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"title": "We Reviewed Every Law Campos and Haney Wrote as SF Supervisors to Help You Vote in the State Assembly Runoff",
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"content": "\u003cp>Candidates running for elected office are known for making rosy promises, giving grandiose speeches, and singing soothing songs of better days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while that already makes choosing whom to vote for difficult, the race to represent San Francisco in Assembly District 17 (the city’s east side) between former Supervisor David Campos and current SF Supervisor Matt Haney can be even tougher to parse. That’s because finding the daylight between the two Democrats, on the issues, can be like searching for a clean sidewalk downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To wit: It ain’t happenin’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, gentlepeople, as \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/9vQaVIoEjOM\">a wise group\u003c/a> once said, don’t believe the hype. Instead of looking at what they’ve promised, look at what they’ve done. We’ll even help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg']KQED has read every law these two lawmakers stamped their names on, or co-sponsored, while serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Yes, all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may serve as a window into their futures, as one of the key jobs of members of the state Assembly is writing laws. The scale of whom those laws affect is just wider by, you know, some 39 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help get a handle on their political futures, here are some top-line findings on their political pasts: While the legislators make similar public statements, and support similar causes, you can find significant differences in their \u003cem>approaches. \u003c/em>They both agree there’s a housing crisis, for instance, but wrote entirely different sets of laws to help ease it. And while both have focused extensively on public health, their specific aims have been notably different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, lastly — with caveats — one other big takeaway: Campos tended to focus more on citywide legislation, whereas Haney’s legislative portfolio is more of an even mix, with ordinances sometimes centered on the specific neighborhoods he has represented, instead of San Francisco writ large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not much time left: The special election to fill the Assembly seat vacated by now-SF City Attorney David Chiu is April 19. And if you’re asking yourself, “Didn’t I vote for one of these guys already?” \u003cem>— \u003c/em>you very well might have. Campos, Haney, Bilal Mahmood and Thea Selby all were listed as candidates for the Assembly seat on the city’s Feb. 15 ballot. But because \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/election-results-sf-assembly/\">no one got a majority\u003c/a>, a special election was called between the top two vote-getters — Campos and Haney. Vote-by-mail ballots were sent out just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to help you with that vote, here’s more on what we found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much work did they actually do in office? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer that, we first just straight-up counted all the proposed laws the two candidates wrote or sponsored. One major caveat: Campos spent eight years on the Board of Supervisors, versus Haney’s three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910113\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\" alt=\"A breakdown of the number of laws written by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ordinances are legislation that becomes law, often drafted by the City Attorney’s Office at the direction of a supervisor, who becomes its “sponsor,” in wonk-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resolutions, by contrast, are policy statements to express approval or disapproval, that are introduced at Board of Supervisors meetings and voted on. For instance, an April 2021 resolution sponsored by Haney put the city on record “urging support of eliminating the United States Senate filibuster.” A January 2010 resolution by Campos recognized “the grand re-opening of the Bernal Heights Branch Library and commending the San Francisco Public Library and its team for their hard work and commitment to San Francisco and its residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors vote on it, and — presto, change-o — it becomes a statement of record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, hearings are meetings of the board, convened by one or more supervisors, to seek information or opinions on a topic of interest, wherein a representative of a city department may be asked to answer specific questions. Often these are a way to shine light on an issue for public understanding, or to establish a certain baseline of facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, Haney’s predecessor, hasn’t endorsed either candidate, but has long considered both of them allies and friends. We asked Kim to offer her own analysis on the two candidates’ lawmaking histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hearing these numbers for the first time, I would say that both Supervisor Haney and former Supervisor David Campos are both very active supervisors legislatively,” said Kim, who now runs the California Working Families Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that both candidates often wrote ordinances directly influenced by the hearings they called — rather than prompting one hearing after another without a clear goal in sight — Kim also suggested looking at those two tallies in tandem to gauge their productiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos, for instance, held a hearing in 2015 to look into fire code inspections of apartment buildings\u003ca href=\"https://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/07/21/string-of-mission-district-fires-prompts-push-for-safer-buildings-tenant-protections/\"> after a string of fires in the Mission\u003c/a>, a neighborhood he represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Campos had introduced an ordinance requiring owners of buildings with three or more dwelling units to comply with annual fire alarm testing and inspection requirements every two years, and upgrade existing fire alarm systems, among other changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney, meanwhile, called a hearing in 2019 to \u003ca href=\"https://beyondchron.org/supes-hold-hearing-on-tenderloin-drug-dealing/\">look into open-air drug dealing in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, a longtime problem there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By September 2019, he had convened a street-level drug-dealing task force to develop recommendations for further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that it contributed to the urgency that led to the [Tenderloin] state of emergency and some of the solutions that have been deployed,” Haney said of the task force’s findings. One of those recommendations led to the presence of \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-mid-market-vibrancy-and-safety-plan\">nonprofit Urban Alchemy’s unarmed ambassadors\u003c/a>, Haney said, who patrol the neighborhood to provide increased safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Which laws did the two candidates work on? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We categorized Campos and Haney’s legislative histories based on subject area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law Matt Haney wrote or sponsored on the SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sI01t\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sI01t/9/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some laws were aimed at spurring housing development or tackling the homelessness crisis, or were inclusion-related laws aimed at helping a specific group, like the LGBTQ community or people of color. Other laws were intended to help specific businesses in each supervisor’s district, or a particular neighborhood, like when Haney created a local dog park in Mission Bay. The “reform” category includes new government ethics laws, improved access to voting, or cleaned-up errors in city code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Categorizing laws is more art than science — for instance, a public health law may specifically aim to help homeless people, so is it a health care law, or a homelessness law? We mostly focused on \u003cem>who \u003c/em>the law aimed to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\" alt=\"A graphic showing percentages of laws passed by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney broken down by category.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reading their legislative histories, one top-line observation jumps out: The majority of laws Campos sponsored were citywide in scope, as opposed to targeting only his neighborhood. Haney, by contrast, has introduced more neighborhood-focused legislation. That differentiation could signal how they’d legislate in the Assembly, although, as Kim noted, it may also be circumstantial, given the open-air drug dealing, overdose deaths, poverty and homelessness that Haney has tried to address in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, Kim said, supervisors in the beginnings of their careers tend to focus more on the neighborhoods and districts that helped them get elected. But, “as they log on more years, they become more citywide in perspective,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Campos attributed his dearth of neighborhood-facing legislation on an inclination to develop citywide solutions to issues he identified in his own district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Navigation centers that help unhoused people with extended stays and connections to services are one example, he said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10773847/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\">He helped get the first navigation center built in the Mission District, which he represented.\u003c/a> Along with other supervisors, Campos then sponsored legislation to expand navigation center construction in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we realized after the navigation center had been open was that no one else was opening navigation centers in their district, that ours was the only one,” Campos said. “That’s an example of something that was neighborhood-specific that then grew into a larger city issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said he has focused more on his district because the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods have “a lot of huge challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he trumpeted some of his own citywide laws, including placing on the 2020 ballot \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_B,_Public_Works_Commission_and_Sanitation_and_Streets_Commission_Charter_Amendment_(November_2020)\">Proposition B\u003c/a>, which split San Francisco’s embattled Public Works Department into two separate departments, one of which now focuses solely on sanitation and streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Housing: same issue, different approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Assembly candidates tackled housing from noticeably different angles during their times on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, Campos tended to concentrate on protecting existing housing, while Haney has focused more on enabling new housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this is situational: Haney’s district includes South of Market and part of downtown, two neighborhoods that encompass much of the city’s development. By contrast, Campos’s district includes the Mission, a hotbed of tenant advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law David Campos wrote/sponsored on SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZKLpa\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZKLpa/11/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at these two candidates side by side, they’re not going to differentiate a lot on their positions around tenant protections, but a voter may decide that one candidate just has a greater wealth of experience in regards to the technical aspects, or just experience working on tenant-protection legislation,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Campos authored an ordinance to provide Rent Board hearings for tenants who allege landlord harassment. He also sponsored eight additional tenant-protection-related ordinances, including fire protections, relocation payments to evicted tenants, tenant buyout agreements, and no-fault eviction protections for families with children under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney in 2019 wrote legislation extending some eviction protections to units constructed after 1979, his main legislative focus was promoting construction of housing. For instance, in June 2019, he sponsored an ordinance approving a development agreement between San Francisco and KR Flower Mart LLC, for the development of an approximately 6.5-acre office and retail site located