipts/?committee_id=C00865725&two_year_transaction_period=2024&data_type=processed\">threw $500,000 into a super PAC in support of his candidacy\u003c/a>. Liccardo, the business-friendly former leader of the district’s largest city, bested Low and Simitian by nearly five percentage points in the primary and could be the most palatable general election option for voters who cast a ballot for a Republican in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly Liccardo is the front-runner,” said Merrill. “Do Low and Simitian tag team against Liccardo, to knock him down? And then, hope to knock him down enough that they can vie for the number one spot?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the primary, Low won the backing of organized labor and benefited from outside spending on his behalf from a political group largely funded by PG&E. He has targeted a younger and more progressive slice of the electorate and could be bolstered by an increased turnout among those voters in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political strategist Brian Parvizshahi said he expects more than 300,000 voters could turn out in the general election, compared to the 182,135 who cast ballots in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Seeing how you’re able to get your message out and mobilize those additional 130,000 new voters will be critical,” Parvizshahi said. “Especially some of these younger and lower-to-moderate propensity voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Joe Simitian\"]‘The three of us in the runoff got slightly more than half the votes that were cast in the [primary] election. That means that almost half the votes that were cast were cast for somebody else and those are all up for grabs.’[/pullquote]The shrinking candidate field could also shift the dynamics of the race. Four candidates on the primary ballot — including two sitting city council members — hailed from Palo Alto, the city Simitian has represented through stints on the city council, county board of supervisors and state Legislature — and where he outpaced Low and Liccardo in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simitian basically dominated in the areas in the north of the district,” said former Saratoga City Councilmember Rishi Kumar, who finished sixth in the primary. “With two candidates running in the southern part [of the district], I think it favors Simitian to a certain extent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kumar said the biggest winner moving forward will be the voters, who had to make their pick in an abbreviated primary campaign that only began when Eshoo announced her decision not to seek a 17th term in late November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the short runway that we had with the primary election, with eleven in the race, the voters really didn’t have a chance to dissect the resume of the candidates or even understand the issues that they were standing behind,” Kumar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, candidates will have seven months to re-introduce themselves to voters, and lay out their vision for what Kumar calls “the future sustainability of Silicon Valley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you create a future sustainability that includes solutions to housing, traffic, water, homelessness?” he added. “I think that is going to be critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981809/in-extraordinary-tie-evan-low-and-joe-simitian-both-advance-in-race-for-silicon-valley-house-seat\">unlikely tie for second place in a closely watched U.S. House election in Silicon Valley\u003c/a> has led to an unprecedented result: Three Democrats will compete in a general election for Congress, a first since California launched its top-two primary system in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After deadlocking at 30,249 votes each in the primary, Assemblymember Evan Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian will both advance to the general election with 16.6% of the vote. They’ll also face former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo, who finished with 21.1% of the vote atop an 11-candidate field in the 16th congressional district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is so Silicon Valley,” Low told KQED. “We don’t want to just have two choices, we want three choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result has scrambled the candidates’ general election plans and created an unpredictable path toward November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a whole new race,” said Simitian, in an interview. “The three of us in the runoff got slightly more than half the votes that were cast in the [primary] election. That means that almost half the votes that were cast were cast for somebody else and those are all up for grabs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo, Simitian and Low are vying for the seat held for the last three decades by Democrat Anna Eshoo, who announced late last year that she would not be seeking reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a two-candidate general election, campaigns typically seek out contrasts and issues to attack their lone opponent, said political strategist Katie Merrill. But this three-candidate race could more closely resemble a primary, she said, in which campaigns are often leery of having a negative spat blow back on them or unexpectedly boost another candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If two candidates start a war with each other here, the third can sneak into first place,” Merrill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With results certified last week, any voter has until Tuesday to request a recount. But the costs could be prohibitive: A full manual recount in Santa Clara County could cost more than $300,000, while a new count in San Mateo County could easily top $100,000. And for Simitian and Low, there is little incentive to roll the dice on a count that could go in the other candidate’s favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say obviously don’t ask for a recount, just accept that you’re on the ballot,” said Merrill. “You want to be on and you’re on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the campaigns are likely to turn their attention to raising money ahead of a key July 15 mid-year filing deadline. In the primary, the 11 candidates combined to spend $5.6 million through Feb. 14 — flooding mailboxes from Pacifica to Los Gatos and placing pricey television ads in prime broadcast slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo begins the general election campaign with a hefty war chest. His campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/elections/house/CA/16/2024/\">reported $1.2 million on hand in mid-February\u003c/a>, and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg \u003ca href=\"https://www.fec.gov/data/receipts/?committee_id=C00865725&two_year_transaction_period=2024&data_type=processed\">threw $500,000 into a super PAC in support of his candidacy\u003c/a>. Liccardo, the business-friendly former leader of the district’s largest city, bested Low and Simitian by nearly five percentage points in the primary and could be the most palatable general election option for voters who cast a ballot for a Republican in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly Liccardo is the front-runner,” said Merrill. “Do Low and Simitian tag team against Liccardo, to knock him down? And then, hope to knock him down enough that they can vie for the number one spot?