at Fifth and Brannon streets that was expected to generate $166 million in community fees, with $54 million earmarked for affordable housing. That development is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney also sponsored neighborhood redevelopment plans intended to spur housing and office construction and increase a jobs/housing linkage fee to fund new affordable housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MattHaneySF/status/1503765849634598914\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some of these plans were started by other lawmakers, and were years in the making before his time in office, they still stand in stark contrast to his opponent’s record, including Campos’s proposed “Mission moratorium,” a controversial 2015 ordinance to halt housing construction in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos told KQED he was largely responding to the wishes of his community at the time, when headlines often trumpeted high-profile evictions, and the issue of gentrification in the Mission District was on the tips of many tongues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the city’s politics have shifted ever-so-slightly in recent years to more strongly favor building dense construction — and amid that backdrop, Campos said he now supports building more housing than he did while serving as supervisor. But it should always be affordable housing, he added, as opposed to “luxury housing,” a term some use to refer to market-rate construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said he would not repeat or replicate the Mission moratorium in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this business, you learn from your mistakes,” Campos said. “It’s actually something that came from the community. They actually collected signatures and brought it forward. And I think that in the end, you know, supporting it was a mistake. And if I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The health care divide\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As supervisors, both also focused extensively on health policy, but in different areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s landmark health-related legislation sought to plug a loophole in Healthy San Francisco, the landmark law authored in 2006 by his predecessor, Tom Ammiano, that offered universal health coverage to city residents. But while one provision in the bill asked for companies to establish health care accounts to disburse money for employees, it also had a loophole that allowed the companies to get away with never giving the money away at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s legislation prevented companies from getting out of funding their employee health care accounts. “David was the cavalry,” said Ammiano, who in addition to his role as supervisor also served in the Assembly, and is supporting Campos. “He came to the rescue of Healthy San Francisco and closed a loophole, and now Healthy San Francisco is still healthy, especially given the COVID crisis. That politically, personally, morally meant a lot to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos also authored health-related ordinances to establish a Medical Cannabis Task Force, and to require the city to create a plan for equitable distribution of health care services, among other legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/DavidCamposSF/status/1494851925291855875\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Haney’s health-related legislation illustrates his timing as a leader during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney had only been a supervisor for a year when the pandemic struck. Immediately, many citywide priorities were dropped as legislators and department heads came to grips with the invisible threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2022, Haney had sponsored 10 COVID-19 emergency ordinances, the majority of which were extensions of two emergency laws. One requires grocery and drug stores, restaurants, and on-demand delivery service employers to provide health and scheduling protections to their employees during the pandemic. He also required the city to provide toilets and handwashing facilities within 1,000 feet of any tent encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some areas where I didn’t feel like our response as a city was robust enough, whether that was protecting essential workers, providing for bathrooms or handwashing,” Haney said. “There’s still clearly areas where I needed to legislate to get people off the streets, to protect workers, to provide bathroom access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, whom you decide to support may come down to a single issue. But, Kim advised, as you browse the lists of laws each candidate has written or sponsored, think about which laws you consider most vital and whom you would want to represent you based on their experience writing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible,” she said, “that the person with the greater experience in that legislative work will have a leg up the day they take their office in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In the heated race for state Assembly, David Campos and Matt Haney appear to be very closely aligned on many big issues. But their legislative records as San Francisco supervisors suggest deeper contrasts.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Candidates running for elected office are known for making rosy promises, giving grandiose speeches, and singing soothing songs of better days to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while that already makes choosing whom to vote for difficult, the race to represent San Francisco in Assembly District 17 (the city’s east side) between former Supervisor David Campos and current SF Supervisor Matt Haney can be even tougher to parse. That’s because finding the daylight between the two Democrats, on the issues, can be like searching for a clean sidewalk downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To wit: It ain’t happenin’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, gentlepeople, as \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/9vQaVIoEjOM\">a wise group\u003c/a> once said, don’t believe the hype. Instead of looking at what they’ve promised, look at what they’ve done. We’ll even help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>KQED has read every law these two lawmakers stamped their names on, or co-sponsored, while serving on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Yes, all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may serve as a window into their futures, as one of the key jobs of members of the state Assembly is writing laws. The scale of whom those laws affect is just wider by, you know, some 39 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help get a handle on their political futures, here are some top-line findings on their political pasts: While the legislators make similar public statements, and support similar causes, you can find significant differences in their \u003cem>approaches. \u003c/em>They both agree there’s a housing crisis, for instance, but wrote entirely different sets of laws to help ease it. And while both have focused extensively on public health, their specific aims have been notably different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, lastly — with caveats — one other big takeaway: Campos tended to focus more on citywide legislation, whereas Haney’s legislative portfolio is more of an even mix, with ordinances sometimes centered on the specific neighborhoods he has represented, instead of San Francisco writ large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s not much time left: The special election to fill the Assembly seat vacated by now-SF City Attorney David Chiu is April 19. And if you’re asking yourself, “Didn’t I vote for one of these guys already?” \u003cem>— \u003c/em>you very well might have. Campos, Haney, Bilal Mahmood and Thea Selby all were listed as candidates for the Assembly seat on the city’s Feb. 15 ballot. But because \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/election-results-sf-assembly/\">no one got a majority\u003c/a>, a special election was called between the top two vote-getters — Campos and Haney. Vote-by-mail ballots were sent out just last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to help you with that vote, here’s more on what we found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much work did they actually do in office? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To answer that, we first just straight-up counted all the proposed laws the two candidates wrote or sponsored. One major caveat: Campos spent eight years on the Board of Supervisors, versus Haney’s three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910113\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910113\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg\" alt=\"A breakdown of the number of laws written by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide3-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ordinances are legislation that becomes law, often drafted by the City Attorney’s Office at the direction of a supervisor, who becomes its “sponsor,” in wonk-speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resolutions, by contrast, are policy statements to express approval or disapproval, that are introduced at Board of Supervisors meetings and voted on. For instance, an April 2021 resolution sponsored by Haney put the city on record “urging support of eliminating the United States Senate filibuster.” A January 2010 resolution by Campos recognized “the grand re-opening of the Bernal Heights Branch Library and commending the San Francisco Public Library and its team for their hard work and commitment to San Francisco and its residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervisors vote on it, and — presto, change-o — it becomes a statement of record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, hearings are meetings of the board, convened by one or more supervisors, to seek information or opinions on a topic of interest, wherein a representative of a city department may be asked to answer specific questions. Often these are a way to shine light on an issue for public understanding, or to establish a certain baseline of facts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former San Francisco Supervisor Jane Kim, Haney’s predecessor, hasn’t endorsed either candidate, but has long considered both of them allies and friends. We asked Kim to offer her own analysis on the two candidates’ lawmaking histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hearing these numbers for the first time, I would say that both Supervisor Haney and former Supervisor David Campos are both very active supervisors legislatively,” said Kim, who now runs the California Working Families Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that both candidates often wrote ordinances directly influenced by the hearings they called — rather than prompting one hearing after another without a clear goal in sight — Kim also suggested looking at those two tallies in tandem to gauge their productiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos, for instance, held a hearing in 2015 to look into fire code inspections of apartment buildings\u003ca href=\"https://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2016/07/21/string-of-mission-district-fires-prompts-push-for-safer-buildings-tenant-protections/\"> after a string of fires in the Mission\u003c/a>, a neighborhood he represented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, Campos had introduced an ordinance requiring owners of buildings with three or more dwelling units to comply with annual fire alarm testing and inspection requirements every two years, and upgrade existing fire alarm systems, among other changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney, meanwhile, called a hearing in 2019 to \u003ca href=\"https://beyondchron.org/supes-hold-hearing-on-tenderloin-drug-dealing/\">look into open-air drug dealing in the Tenderloin\u003c/a>, a longtime problem there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By September 2019, he had convened a street-level drug-dealing task force to develop recommendations for further action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that it contributed to the urgency that led to the [Tenderloin] state of emergency and some of the solutions that have been deployed,” Haney said of the task force’s findings. One of those recommendations led to the presence of \u003ca href=\"https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-mid-market-vibrancy-and-safety-plan\">nonprofit Urban Alchemy’s unarmed ambassadors\u003c/a>, Haney said, who patrol the neighborhood to provide increased safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Which laws did the two candidates work on? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We categorized Campos and Haney’s legislative histories based on subject area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law Matt Haney wrote or sponsored on the SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-sI01t\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/sI01t/9/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some laws were aimed at spurring housing development or tackling the homelessness crisis, or were inclusion-related laws aimed at helping a specific group, like the LGBTQ community or people of color. Other laws were intended to help specific businesses in each supervisor’s district, or a particular neighborhood, like when Haney created a local dog park in Mission Bay. The “reform” category includes new government ethics laws, improved access to voting, or cleaned-up errors in city code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Categorizing laws is more art than science — for instance, a public health law may specifically aim to help homeless people, so is it a health care law, or a homelessness law? We mostly focused on \u003cem>who \u003c/em>the law aimed to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11910114\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1080px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11910114\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg\" alt=\"A graphic showing percentages of laws passed by assembly candidates David Campos and Matt Haney broken down by category.\" width=\"1080\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4.jpg 1080w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/slide4-4-160x160.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1080px) 100vw, 1080px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Source: San Francisco Legislative Research Center. \u003ccite>(Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Reading their legislative histories, one top-line observation jumps out: The majority of laws Campos sponsored were citywide in scope, as opposed to targeting only his neighborhood. Haney, by contrast, has introduced more neighborhood-focused legislation. That differentiation could signal how they’d legislate in the Assembly, although, as Kim noted, it may also be circumstantial, given the open-air drug dealing, overdose deaths, poverty and homelessness that Haney has tried to address in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, Kim said, supervisors in the beginnings of their careers tend to focus more on the neighborhoods and districts that helped them get elected. But, “as they log on more years, they become more citywide in perspective,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Campos attributed his dearth of neighborhood-facing legislation on an inclination to develop citywide solutions to issues he identified in his own district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Navigation centers that help unhoused people with extended stays and connections to services are one example, he said. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10773847/as-s-f-s-homeless-crisis-grows-one-supervisor-wants-to-expand-new-approach-to-housing\">He helped get the first navigation center built in the Mission District, which he represented.\u003c/a> Along with other supervisors, Campos then sponsored legislation to expand navigation center construction in other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we realized after the navigation center had been open was that no one else was opening navigation centers in their district, that ours was the only one,” Campos said. “That’s an example of something that was neighborhood-specific that then grew into a larger city issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney said he has focused more on his district because the South of Market and Tenderloin neighborhoods have “a lot of huge challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That said, he trumpeted some of his own citywide laws, including placing on the 2020 ballot \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_B,_Public_Works_Commission_and_Sanitation_and_Streets_Commission_Charter_Amendment_(November_2020)\">Proposition B\u003c/a>, which split San Francisco’s embattled Public Works Department into two separate departments, one of which now focuses solely on sanitation and streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Housing: same issue, different approaches\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Assembly candidates tackled housing from noticeably different angles during their times on the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, Campos tended to concentrate on protecting existing housing, while Haney has focused more on enabling new housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of this is situational: Haney’s district includes South of Market and part of downtown, two neighborhoods that encompass much of the city’s development. By contrast, Campos’s district includes the Mission, a hotbed of tenant advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Every law David Campos wrote/sponsored on SF Board of Supervisors\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ZKLpa\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ZKLpa/11/\" scrolling=\"yes\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at these two candidates side by side, they’re not going to differentiate a lot on their positions around tenant protections, but a voter may decide that one candidate just has a greater wealth of experience in regards to the technical aspects, or just experience working on tenant-protection legislation,” Kim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, Campos authored an ordinance to provide Rent Board hearings for tenants who allege landlord harassment. He also sponsored eight additional tenant-protection-related ordinances, including fire protections, relocation payments to evicted tenants, tenant buyout agreements, and no-fault eviction protections for families with children under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while Haney in 2019 wrote legislation extending some eviction protections to units constructed after 1979, his main legislative focus was promoting construction of housing. For instance, in June 2019, he sponsored an ordinance approving a development agreement between San Francisco and KR Flower Mart LLC, for the development of an approximately 6.5-acre office and retail site located at Fifth and Brannon streets that was expected to generate $166 million in community fees, with $54 million earmarked for affordable housing. That development is ongoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney also sponsored neighborhood redevelopment plans intended to spur housing and office construction and increase a jobs/housing linkage fee to fund new affordable housing development.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>While some of these plans were started by other lawmakers, and were years in the making before his time in office, they still stand in stark contrast to his opponent’s record, including Campos’s proposed “Mission moratorium,” a controversial 2015 ordinance to halt housing construction in his district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos told KQED he was largely responding to the wishes of his community at the time, when headlines often trumpeted high-profile evictions, and the issue of gentrification in the Mission District was on the tips of many tongues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the city’s politics have shifted ever-so-slightly in recent years to more strongly favor building dense construction — and amid that backdrop, Campos said he now supports building more housing than he did while serving as supervisor. But it should always be affordable housing, he added, as opposed to “luxury housing,” a term some use to refer to market-rate construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said he would not repeat or replicate the Mission moratorium in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this business, you learn from your mistakes,” Campos said. “It’s actually something that came from the community. They actually collected signatures and brought it forward. And I think that in the end, you know, supporting it was a mistake. And if I had to do it over again, I wouldn’t do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The health care divide\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As supervisors, both also focused extensively on health policy, but in different areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s landmark health-related legislation sought to plug a loophole in Healthy San Francisco, the landmark law authored in 2006 by his predecessor, Tom Ammiano, that offered universal health coverage to city residents. But while one provision in the bill asked for companies to establish health care accounts to disburse money for employees, it also had a loophole that allowed the companies to get away with never giving the money away at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos’s legislation prevented companies from getting out of funding their employee health care accounts. “David was the cavalry,” said Ammiano, who in addition to his role as supervisor also served in the Assembly, and is supporting Campos. “He came to the rescue of Healthy San Francisco and closed a loophole, and now Healthy San Francisco is still healthy, especially given the COVID crisis. That politically, personally, morally meant a lot to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos also authored health-related ordinances to establish a Medical Cannabis Task Force, and to require the city to create a plan for equitable distribution of health care services, among other legislation.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Haney’s health-related legislation illustrates his timing as a leader during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haney had only been a supervisor for a year when the pandemic struck. Immediately, many citywide priorities were dropped as legislators and department heads came to grips with the invisible threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By March 2022, Haney had sponsored 10 COVID-19 emergency ordinances, the majority of which were extensions of two emergency laws. One requires grocery and drug stores, restaurants, and on-demand delivery service employers to provide health and scheduling protections to their employees during the pandemic. He also required the city to provide toilets and handwashing facilities within 1,000 feet of any tent encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were some areas where I didn’t feel like our response as a city was robust enough, whether that was protecting essential workers, providing for bathrooms or handwashing,” Haney said. “There’s still clearly areas where I needed to legislate to get people off the streets, to protect workers, to provide bathroom access.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, whom you decide to support may come down to a single issue. But, Kim advised, as you browse the lists of laws each candidate has written or sponsored, think about which laws you consider most vital and whom you would want to represent you based on their experience writing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s possible,” she said, “that the person with the greater experience in that legislative work will have a leg up the day they take their office in Sacramento.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "it-seeks-to-diminish-us-san-francisco-lgbtq-groups-protest-citys-redistricting-plans",
"title": "'It Seeks to Diminish Us': San Francisco LGBTQ Groups Protest City's Redistricting Plans",
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"headTitle": "‘It Seeks to Diminish Us’: San Francisco LGBTQ Groups Protest City’s Redistricting Plans | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of San Francisco LGBTQ organizations rallied Wednesday to protest the city’s current redistricting plans, which they say will sever neighborhood ties between longstanding transgender and queer communities and dilute those communities’ political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the city’s nine-member Redistricting Task Force approved moving forward with a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=57159538a9a3422a9d22ef75d66565b6\">draft map\u003c/a> that would move the Tenderloin from District 6 to a newly redrawn District 5, separating the Tenderloin from the South of Market area and enjoining it with the Western Addition neighborhood. The task force is set to approve the new district map in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed map say the move could displace some of the city’s most marginalized residents, split the political power of LGBTQ residents in those areas, and disconnect the Transgender District — the world’s first and only transgender cultural district — from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in nearby SoMa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives, Transgender District\"]‘Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.’[/pullquote]The coalition — including leaders from the Transgender District, the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club and the Tenderloin People’s Congress — called for the Tenderloin neighborhood and SOMA to be kept together in the same district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The redistricting task force continues to ignore overwhelming testimony from community members to keep the Tenderloin and SOMA together in District 6,” said Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives at the Transgender District, at Wednesday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need comprehensive district boundaries to ensure vulnerable communities are represented adequately. Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Wright, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, said the task force must listen to queer and trans residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here today because we have not been heard, and it’s critical that the task force knows as they move forward in this process that they cannot divide the LGBTQ community,” Wright said at Wednesday’s event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That potential separation would furthermore divide the Transgender District, which is again the first recognized transgender cultural district anywhere in the world, from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, which is also the first of it’s kind recognized anywhere in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Black and brown people stand listening with stern faces as a pride flag is held in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff members of the Transgender District listen to speakers outside the site of the Compton’s Cafeteria riot, San Francisco, March 30, 2022, during a press conference calling for the Transgender and Leather and LGBTQ districts in the Tenderloin and Western SOMA to remain in District 6. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The press event took place at the site of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11838357/in-66-on-one-hot-august-night-trans-women-fought-for-their-rights\">Compton’s Cafeteria riot\u003c/a>, a historic area for queer history and the LGBTQ civil rights movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compton’s Cafeteria served as a meeting place for drag queens, trans women, sex workers and other marginalized individuals in the 1960s. In August 1966, a riot occurred in response to police harassment against the trans community. After the riot, local LGBTQ advocacy gained a stronger foothold, and more support services for the community were established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=arts_11838357 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/2/2016/07/Drag-demonstrationCOVER-1180x664.jpg']“The Tenderloin represents one of the last vestiges of housing affordability, socioeconomic and racial diversity, trans and queer cultural heritage, and a dense concentration of legacy businesses that have been long-lasting community centers for all of San Francisco,” said Peraza in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keeping the Tenderloin and SoMa together in District 6 is an urgent and imperative matter — one that if not defended, could displace vulnerable communities that are already fleeing San Francisco at alarming rates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11899971,news_11898480,news_11898329\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“The redistricting task force was knowingly drawing an imaginary line through the middle of our community, dividing us in half,” said Curtis Bradford, co-chair of the Tenderloin People’s Congress during Wednesday’s press conference. “It seeks to diminish us, it seeks to do harm to our community, it seeks to silence our voices. We can’t let the city break up our community, diminish our voice at a time like now when we need it so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers invited their supporters to attend the next task force meeting this Saturday morning. The final plan is due April 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara and Spencer Whitney, and from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A coalition of LGBTQ organizations jointly condemned efforts by the San Francisco Redistricting Task Force to redraw district lines in ways that would sever long-standing transgender and queer communities and cultural districts.",
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"title": "'It Seeks to Diminish Us': San Francisco LGBTQ Groups Protest City's Redistricting Plans | KQED",
"description": "A coalition of LGBTQ organizations jointly condemned efforts by the San Francisco Redistricting Task Force to redraw district lines in ways that would sever long-standing transgender and queer communities and cultural districts.",
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"headline": "'It Seeks to Diminish Us': San Francisco LGBTQ Groups Protest City's Redistricting Plans",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A coalition of San Francisco LGBTQ organizations rallied Wednesday to protest the city’s current redistricting plans, which they say will sever neighborhood ties between longstanding transgender and queer communities and dilute those communities’ political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, the city’s nine-member Redistricting Task Force approved moving forward with a \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=57159538a9a3422a9d22ef75d66565b6\">draft map\u003c/a> that would move the Tenderloin from District 6 to a newly redrawn District 5, separating the Tenderloin from the South of Market area and enjoining it with the Western Addition neighborhood. The task force is set to approve the new district map in mid-April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the proposed map say the move could displace some of the city’s most marginalized residents, split the political power of LGBTQ residents in those areas, and disconnect the Transgender District — the world’s first and only transgender cultural district — from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District in nearby SoMa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The coalition — including leaders from the Transgender District, the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, the Alice B. Toklas LGBTQ Democratic Club and the Tenderloin People’s Congress — called for the Tenderloin neighborhood and SOMA to be kept together in the same district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The redistricting task force continues to ignore overwhelming testimony from community members to keep the Tenderloin and SOMA together in District 6,” said Jupiter Peraza, director of social justice and empowerment initiatives at the Transgender District, at Wednesday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need comprehensive district boundaries to ensure vulnerable communities are represented adequately. Without proper representation, we run the risk of being overlooked in the decision-making process that molds the future of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Wright, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, said the task force must listen to queer and trans residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here today because we have not been heard, and it’s critical that the task force knows as they move forward in this process that they cannot divide the LGBTQ community,” Wright said at Wednesday’s event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That potential separation would furthermore divide the Transgender District, which is again the first recognized transgender cultural district anywhere in the world, from the Leather and LGBTQ Cultural District, which is also the first of it’s kind recognized anywhere in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11909996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11909996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Black and brown people stand listening with stern faces as a pride flag is held in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54871_006_KQED_TenderloinRedistricting_03302022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff members of the Transgender District listen to speakers outside the site of the Compton’s Cafeteria riot, San Francisco, March 30, 2022, during a press conference calling for the Transgender and Leather and LGBTQ districts in the Tenderloin and Western SOMA to remain in District 6. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The press event took place at the site of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/11838357/in-66-on-one-hot-august-night-trans-women-fought-for-their-rights\">Compton’s Cafeteria riot\u003c/a>, a historic area for queer history and the LGBTQ civil rights movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compton’s Cafeteria served as a meeting place for drag queens, trans women, sex workers and other marginalized individuals in the 1960s. In August 1966, a riot occurred in response to police harassment against the trans community. After the riot, local LGBTQ advocacy gained a stronger foothold, and more support services for the community were established.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The Tenderloin represents one of the last vestiges of housing affordability, socioeconomic and racial diversity, trans and queer cultural heritage, and a dense concentration of legacy businesses that have been long-lasting community centers for all of San Francisco,” said Peraza in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Keeping the Tenderloin and SoMa together in District 6 is an urgent and imperative matter — one that if not defended, could displace vulnerable communities that are already fleeing San Francisco at alarming rates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The redistricting task force was knowingly drawing an imaginary line through the middle of our community, dividing us in half,” said Curtis Bradford, co-chair of the Tenderloin People’s Congress during Wednesday’s press conference. “It seeks to diminish us, it seeks to do harm to our community, it seeks to silence our voices. We can’t let the city break up our community, diminish our voice at a time like now when we need it so much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers invited their supporters to attend the next task force meeting this Saturday morning. The final plan is due April 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Juan Carlos Lara and Spencer Whitney, and from Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Police Associations Are Dropping Big Cash Into State Races. These Are the Candidates Getting the Most",
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"content": "\u003cp>Amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/02/california-crime-homelessness/\">rising concerns about crime and recent criminal justice reforms\u003c/a>, California’s law enforcement groups are spending big this year in several high-profile races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election cycle, these groups have contributed more than $1 million to campaigns for the state Legislature and several statewide offices, slightly less than the $1.2 million contributed at the same point in 2020 and significantly more than the roughly $305,000 in 2018, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, nearly $1 out of every $6 donated by law enforcement groups has gone into the attorney general’s race, specifically to Sacramento County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://annemarieforag.com/\">Anne Marie Schubert\u003c/a>. The $176,900 in cop cash given to Schubert is about 10% of her total contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is a Republican turned independent who is the preferred pick of these groups looking to unseat Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://robbonta.com/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, a Democrat who was appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11909524\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54515_007_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]Schubert is endorsed by one of the largest contributors: the \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/\">Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/a>, an advocacy and lobbying group. The organization has given Schubert $16,200, the maximum allowed for the June 7 primary, while none of her opponents has reported any law enforcement contributions so far — not Bonta, who has raised $6.4 million so far, and not Republican challengers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nathanhochman.com/\">Nathan Hochman\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://ericearlyforca.com/\">Eric Early\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first time since at least 1999 the organization has not contributed to the coffers of the incumbent in the attorney general’s race, according to secretary of state records. The Peace Officers Research Association sees it differently. Brian Marvel, president of the association, told CalMatters that “PORAC doesn’t consider there to be an incumbent in this race” because Bonta was appointed, not elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major sources of law enforcement cash are unions: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thecahp.org/\">California Association of Highway Patrolmen\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lapd.com/\">Los Angeles Police Protective League\u003c/a>. The CHP union has contributed $112,800 in 38 races so far, with $11,000 going to Schubert’s campaign — its first donation to a candidate for attorney general since 2007. The protective league has donated $146,600 in 25 races so far, but nothing to Schubert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the attorney general is the state’s top law enforcement officer, agencies can be directly affected by decisions, including investigations of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Schubert