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the primary, Low won the backing of organized labor and benefited from outside spending on his behalf from a political group largely funded by PG&E. He has targeted a younger and more progressive slice of the electorate and could be bolstered by an increased turnout among those voters in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political strategist Brian Parvizshahi said he expects more than 300,000 voters could turn out in the general election, compared to the 182,135 who cast ballots in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Seeing how you’re able to get your message out and mobilize those additional 130,000 new voters will be critical,” Parvizshahi said. “Especially some of these younger and lower-to-moderate propensity voters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The shrinking candidate field could also shift the dynamics of the race. Four candidates on the primary ballot — including two sitting city council members — hailed from Palo Alto, the city Simitian has represented through stints on the city council, county board of supervisors and state Legislature — and where he outpaced Low and Liccardo in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simitian basically dominated in the areas in the north of the district,” said former Saratoga City Councilmember Rishi Kumar, who finished sixth in the primary. “With two candidates running in the southern part [of the district], I think it favors Simitian to a certain extent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kumar said the biggest winner moving forward will be the voters, who had to make their pick in an abbreviated primary campaign that only began when Eshoo announced her decision not to seek a 17th term in late November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at the short runway that we had with the primary election, with eleven in the race, the voters really didn’t have a chance to dissect the resume of the candidates or even understand the issues that they were standing behind,” Kumar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, candidates will have seven months to re-introduce themselves to voters, and lay out their vision for what Kumar calls “the future sustainability of Silicon Valley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do you create a future sustainability that includes solutions to housing, traffic, water, homelessness?” he added. “I think that is going to be critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "New Data Shows It's Gotten Easier to Vote in the US Since 2000",
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"headTitle": "New Data Shows It’s Gotten Easier to Vote in the US Since 2000 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For all the concern in recent years that U.S. democracy is on the brink, in danger or under threat, a report out Tuesday offers a glimmer of good news for American voters worried that casting a ballot will be difficult in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put simply, the new data shows that voting in America has gotten easier over the past two decades. More voters can cast a ballot before Election Day, with the majority of U.S. states now offering some form of early in-person voting and mail voting to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we often talk in a partisan context about voter fraud and voter suppression and whether voters have access to the ballot, the reality is, over the past 25 years, we’ve greatly increased the convenience of voting for almost all Americans,” said David Becker, the founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), which authored the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/research/expansion-voting-before-election-day/\">new report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"David Becker, founder and executive director, CEIR\"]‘In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.’[/pullquote]The research was inspired by an NPR request for historical data around voting access, and NPR is the first news organization to report the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.wabe.org/georgia-republicans-seek-to-stop-automatic-voter-registration-in-state/\">real efforts\u003c/a> by \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/ipr-news/2021-03-08/iowa-governor-signs-law-cutting-time-allowed-for-voting\">some Republican-led legislatures\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-08-29/ohio-elections-officials-concerned-expired-id-may-thwart-voters\">restrict access\u003c/a> at the margins, the trend in the U.S. since 2000 has been toward making it easier to vote: Nearly 97% of voting-age American citizens now live in states that offer the option to vote before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/animated-maps.