have different priorities for what they would do in office. Though both their campaigns discuss gun violence and prosecuting polluters, Bonta’s website highlights “fighting hate and protecting civil rights” and Schubert’s promises to “aggressively [prosecute] violent criminals.” Both candidates support the law Bonta wrote while he was a legislator that \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ois-incidents\">directs the attorney general’s office to investigate when law enforcement officers kill unarmed civilians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s race isn’t the only statewide election where law enforcement groups are giving money. For the primary, \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/learn/campaign-rules/state-contribution-limits.html\">they are limited to giving $16,200 for statewide offices\u003c/a> — other than governor ($32,400) — and $9,700 for legislative races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fionama.com/\">Fiona Ma\u003c/a>, who is running for reelection as state treasurer, has received the second most so far. Why do law enforcement officers care who’s treasurer? The treasurer can affect their pensions as a board member of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11908113\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/campos-haney3-1020x661.jpg\"]Ma’s campaign has taken in $55,200, with $47,100 coming from two of the three big police groups: the Peace Officers Research Association and the Los Angeles Police Protective League. Ma’s relationship with law enforcement unions isn’t new. According to campaign finance watchdog OpenSecrets, \u003ca href=\"https://www.followthemoney.org/entity-details?eid=1403023\">the Peace Officers Research Association is the fifth-largest contributor to Ma over her career\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election, law enforcement groups have also placed bets in 42 of the 80 Assembly races and in seven of the 20 state Senate campaigns, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\">after redistricting dramatically changed many of the legislative districts\u003c/a> and after a rash of resignations and decisions not to seek reelection created open seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Phillip Chen, a Republican who is running in the 59th district near Los Angeles, has raised the most from law enforcement groups of all legislative candidates, $47,400 so far, even though he’s unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/california-democrats-progressives/\">accepting cop cash might be a contentious issue within the California Democratic Party\u003c/a>, some Democratic candidates for Assembly aren’t shy. Assemblymember James Ramos from Rancho Cucamonga has taken $37,200, while his foe in the 45th district, Republican Joe Martinez, has received no cop money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris of Laguna Beach has raised $27,100, while her opponent, Republican Assemblymember Steven Choi, hasn’t taken any cop cash as they compete to represent the new 73rd district around Irvine. And Democratic Assemblymember Evan Low of Cupertino has received $26,900, while his opponents in the 26th district, Democrat Long Jiao and Republican Tim Gorsulowsky, haven’t reported any law enforcement contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Politics Coverage' tag='gavin-newsom']In the state Senate, the top four recipients of law enforcement money also are Democrats, including three sitting senators: Tom Umberg from Garden Grove, who got $26,200; Bob Archuleta from Pico Rivera, who took $22,700; and Anna Caballero from Salinas, who accepted $16,700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Angelique Ashby, a Sacramento City Council member, is one of the few top recipients of law enforcement money who isn’t already in the Legislature. She has taken $14,900, while Democrat Dave Jones — her most prominent opponent, a former legislator and state insurance commissioner — hasn’t reported any contributions from law enforcement. The fifth-largest recipient so far is Republican Sen. Brian Jones of El Cajon, who has pulled in $6,000 in his campaign for the 40th district, while his opponents have reported no police donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement unions invested about $2.7 million during the 2019-20 election cycle and more than $2.1 million in 2021 when Newsom faced a recall. With $1 million already contributed more than two months before the June 7 primary, it’s possible law enforcement groups will be even more generous in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/02/california-crime-homelessness/\">rising concerns about crime and recent criminal justice reforms\u003c/a>, California’s law enforcement groups are spending big this year in several high-profile races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election cycle, these groups have contributed more than $1 million to campaigns for the state Legislature and several statewide offices, slightly less than the $1.2 million contributed at the same point in 2020 and significantly more than the roughly $305,000 in 2018, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Monday, nearly $1 out of every $6 donated by law enforcement groups has gone into the attorney general’s race, specifically to Sacramento County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://annemarieforag.com/\">Anne Marie Schubert\u003c/a>. The $176,900 in cop cash given to Schubert is about 10% of her total contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is a Republican turned independent who is the preferred pick of these groups looking to unseat Attorney General \u003ca href=\"https://robbonta.com/\">Rob Bonta\u003c/a>, a Democrat who was appointed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Schubert is endorsed by one of the largest contributors: the \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/\">Peace Officers Research Association of California\u003c/a>, an advocacy and lobbying group. The organization has given Schubert $16,200, the maximum allowed for the June 7 primary, while none of her opponents has reported any law enforcement contributions so far — not Bonta, who has raised $6.4 million so far, and not Republican challengers \u003ca href=\"https://www.nathanhochman.com/\">Nathan Hochman\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://ericearlyforca.com/\">Eric Early\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the first time since at least 1999 the organization has not contributed to the coffers of the incumbent in the attorney general’s race, according to secretary of state records. The Peace Officers Research Association sees it differently. Brian Marvel, president of the association, told CalMatters that “PORAC doesn’t consider there to be an incumbent in this race” because Bonta was appointed, not elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other major sources of law enforcement cash are unions: the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thecahp.org/\">California Association of Highway Patrolmen\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.lapd.com/\">Los Angeles Police Protective League\u003c/a>. The CHP union has contributed $112,800 in 38 races so far, with $11,000 going to Schubert’s campaign — its first donation to a candidate for attorney general since 2007. The protective league has donated $146,600 in 25 races so far, but nothing to Schubert.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the attorney general is the state’s top law enforcement officer, agencies can be directly affected by decisions, including investigations of police officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta and Schubert have different priorities for what they would do in office. Though both their campaigns discuss gun violence and prosecuting polluters, Bonta’s website highlights “fighting hate and protecting civil rights” and Schubert’s promises to “aggressively [prosecute] violent criminals.” Both candidates support the law Bonta wrote while he was a legislator that \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ois-incidents\">directs the attorney general’s office to investigate when law enforcement officers kill unarmed civilians\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s race isn’t the only statewide election where law enforcement groups are giving money. For the primary, \u003ca href=\"https://fppc.ca.gov/learn/campaign-rules/state-contribution-limits.html\">they are limited to giving $16,200 for statewide offices\u003c/a> — other than governor ($32,400) — and $9,700 for legislative races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.fionama.com/\">Fiona Ma\u003c/a>, who is running for reelection as state treasurer, has received the second most so far. Why do law enforcement officers care who’s treasurer? The treasurer can affect their pensions as a board member of the California Public Employees’ Retirement System.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Ma’s campaign has taken in $55,200, with $47,100 coming from two of the three big police groups: the Peace Officers Research Association and the Los Angeles Police Protective League. Ma’s relationship with law enforcement unions isn’t new. According to campaign finance watchdog OpenSecrets, \u003ca href=\"https://www.followthemoney.org/entity-details?eid=1403023\">the Peace Officers Research Association is the fifth-largest contributor to Ma over her career\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far in the 2022 election, law enforcement groups have also placed bets in 42 of the 80 Assembly races and in seven of the 20 state Senate campaigns, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2021/12/california-redistricting-final-maps/\">after redistricting dramatically changed many of the legislative districts\u003c/a> and after a rash of resignations and decisions not to seek reelection created open seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Phillip Chen, a Republican who is running in the 59th district near Los Angeles, has raised the most from law enforcement groups of all legislative candidates, $47,400 so far, even though he’s unopposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/03/california-democrats-progressives/\">accepting cop cash might be a contentious issue within the California Democratic Party\u003c/a>, some Democratic candidates for Assembly aren’t shy. Assemblymember James Ramos from Rancho Cucamonga has taken $37,200, while his foe in the 45th district, Republican Joe Martinez, has received no cop money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris of Laguna Beach has raised $27,100, while her opponent, Republican Assemblymember Steven Choi, hasn’t taken any cop cash as they compete to represent the new 73rd district around Irvine. And Democratic Assemblymember Evan Low of Cupertino has received $26,900, while his opponents in the 26th district, Democrat Long Jiao and Republican Tim Gorsulowsky, haven’t reported any law enforcement contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the state Senate, the top four recipients of law enforcement money also are Democrats, including three sitting senators: Tom Umberg from Garden Grove, who got $26,200; Bob Archuleta from Pico Rivera, who took $22,700; and Anna Caballero from Salinas, who accepted $16,700.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrat Angelique Ashby, a Sacramento City Council member, is one of the few top recipients of law enforcement money who isn’t already in the Legislature. She has taken $14,900, while Democrat Dave Jones — her most prominent opponent, a former legislator and state insurance commissioner — hasn’t reported any contributions from law enforcement. The fifth-largest recipient so far is Republican Sen. Brian Jones of El Cajon, who has pulled in $6,000 in his campaign for the 40th district, while his opponents have reported no police donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement unions invested about $2.7 million during the 2019-20 election cycle and more than $2.1 million in 2021 when Newsom faced a recall. With $1 million already contributed more than two months before the June 7 primary, it’s possible law enforcement groups will be even more generous in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With none of the partisan rancor or political point-scoring on display in this week’s Senate confirmation hearing for U.S. Supreme Court nominee \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/22/1087967982/judge-ketanji-brown-jackson-confirmation-hearings-what-happened-on-tuesday\">Ketanji Brown Jackson\u003c/a>, a three-member panel in San Francisco on Tuesday quickly and enthusiastically confirmed Patricia Guerrero to the California Supreme Court as its first Latina justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I embrace this nomination, knowing that I’m not here today on my own,” Guerrero, currently a judge on the Fourth District Court of Appeal, said at the hearing. “I stand on the shoulders of my grandparents and my parents who came to this country, even though it would be a struggle for them. Like so many immigrant families, they came here to work hard, to seek opportunities and to give better lives to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Commission on Judicial Appointments, which included Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, Attorney General Rob Bonta and Fourth District Court of Appeal Presiding Justice Manuel Ramirez, voted 3-0 to confirm Guerrero without so much as a tough question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a joyous type of hearing,” Cantil-Sakauye proclaimed at the start of the process, which took place at the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, known to friends and co-workers as “Trish,” was introduced by three former colleagues who extolled her judgment, legal-writing acumen, leadership and compassion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would describe Trish as a pioneer,” said Robert Howard, a partner at the law firm Latham & Watkins in San Diego, where Guerrero worked early on in her legal career.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11905429,news_11841064\"]Noting that Guerrero made partner in just seven years, Howard said, “She earned the respect of her colleagues for intellect, maturity, discretion and judgment. She was admired by young lawyers because of her strong mentorship and patient supervision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-02-15/newsom-nominates-patricia-guerrero-to-california-supreme-court\">nomination of Guerrero last month\u003c/a> “a wise choice,” adding that “Justice Guerrero is an American success story who will make an inspiring, thoughtful, intelligent and valued addition to this court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, 50, will take the seat left vacant when Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino “Tino” Cuéllar unexpectedly stepped down last fall to become executive director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The daughter of Mexican immigrants, Guerrero grew up in Imperial County, east of San Diego, where her father worked as a farm laborer and her mother as a child care provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holding back tears, Guerrero talked about her mother, who she said recently died after a battle with breast cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She taught us to be strong, compassionate and independent,” Guerrero said. “She showed us the importance of family. She showed us to thank God for our blessings, and she showed us that we should help other people when we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero worked in a grocery store as a teenager, helping to raise money to put herself through college. After graduating high school as co-valedictorian, she attended UC Berkeley and then Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a stint in private practice, she served as an assistant U.S. attorney in San Diego, and in 2013 went on to become a county Superior Court judge. In 2017, Gov. Jerry Brown elevated her to the Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout her career, Guerrero has mentored students in high school and college and taken on pro bono immigration cases, including asylum applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not just about me or really even just about my parents, but it’s about so many others, just like us,” she said. “This is a story of the American dream, the belief that with hard work, perseverance and opportunities, anything is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s confirmation hearing, Judge Maureen Hallahan, who served with Guerrero on the San Diego County Superior Court, called her an exemplary colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expect her to inspire you, support you, engage you and challenge you,” she said. “She will never let you down and she will serve with you with dignity, courage and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom will swear in Guerrero at a ceremony scheduled for March 28.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With none of the partisan rancor or political point-scoring on display in this week’s Senate confirmation hearing for U.S. Supreme Court nominee \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/03/22/1087967982/judge-ketanji-brown-jackson-confirmation-hearings-what-happened-on-tuesday\">Ketanji Brown Jackson\u003c/a>, a three-member panel in San Francisco on Tuesday quickly and enthusiastically confirmed Patricia Guerrero to the California Supreme Court as its first Latina justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I embrace this nomination, knowing that I’m not here today on my own,” Guerrero, currently a judge on the Fourth District Court of Appeal, said at the hearing. “I stand on the shoulders of my grandparents and my parents who came to this country, even though it would be a struggle for them. Like so many immigrant families, they came here to work hard, to seek opportunities and to give better lives to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Commission on Judicial Appointments, which included Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, Attorney General Rob Bonta and Fourth District Court of Appeal Presiding Justice Manuel Ramirez, voted 3-0 to confirm Guerrero without so much as a tough question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a joyous type of hearing,” Cantil-Sakauye proclaimed at the start of the process, which took place at the state Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, known to friends and co-workers as “Trish,” was introduced by three former colleagues who extolled her judgment, legal-writing acumen, leadership and compassion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Noting that Guerrero made partner in just seven years, Howard said, “She earned the respect of her colleagues for intellect, maturity, discretion and judgment. She was admired by young lawyers because of her strong mentorship and patient supervision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He called Gov. Gavin Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2022-02-15/newsom-nominates-patricia-guerrero-to-california-supreme-court\">nomination of Guerrero last month\u003c/a> “a wise choice,” adding that “Justice Guerrero is an American success story who will make an inspiring, thoughtful, intelligent and valued addition to this court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero, 50, will take the seat left vacant when Associate Justice Mariano-Florentino “Tino” Cuéllar unexpectedly stepped down last fall to become executive director of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The daughter of Mexican immigrants, Guerrero grew up in Imperial County, east of San Diego, where her father worked as a farm laborer and her mother as a child care provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holding back tears, Guerrero talked about her mother, who she said recently died after a battle with breast cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She taught us to be strong, compassionate and independent,” Guerrero said. “She showed us the importance of family. She showed us to thank God for our blessings, and she showed us that we should help other people when we can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero worked in a grocery store as a teenager, helping to raise money to put herself through college. After graduating high school as co-valedictorian, she attended UC Berkeley and then Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a stint in private practice, she served as an assistant U.S. attorney in San Diego, and in 2013 went on to become a county Superior Court judge. In 2017, Gov. Jerry Brown elevated her to the Court of Appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout her career, Guerrero has mentored students in high school and college and taken on pro bono immigration cases, including asylum applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not just about me or really even just about my parents, but it’s about so many others, just like us,” she said. “This is a story of the American dream, the belief that with hard work, perseverance and opportunities, anything is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s confirmation hearing, Judge Maureen Hallahan, who served with Guerrero on the San Diego County Superior Court, called her an exemplary colleague.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Expect her to inspire you, support you, engage you and challenge you,” she said. “She will never let you down and she will serve with you with dignity, courage and grace.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom will swear in Guerrero at a ceremony scheduled for March 28.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "america-was-finally-shocked-awake-one-year-after-atlanta-spa-shootings-democratic-leaders-condemn-anti-asian-hate",
"title": "'America Was Finally Shocked Awake': One Year After Atlanta Spa Shootings, Democratic Leaders Condemn Anti-Asian Hate",
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"headTitle": "‘America Was Finally Shocked Awake’: One Year After Atlanta Spa Shootings, Democratic Leaders Condemn Anti-Asian Hate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Joe Biden on Wednesday remembered the victims of shootings at three massage businesses in Georgia a year earlier and decried racism, misogyny and gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six women of Asian descent were among the eight people killed on March 16, 2021. The killings contributed to fear and anger among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders already experiencing a rise in hostility and motivated many people to join the fight against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian American organizations in cities across the country planned rallies Wednesday to mark the anniversary of the shootings and to promote awareness about ongoing violence against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Aaron Long, then 21, shot and killed four people — Xiaojie “Emily” Tan, 49; Daoyou Feng, 44; Delaina Yaun, 33; and Paul Michels, 54 — and seriously injured a fifth person at Youngs Asian Massage in Cherokee County. Authorities say he then drove about 30 miles south to Atlanta, where he killed three women — Suncha Kim, 69; Soon Chung Park, 74; and Hyun Jung Grant, 51 — at Gold Spa, crossed the street and killed Yong Ae Yue, 63, at Aromatherapy Spa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11907902,news_11876972,news_11874508\" label=\"Related Posts\"]“These horrific murders shook communities across America and underscored how far we have to go in this country to fight racism, misogyny, and all forms of hate — and the epidemic of gun violence that enables these extremists,” Biden said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president recalled a meeting he and Vice President Kamala Harris had with Asian American community leaders during a visit to Atlanta shortly after the shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We heard about the terror and anguish that too many Asian Americans have felt since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, when anti-Asian xenophobia, harassment, and violence skyrocketed to alarming levels,” Biden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Congress gathered on the steps of the Capitol Wednesday for a press event organized by the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of [the spa shootings], America was finally shocked awake to the reality of anti-Asian hate,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0FfVnxunhK0\">said Democratic Southern California Rep. Judy Chu, the caucus chair, at the news event\u003c/a>. “But in reality, for over a year, xenophobic slurs like ‘China virus’ and ‘kung flu’ have been terrorizing Asian American communities across the country with thousands of anti-Asian hate crimes and incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prejudice and discrimination against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in the U.S. are not new, but racist verbal and physical attacks increased sharply after the coronavirus first appeared in China just over two years ago. Many believe that former President Donald Trump’s use of racist terms to talk about the virus contributed to the trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11908428\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman speaking at podium with 'stop asian hate' written on it as rows of faces of members of congress stand behind her\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Judy Chu (D-Calif.) speaks during commemorations to mark the one-year anniversary of a series of deadly shootings at Atlanta-area spas on the steps of the U.S Capitol on March 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876972/inside-the-california-organization-tracking-anti-asian-hate-incidents\">Stop AAPI Hate has been tracking incidents nationwide\u003c/a> based on victims self-reporting. From March 19, 2020, through the end of last year, the organization recorded a total of 10,905, with 4,632 occurring in 2020 and 6,273 in 2021. Incidents reported by women made up 61.8% of the total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the Georgia shootings, police said Long blamed his actions on a “sex addiction,” which isn’t recognized as an official disorder, and targeted the spas as a source of temptation. That explanation rankled many Asian Americans and their allies, who saw the killings as hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he pleaded guilty in July to murder and other charges in the Cherokee County shootings, the district attorney there said investigators did not find evidence that Long was motivated by racial