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-animated-maps&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lies about early voting, the lies about voting machines and efforts in some state legislatures to roll back some of the election integrity and convenience measures that have evolved over the last several decades, those efforts almost all failed,” Becker said. “In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11973915,news_11974391,news_11977752\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Forty-six states and Washington, D.C., offer some form of early in-person voting, the report tallied, and 37 of those jurisdictions also offer mail voting to all voters without requiring an excuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis focused on broad categories around how people can vote but did not consider more specific voting policies that have sparked partisan debate in recent years, like mailing ballots to all registered voters, how mail ballots can be returned and ID requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Mann, CEIR’s research director, said he thought many people might be surprised at the bigger picture reflecting access because those other voting policies have taken so much of the political focus in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows some political trends. Of the 14 states that don’t offer mail voting to all voters, for instance, 12 have Republican-led legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But maybe the more striking trends are geographic. Every single state in the western U.S. has offered some form of early and mail voting to all voters since 2004, according to the data. And those states span the political spectrum, from conservative Idaho to liberal California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to talk about partisanship around this issue because historically, there just hasn’t been much,” Mann said. “We’ve seen voting by mail and early in-person voting supported by Republican legislatures, Democratic legislatures, Republican governors, Democratic governors. We see voters in both parties use both methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, like the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, it took reforms driven by the COVID-19 pandemic to move toward more ballot access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts all made changes to make voting more easily accessible, which have since partially or fully become permanent. Delaware is currently embroiled in a \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/delaware-supreme-court-court-strikes-down-permanent-absentee-voting-law-democrats-response/\">legal fight\u003c/a> over whether it can implement early and mail voting changes this election cycle as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South, with its history of slavery and Jim Crow laws, has long \u003ca href=\"https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2861&context=ndlr\">lagged behind\u003c/a> when it comes to voting access. The CEIR data shows that, although some \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/09/974605448/kentucky-election-reform-effort-gets-bipartisan-backing\">states\u003c/a> have slowly started expanding options for voters, it is generally the most difficult region for voters to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/table.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-table&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As options nationwide have become more widely available, voters have also responded by taking advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2000 election, 86% of voters voted at a polling place on Election Day, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, during the pandemic, that number dropped to less than 31% of voters. It went back up in 2022 to roughly half of the electorate but was still in line with the two-decade trend toward more ballots being cast early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/7hGON/9/?initialWidth=650&childId=responsive-embed-7hGON&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it’s a bit unclear if that trend will continue. Former President Donald Trump and his supporters have worked to demonize mail voting and, at times, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-health-government-and-politics-election-2020-55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e\">implored Republican voters\u003c/a> to vote on Election Day or as close to it as possible to avoid unproven claims of tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in reality, Becker says, more voting options actually make elections more secure and less susceptible to malicious activity or even human error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there were a problem, if there were a cyber event, if there were a malfunction, if there were bad weather, if there were traffic, if there were was a power outage, you could think of all kinds of circumstances. … The more you spread voting out over a series of days and over multiple modes, the less likely it’s going to impact voters,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even in states where voters have numerous options on how to vote, in every federal election, tens of millions of eligible voters in the U.S. don’t cast ballots. Even in 2020, the highest-turnout election in modern history, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/2020-presidential-election-voting-and-registration-tables-now-available.html\">roughly a third\u003c/a> of eligible Americans didn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, the secretary of state of California, says more and more that it’s a reflection of people not feeling empowered or motivated by the system and not by how hard it is to cast a ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://electionlawblog.org/?p=140939\">Election experts\u003c/a> have generally agreed that in 2024, efforts to delegitimize election results are more worrisome than efforts to actually stop people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done everything, I think, humanly possible to make it possible for people to vote,” Weber said. “[In California], you will get a ballot mailed to your home. It does not require a stamp. If you lose it and call us, we’ll send you another one. If you go to a vote center, you will be able to get a new ballot and vote right there if you want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the state places near the bottom of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.nh.gov/sites/g/files/ehbemt561/files/documents/2022-04/voter-turnout-charts-4-19-21.pdf\">U.S. rankings\u003c/a> regarding turnout rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have to do now is help people understand that voting is important, whether their candidate wins or loses,” she said. “[You’re] voting for yourself basically to have the dignity of having your issues being considered, and whether you win or lose, people listen to your voice, and they hear you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2024 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=New+data+shows+it%27s+gotten+easier+to+vote+in+the+U.S.