bias. Among other things, the prosecutor noted the diversity of the people shot there — in addition to two women of Asian descent, two victims were white and one Hispanic. But in Atlanta, where all four victims were women of Asian descent, the Fulton County district attorney is pursuing a sentencing enhancement under the state hate crimes law, saying she believes race and gender played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks and months following the shootings, rallies were held to protest violence against people of Asian descent. Prominent figures, including lawmakers and former federal prosecutors, spoke out against the violence and called for solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial figures from individual police agencies indicate anti-Asian hate crime overall in the U.S. increased 339% in 2021, compared with a 124% rise in 2020, according to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism. But the actual numbers could be much higher since many victims hesitate to report and not all incidents are charged as hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907910\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11907910\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cecile Dang (left) and Bryan Nguyen hold signs to show support for the Asian American community during a student-led rally in San Francisco on March 26, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Preliminary figures released by San Francisco police in January show reported hate crimes against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders rose by 567% last year. The initial count shows 60 victims in 2021, up from nine in 2020. Half of last year’s victims were allegedly targeted by one man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, the number of alleged hate crimes against Asians logged by police climbed from 28 in 2020 to 131 last year. Earlier this month, a 28-year-old white man was charged with hate crimes after police said he randomly punched seven women of Asian ethnicity over two hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two people of Asian descent have died in New York City this year from injuries sustained months ago in attacks that authorities said were likely racially motivated: GuiYing Ma, 61, who was beaten in November while she swept a sidewalk in Queens, and Yao Pan Ma, 61, who was beaten into a coma in April while he collected bottles and cans in Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been other recent attacks on Asian women in the city that authorities aren’t sure are linked to racial bias, including the stabbing death of a woman in her Chinatown apartment building last month by a homeless man who followed her inside and the January death of a woman who was pushed in front of a subway train by a mentally ill homeless man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearby city of Yonkers, New York, this week, police charged a man with attempted murder as a hate crime after he attacked a 67-year-old Asian woman in an apartment building vestibule, punching her more than 125 times in an assault recorded on security video. Police and prosecutors said the man used an anti-Asian slur before assaulting her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer David B. Caruso in New York and KQED’s David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "President Biden and congressional leaders on Wednesday remembered the victims of shootings at three massage businesses in Georgia a year earlier and decried racism, misogyny and gun violence.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Joe Biden on Wednesday remembered the victims of shootings at three massage businesses in Georgia a year earlier and decried racism, misogyny and gun violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six women of Asian descent were among the eight people killed on March 16, 2021. The killings contributed to fear and anger among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders already experiencing a rise in hostility and motivated many people to join the fight against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asian American organizations in cities across the country planned rallies Wednesday to mark the anniversary of the shootings and to promote awareness about ongoing violence against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Aaron Long, then 21, shot and killed four people — Xiaojie “Emily” Tan, 49; Daoyou Feng, 44; Delaina Yaun, 33; and Paul Michels, 54 — and seriously injured a fifth person at Youngs Asian Massage in Cherokee County. Authorities say he then drove about 30 miles south to Atlanta, where he killed three women — Suncha Kim, 69; Soon Chung Park, 74; and Hyun Jung Grant, 51 — at Gold Spa, crossed the street and killed Yong Ae Yue, 63, at Aromatherapy Spa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“These horrific murders shook communities across America and underscored how far we have to go in this country to fight racism, misogyny, and all forms of hate — and the epidemic of gun violence that enables these extremists,” Biden said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president recalled a meeting he and Vice President Kamala Harris had with Asian American community leaders during a visit to Atlanta shortly after the shootings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We heard about the terror and anguish that too many Asian Americans have felt since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, when anti-Asian xenophobia, harassment, and violence skyrocketed to alarming levels,” Biden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Members of Congress gathered on the steps of the Capitol Wednesday for a press event organized by the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of [the spa shootings], America was finally shocked awake to the reality of anti-Asian hate,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0FfVnxunhK0\">said Democratic Southern California Rep. Judy Chu, the caucus chair, at the news event\u003c/a>. “But in reality, for over a year, xenophobic slurs like ‘China virus’ and ‘kung flu’ have been terrorizing Asian American communities across the country with thousands of anti-Asian hate crimes and incidents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prejudice and discrimination against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in the U.S. are not new, but racist verbal and physical attacks increased sharply after the coronavirus first appeared in China just over two years ago. Many believe that former President Donald Trump’s use of racist terms to talk about the virus contributed to the trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11908428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11908428\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut.jpg\" alt=\"woman speaking at podium with 'stop asian hate' written on it as rows of faces of members of congress stand behind her\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS54463_GettyImages-1385744683-qut-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Judy Chu (D-Calif.) speaks during commemorations to mark the one-year anniversary of a series of deadly shootings at Atlanta-area spas on the steps of the U.S Capitol on March 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11876972/inside-the-california-organization-tracking-anti-asian-hate-incidents\">Stop AAPI Hate has been tracking incidents nationwide\u003c/a> based on victims self-reporting. From March 19, 2020, through the end of last year, the organization recorded a total of 10,905, with 4,632 occurring in 2020 and 6,273 in 2021. Incidents reported by women made up 61.8% of the total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the Georgia shootings, police said Long blamed his actions on a “sex addiction,” which isn’t recognized as an official disorder, and targeted the spas as a source of temptation. That explanation rankled many Asian Americans and their allies, who saw the killings as hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he pleaded guilty in July to murder and other charges in the Cherokee County shootings, the district attorney there said investigators did not find evidence that Long was motivated by racial bias. Among other things, the prosecutor noted the diversity of the people shot there — in addition to two women of Asian descent, two victims were white and one Hispanic. But in Atlanta, where all four victims were women of Asian descent, the Fulton County district attorney is pursuing a sentencing enhancement under the state hate crimes law, saying she believes race and gender played a role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks and months following the shootings, rallies were held to protest violence against people of Asian descent. Prominent figures, including lawmakers and former federal prosecutors, spoke out against the violence and called for solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial figures from individual police agencies indicate anti-Asian hate crime overall in the U.S. increased 339% in 2021, compared with a 124% rise in 2020, according to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism. But the actual numbers could be much higher since many victims hesitate to report and not all incidents are charged as hate crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11907910\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11907910\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/03/RS48155_035_SanFrancisco_RiseUpRally_03262021-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cecile Dang (left) and Bryan Nguyen hold signs to show support for the Asian American community during a student-led rally in San Francisco on March 26, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Preliminary figures released by San Francisco police in January show reported hate crimes against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders rose by 567% last year. The initial count shows 60 victims in 2021, up from nine in 2020. Half of last year’s victims were allegedly targeted by one man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, the number of alleged hate crimes against Asians logged by police climbed from 28 in 2020 to 131 last year. Earlier this month, a 28-year-old white man was charged with hate crimes after police said he randomly punched seven women of Asian ethnicity over two hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least two people of Asian descent have died in New York City this year from injuries sustained months ago in attacks that authorities said were likely racially motivated: GuiYing Ma, 61, who was beaten in November while she swept a sidewalk in Queens, and Yao Pan Ma, 61, who was beaten into a coma in April while he collected bottles and cans in Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been other recent attacks on Asian women in the city that authorities aren’t sure are linked to racial bias, including the stabbing death of a woman in her Chinatown apartment building last month by a homeless man who followed her inside and the January death of a woman who was pushed in front of a subway train by a mentally ill homeless man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the nearby city of Yonkers, New York, this week, police charged a man with attempted murder as a hate crime after he attacked a 67-year-old Asian woman in an apartment building vestibule, punching her more than 125 times in an assault recorded on security video. Police and prosecutors said the man used an anti-Asian slur before assaulting her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer David B. Caruso in New York and KQED’s David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Republican Calls to Repeal CA Gas Tax\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As gas prices climb higher and higher, \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Republican state Assemblymember James Gallagher is \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">calling for California’s gas tax of $0.51 per gallon to be suspended. Gallagher also wants to increase oil production in state.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guest:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Assemblymember James Gallagher, R-Yuba City\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>This Week in California News and Politics\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In his State of the State address this week, Gov. Gavin Newsom acknowledged the ongoing crisis in Ukraine and expressed California’s solidarity with the Ukrainian government. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Earlier this week, he issued an executive order requiring state agencies and their contractors to comply with economic sanctions against Russia. He also touted California’s leadership on clean technology and recognized that while mask mandates and lockdowns during the pandemic were challenging, they also saved lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED government and politics correspondent\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Brian Watt, KQED Morning Edition host\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Housing and Evictions\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED has taken an in-depth look at the housing crisis with its podcast series, “\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/soldout\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.” We talk to co-hosts and housing affordability reporters \u003c/span>\u003cb>Erin Baldassari\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003cb>Molly Solomon\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Anti-War Protests\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Around the world, people have rallied in support of Ukraine in its fight against the Russian invasion. In this week’s look at Something Beautiful, we share photos from some San Francisco protests against the war.