+since+2000&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For all the concern in recent years that U.S. democracy is on the brink, in danger or under threat, a report out Tuesday offers a glimmer of good news for American voters worried that casting a ballot will be difficult in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put simply, the new data shows that voting in America has gotten easier over the past two decades. More voters can cast a ballot before Election Day, with the majority of U.S. states now offering some form of early in-person voting and mail voting to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we often talk in a partisan context about voter fraud and voter suppression and whether voters have access to the ballot, the reality is, over the past 25 years, we’ve greatly increased the convenience of voting for almost all Americans,” said David Becker, the founder and executive director of the Center for Election Innovation & Research (CEIR), which authored the \u003ca href=\"https://electioninnovation.org/research/expansion-voting-before-election-day/\">new report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The research was inspired by an NPR request for historical data around voting access, and NPR is the first news organization to report the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows that, despite \u003ca href=\"https://www.wabe.org/georgia-republicans-seek-to-stop-automatic-voter-registration-in-state/\">real efforts\u003c/a> by \u003ca href=\"https://www.iowapublicradio.org/ipr-news/2021-03-08/iowa-governor-signs-law-cutting-time-allowed-for-voting\">some Republican-led legislatures\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statenews.org/government-politics/2023-08-29/ohio-elections-officials-concerned-expired-id-may-thwart-voters\">restrict access\u003c/a> at the margins, the trend in the U.S. since 2000 has been toward making it easier to vote: Nearly 97% of voting-age American citizens now live in states that offer the option to vote before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/animated-maps.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-animated-maps&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lies about early voting, the lies about voting machines and efforts in some state legislatures to roll back some of the election integrity and convenience measures that have evolved over the last several decades, those efforts almost all failed,” Becker said. “In almost every single state, voters can choose to vote when they want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Forty-six states and Washington, D.C., offer some form of early in-person voting, the report tallied, and 37 of those jurisdictions also offer mail voting to all voters without requiring an excuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis focused on broad categories around how people can vote but did not consider more specific voting policies that have sparked partisan debate in recent years, like mailing ballots to all registered voters, how mail ballots can be returned and ID requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Mann, CEIR’s research director, said he thought many people might be surprised at the bigger picture reflecting access because those other voting policies have taken so much of the political focus in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data shows some political trends. Of the 14 states that don’t offer mail voting to all voters, for instance, 12 have Republican-led legislatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But maybe the more striking trends are geographic. Every single state in the western U.S. has offered some form of early and mail voting to all voters since 2004, according to the data. And those states span the political spectrum, from conservative Idaho to liberal California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to talk about partisanship around this issue because historically, there just hasn’t been much,” Mann said. “We’ve seen voting by mail and early in-person voting supported by Republican legislatures, Democratic legislatures, Republican governors, Democratic governors. We see voters in both parties use both methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other parts of the country, like the Northeast and Mid-Atlantic, it took reforms driven by the COVID-19 pandemic to move toward more ballot access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts all made changes to make voting more easily accessible, which have since partially or fully become permanent. Delaware is currently embroiled in a \u003ca href=\"https://whyy.org/articles/delaware-supreme-court-court-strikes-down-permanent-absentee-voting-law-democrats-response/\">legal fight\u003c/a> over whether it can implement early and mail voting changes this election cycle as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The South, with its history of slavery and Jim Crow laws, has long \u003ca href=\"https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2861&context=ndlr\">lagged behind\u003c/a> when it comes to voting access. The CEIR data shows that, although some \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/09/974605448/kentucky-election-reform-effort-gets-bipartisan-backing\">states\u003c/a> have slowly started expanding options for voters, it is generally the most difficult region for voters to cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/voting-access-20240222/table.html?initialWidth=953&childId=responsive-embed-voting-access-20240222-table&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As options nationwide have become more widely available, voters have also responded by taking advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2000 election, 86% of voters voted at a polling place on Election Day, according to U.S. Census Bureau data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, during the pandemic, that number dropped to less than 31% of voters. It went back up in 2022 to roughly half of the electorate but was still in line with the two-decade trend toward more ballots being cast early.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://apps.npr.org/datawrapper/7hGON/9/?initialWidth=650&childId=responsive-embed-7hGON&parentTitle=Voting%20in%20America%20has%20gotten%20easier%20over%20the%20past%202%20decades%20%3A%20NPR&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.npr.org%2F2024%2F03%2F19%2F1238646047%2Fvoting-options-early-mail-ballots\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, it’s a bit unclear if that trend will continue. Former President Donald Trump and his supporters have worked to demonize mail voting and, at times, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-health-government-and-politics-election-2020-55f4744b484919cd20d4d5e8d72e444e\">implored Republican voters\u003c/a> to vote on Election Day or as close to it as possible to avoid unproven claims of tampering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in reality, Becker says, more voting options actually make elections more secure and less susceptible to malicious activity or even human error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there were a problem, if there were a cyber event, if there were a malfunction, if there were bad weather, if there were traffic, if there were was a power outage, you could think of all kinds of circumstances. … The more you spread voting out over a series of days and over multiple modes, the less likely it’s going to impact voters,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, even in states where voters have numerous options on how to vote, in every federal election, tens of millions of eligible voters in the U.S. don’t cast ballots. Even in 2020, the highest-turnout election in modern history, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2021/2020-presidential-election-voting-and-registration-tables-now-available.html\">roughly a third\u003c/a> of eligible Americans didn’t vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, the secretary of state of California, says more and more that it’s a reflection of people not feeling empowered or motivated by the system and not by how hard it is to cast a ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://electionlawblog.org/?p=140939\">Election experts\u003c/a> have generally agreed that in 2024, efforts to delegitimize election results are more worrisome than efforts to actually stop people from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve done everything, I think, humanly possible to make it possible for people to vote,” Weber said. “[In California], you will get a ballot mailed to your home. It does not require a stamp. If you lose it and call us, we’ll send you another one. If you go to a vote center, you will be able to get a new ballot and vote right there if you want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the state places near the bottom of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.nh.gov/sites/g/files/ehbemt561/files/documents/2022-04/voter-turnout-charts-4-19-21.pdf\">U.S. rankings\u003c/a> regarding turnout rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the 1970s and ’80s, baseball fans got used to Steve Garvey smashing winning home runs and clutch hits in key games. In 1981, Garvey led the Los Angeles Dodgers to a World Series victory. In a nearly two-decade baseball career, Garvey was named MVP for the Dodgers and, later, the San Diego Padres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the former first baseman is headed to a very different kind of competition, a runoff election for an open U.S. Senate seat in California against Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey hopes to become the first Republican elected to represent California in the Senate since 1988. That won’t be easy in a state where \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/15day-presprim-2024/complete-ror.pdf\">registered Democrats heavily outnumber Republicans\u003c/a> by nearly two to one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">A political outsider hopes to leverage discontent\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marva Diaz, a political strategist who owns \u003ca href=\"https://californiatargetbook.com/\">California Target Book,\u003c/a> a nonpartisan publication tracking elections in California, said while Garvey hit a home run in the primary, a low turnout affair that skewed older and more Republican, that was the easy part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“November is a whole new ballgame, right? That turnout is going to be different. There are different things on the ballot that they’re going to be turning out for,” Diaz said, suggesting that a larger November voter turnout will help Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Lanhee Chen, director of domestic policy studies, Hoover Institute Public Policy Program at Stanford\"]‘His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans. … He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter.’[/pullquote]Adding to his challenges, Diaz said the RNC is unlikely to spend major amounts of money on a long shot campaign like Garvey’s when there are other more competitive races they are facing in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Lanhee Chen, who ran an unsuccessful bid as the Republican candidate for California’s state controller two years ago, said Garvey’s emergence despite his odds is significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans,” said Chen, who is now a fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen thinks Garvey can win over undecided voters by appealing to their dissatisfaction with politics as usual. In a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/46g7q3hk\">recent poll \u003c/a>from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, 57% of voters think the state is “off on the wrong track.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a debate earlier this year, he said he would vote against a national ban on abortions. Yet Garvey has not provided a lot of specifics on other policy positions, focusing instead on trying to evoke nostalgia for what he sees as a prior golden era, promising a return to the “good old days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Garvey of the Los Angeles Dodgers bats against the New York Yankees during the World Series at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles in October 1981. \u003ccite>(Focus on Sport via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Garvey often notes that when he came to California in the 1960s, the state was “the heartbeat of America, but now it’s just a murmur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a Beach Boys era in Southern California history,” said GOP consultant Mike Madrid, an ardent opponent of former President Trump’s brand of Republicanism and a co-founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://lincolnproject.us/\">Lincoln Project, \u003c/a>adding that the state’s 1960s era no longer resonates with as many Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the exception of Arnold Schwarzenegger, who sort of transcended partisan politics, that Republican ceiling has remained remarkably consistent for the better part of 25 years,” Madrid said, referring to the actor-turned-Republican governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Garvey faces long odds to ‘get back in the game’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October, the low profile Garvey kept at his home near Palm Springs was interrupted when he released \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NC44seizfO8&t=2s\">a video\u003c/a> announcing a run for the U.S. Senate, promising to run a “common sense campaign” for the seat held by Dianne Feinstein until her death last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to get off the bench,” he said in the video. “It’s time to put the uniform back on. It’s time to get back in the game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey entered a race dominated by three Democrats already representing California in Congress, Reps. Barbara Lee, Katie Porter and Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates, from left, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) and former baseball player Steve Garvey, stand on stage during a televised debate on Jan. 22 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the only Republican when the candidates first faced off on the debate stage in January, Garvey sought to portray himself as a pragmatic, moderate Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was one problem with that portrayal. He voted for Donald Trump twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where President Biden beat Trump by about 30 points in 2020, that matters. His support for Trump hounded him at all three debates before the March primary. When asked if he would vote for Trump against President Biden, Garvey replied, “I will look at the two opponents, I will determine what they did, and at that time, I will make my choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11978232,news_11978528,news_11973349\"]That prompted this sarcastic response from Congresswoman Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, California, I think what they say is true. ‘Once a Dodger, always a Dodger,'” receiving laughs from the debate audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Schiff, who built a national reputation as the former president’s leading adversary in Congress during his time as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, saw Garvey’s earlier support for Trump as an opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary system, the top two finishers in the March primary will face off in November, regardless of party. And Schiff — who led in pre-election polls — knew that facing the Republican Garvey would be a much easier lift than a runoff against another Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff then spent millions of dollars on television ads highlighting Garvey’s votes for Trump and claimed that Garvey was “too conservative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ads helped raise his profile among Republicans, elevating Garvey over other GOP candidates on the primary ballot. Porter argued that the ads actually helped consolidate Republican votes for Garvey, a view widely shared by campaign professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it worked, perhaps even better than Schiff could have imagined. Not only did it boost Garvey into the top two and a November runoff, as \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/returns/us-senate\">ballots continue to be counted, \u003c/a>Garvey and Schiff are nearly tied for first place in two separate races for the open Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Steve Garvey\"]‘What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open.’[/pullquote]In November, voters have two Senate elections to decide who will finish the rest of the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s term and who will fill a full six-year term starting in January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Super Tuesday’s primary results, Schiff and Garvey are the top two candidates for both elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On election night following the primary, Garvey wasted no time celebrating the outcome — with yet more baseball metaphors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open,” Garvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the 1970s and ’80s, baseball fans got used to Steve Garvey smashing winning home runs and clutch hits in key games. In 1981, Garvey led the Los Angeles Dodgers to a World Series victory. In a nearly two-decade baseball career, Garvey was named MVP for the Dodgers and, later, the San Diego Padres.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the former first baseman is headed to a very different kind of competition, a runoff election for an open U.S. Senate seat in California against Democratic Congressman Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey hopes to become the first Republican elected to represent California in the Senate since 1988. That won’t be easy in a state where \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/15day-presprim-2024/complete-ror.pdf\">registered Democrats heavily outnumber Republicans\u003c/a> by nearly two to one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">A political outsider hopes to leverage discontent\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Marva Diaz, a political strategist who owns \u003ca href=\"https://californiatargetbook.com/\">California Target Book,\u003c/a> a nonpartisan publication tracking elections in California, said while Garvey hit a home run in the primary, a low turnout affair that skewed older and more Republican, that was the easy part.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“November is a whole new ballgame, right? That turnout is going to be different. There are different things on the ballot that they’re going to be turning out for,” Diaz said, suggesting that a larger November voter turnout will help Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans. … He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Adding to his challenges, Diaz said the RNC is unlikely to spend major amounts of money on a long shot campaign like Garvey’s when there are other more competitive races they are facing in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Lanhee Chen, who ran an unsuccessful bid as the Republican candidate for California’s state controller two years ago, said Garvey’s emergence despite his odds is significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“His candidacy represents something very different, I think, for California Republicans,” said Chen, who is now a fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chen thinks Garvey can win over undecided voters by appealing to their dissatisfaction with politics as usual. In a \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/uc/item/46g7q3hk\">recent poll \u003c/a>from the UC Berkeley Institute of Governmental Studies, 57% of voters think the state is “off on the wrong track.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He also has an opportunity, I think, to draw a line on issues that (are) probably a little bit more centrist, a little bit closer to the median California voter,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a debate earlier this year, he said he would vote against a national ban on abortions. Yet Garvey has not provided a lot of specifics on other policy positions, focusing instead on trying to evoke nostalgia for what he sees as a prior golden era, promising a return to the “good old days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979594\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979594\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/gettyimages-51469828_slide-862dac329cea3889068f494018dbf6f6bb4eb33e-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Garvey of the Los Angeles Dodgers bats against the New York Yankees during the World Series at Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles in October 1981. \u003ccite>(Focus on Sport via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Garvey often notes that when he came to California in the 1960s, the state was “the heartbeat of America, but now it’s just a murmur.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a Beach Boys era in Southern California history,” said GOP consultant Mike Madrid, an ardent opponent of former President Trump’s brand of Republicanism and a co-founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://lincolnproject.us/\">Lincoln Project, \u003c/a>adding that the state’s 1960s era no longer resonates with as many Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the exception of Arnold Schwarzenegger, who sort of transcended partisan politics, that Republican ceiling has remained remarkably consistent for the better part of 25 years,” Madrid said, referring to the actor-turned-Republican governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 class=\"edTag\">Garvey faces long odds to ‘get back in the game’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In October, the low profile Garvey kept at his home near Palm Springs was interrupted when he released \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NC44seizfO8&t=2s\">a video\u003c/a> announcing a run for the U.S. Senate, promising to run a “common sense campaign” for the seat held by Dianne Feinstein until her death last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time to get off the bench,” he said in the video. “It’s time to put the uniform back on. It’s time to get back in the game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garvey entered a race dominated by three Democrats already representing California in Congress, Reps. Barbara Lee, Katie Porter and Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1066\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/ap24024076937939_slide-0f04130c8f15a675564791315f8157d985b4c0e6-s1600-c85-copy-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates, from left, Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Rep. Katie Porter (D-Calif.) and former baseball player Steve Garvey, stand on stage during a televised debate on Jan. 22 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Damian Dovarganes/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As the only Republican when the candidates first faced off on the debate stage in January, Garvey sought to portray himself as a pragmatic, moderate Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was one problem with that portrayal. He voted for Donald Trump twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where President Biden beat Trump by about 30 points in 2020, that matters. His support for Trump hounded him at all three debates before the March primary. When asked if he would vote for Trump against President Biden, Garvey replied, “I will look at the two opponents, I will determine what they did, and at that time, I will make my choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That prompted this sarcastic response from Congresswoman Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, California, I think what they say is true. ‘Once a Dodger, always a Dodger,'” receiving laughs from the debate audience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Schiff, who built a national reputation as the former president’s leading adversary in Congress during his time as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, saw Garvey’s earlier support for Trump as an opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California’s primary system, the top two finishers in the March primary will face off in November, regardless of party. And Schiff — who led in pre-election polls — knew that facing the Republican Garvey would be a much easier lift than a runoff against another Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schiff then spent millions of dollars on television ads highlighting Garvey’s votes for Trump and claimed that Garvey was “too conservative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ads helped raise his profile among Republicans, elevating Garvey over other GOP candidates on the primary ballot. Porter argued that the ads actually helped consolidate Republican votes for Garvey, a view widely shared by campaign professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it worked, perhaps even better than Schiff could have imagined. Not only did it boost Garvey into the top two and a November runoff, as \u003ca href=\"https://electionresults.sos.ca.gov/returns/us-senate\">ballots continue to be counted, \u003c/a>Garvey and Schiff are nearly tied for first place in two separate races for the open Senate seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In November, voters have two Senate elections to decide who will finish the rest of the late Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s term and who will fill a full six-year term starting in January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following Super Tuesday’s primary results, Schiff and Garvey are the top two candidates for both elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On election night following the primary, Garvey wasted no time celebrating the outcome — with yet more baseball metaphors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you are feeling tonight is what it’s like to hit a walk-off home run. Keep in mind, this is the first game of a doubleheader, so keep the evening of Nov. 5th open,” Garvey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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