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachel Mann, a fourth grade teacher at Allendale Elementary, sat on the concrete steps of the amphitheater in front of Oakland’s City Hall on Friday, among the roughly 200 people gathered to protest the city’s recently announced school closure plans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are a school district,” Mann said. “We should be keeping schools open and cutting everything else we could possibly cut.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the end of January, the Oakland Unified School District announced its controversial \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pWL0ZdDNCWBGV4OgE3oyQ0nNgHi4F-Nj/view?usp=sharing\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">plan to close eight schools and merge six others over the next two years\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. If approved, the move would disproportionately affect Black students, who make up only 22% of the district’s enrollees, but about 43% of students at the eight schools slated for closure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/01/12/how-to-watch-and-participate-in-oakland-school-board-meetings/?gclid=Cj0KCQiAgP6PBhDmARIsAPWMq6l80j09E4PPDprx-M-slG7l7Ah3rqM0OtHxTiE_6wHP_MVq0izmCHAaAlsTEALw_wcB\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">school board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> will vote on the plan on Tuesday at 5 p.m. in a meeting open to the public virtually via \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ousd.org/boewatch\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Zoom\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904280\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904280\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keith Brown, Oakland Education Association President, speaks to the crowd during a citywide rally at Oakland City Hall on Feb. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Since the announcement, families and teachers opposing the proposal have demonstrated on school campuses, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/03/protesters-caravan-to-denounce-ousd-school-closures/\">in car caravans and outside the homes of school board members\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mike Hutchinson, OUSD school board director\"]‘We forget the real services that our public schools provide, everything from a community meeting space to educating generations of kids, to the anchor and the source of pride for a lot of communities.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mann said she’d rather see cuts come from the salaries of district administrators or from the money OUSD pays to lease and operate its downtown headquarters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think those things should be cut first before actual humans are made to change their whole entire lives and go to a new school or have no school in their neighborhood,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Standing nearby was Audrey Darnis, a teacher at Manzanita Community School, which serves students in Fruitvale and East Oakland. The district’s proposal would merge her school with Fruitvale Elementary, starting in the 2023-2024 school year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Many of the students live right in the neighborhood, right? So they walk to school. A majority of my students’ families do not have cars,” Darnis said, noting that Fruitvale Elementary is about a mile away from Manzanita. “If their school shuts down, it’s going to be very hard for them to get to another school.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904281\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904281\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-800x550.jpg\" alt='Three young people stand with their signs. One in a purple jacket, one in a red jacket and one person in a jean jacket with a sign saying \"Hands off our schools.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-800x550.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-1020x701.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-1536x1056.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Malou, a Melrose Leadership Academy student, listens to speeches with two friends during a rally at Oakland City Hall on Feb. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf says she understands the district’s proposal is hard on students and teachers, especially given Oakland’s history of school closures over the last two decades — many of them campuses where the majority of students were Black. \u003c/span>[aside postID=\"forum_2010101887739,news_11900752\" label=\"Related Posts\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We have been through so much trauma and they have every right to feel distrustful and fearful about this decision,” she said in an interview with KQED on Friday.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Enrollment in OUSD has declined by nearly 20,000 students over the last two decades, from over 52,000 in 2002 to just under 35,500 now, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dashboards.ousd.org/views/Enrollment/Historic?%3Aembed=y&%3AshowShareOptions=true&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3AshowVizHome=no&%3Arender=false#7\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">district data\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. And because state funding for public schools is tied to attendance, as students left the district, so did a lot of money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Schaaf says consolidating schools is necessary to fix structural problems in the district’s budget. “When you look at districts like Stockton, Fremont, San Jose, they serve roughly the same number of students — about 33,000,” she said. “But they do it in almost half the campuses — between 41 and 48 campuses — in those three districts, whereas Oakland has 80 campuses.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Schaaf, the consolidation would allow the district to redirect more funds from building upkeep and redundant administrative costs to student services. “This is an opportunity to do better for our students, our educators, and our families,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904283\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904283\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-800x559.jpg\" alt=\"Several red and white signs shown from a distance with many people standing in front of City Hall in Oakland\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-1020x713.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-1536x1074.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Educators, parents and youth gather in protest during a citywide rally at Oakland City Hall on Feb. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">School board member Mike Hutchinson, who is opposed to the consolidation plan, said it breaks promises the district made to the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In March 2021, the school board passed the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1knTRaGliW06LnPCATRmaILnwrgViLgsC/view\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reparations for Black Students Resolution\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a response to longtime efforts by community activists to call attention to the displacement of Black students and the disproportionate impact school closures in the district have had on them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As part of the resolution, the board promised, among other things, to work with the newly created Black Students and Families Thriving Task Force to develop an equity impact analysis before announcing additional school closures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But on January 12, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/19DPEJIKPw_pyiS_6ZTzya59OpvIAYtPC/view\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the board instructed the superintendent\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to move forward on a consolidation plan, in spite of its commitments made in the Reparations for Black Students resolution. They also instructed the district to do so without consideration for previous resolutions designed to improve community engagement ahead of school closures. Instead, the board asked for a plan as soon as possible, that could be put into action in the next school year and the year after. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904318\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904318\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-800x589.jpeg\" alt=\"A bald man in a light blue hoodie stands for a portrait. Behind him a scattered crowd stands on blacktop at Prescott School. \" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-800x589.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-1020x751.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-160x118.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-1536x1131.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-2048x1508.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-1920x1413.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Hutchinson, school board director for District 5, stands on the blacktop of Prescott School in West Oakland during a rally there on Feb. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hutchinson says the rush is eroding community trust in the board. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We forget the real services that our public schools provide, everything from a community meeting space to educating generations of kids, to the anchor and the source of pride for a lot of communities,” Hutchinson said at a rally on Saturday. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prescott, an elementary school in West Oakland, is a prime example. The school, which has served Oakland students for more than a century, is where Ida Louise Jackson, Oakland’s first Black teacher, began teaching in the 1920s. Now it’s on the chopping block.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lavena Brown, who attended a rally at Prescott on Saturday morning, says she lives near the school and was once a student there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There’s a lot of memories here,” she said of Prescott, the only elementary school in the Lower Bottoms neighborhood of West Oakland. “All my family, my parents went to this school. I went to this school in the ’70s, my parents way before me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under the district’s plan, Prescott students would go to either Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary — about a mile away — or Hoover Elementary — about two miles away — starting next school year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904314\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11904314 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black head scarf and a black hoodie with images from Mario Kart poses for a portrait the a young child wearing glasses. The child is holding a sign that reads, "Don't cut our kids." Stick into the frame above them is the top of a basketball hoop. Behind them are two cream and blue portable classrooms. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Erica Wade and her son Samuel pose for a portrait during a rally at Prescott School on Feb. 5, 2022. Wade is a graduate of Prescott and Samuel is a student at OUSD’s Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary School. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hutchinson says keeping neighborhood schools open is a basic issue of fairness. “Every community pays taxes. Every community deserves the same access to resources,” he says. “If our anchor public elementary schools close, that leaves that community, that neighborhood, without access to public resources.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Across town, two OUSD staff members have turned to more drastic methods to protest the closure plan: Moses Omolade, OUSD’s program director for community schools, and Maurice André San-Chez, a choir and dance teacher at Westlake Middle School, have been on a hunger strike since last Monday. The two are camped out on the front lawn of the school, which, under the district’s proposal, would be merged with West Oakland Middle School, roughly two miles away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904317\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11904317 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-800x600.jpeg\" alt='Two tents, one gray and one red stand on a lawn above a small retaining wall. A sign next to the tents reads, \"Westlake Middle School, Westlake convocation hunger strike day 5.\" In front of the tents a line of protest signs lines the edge of the retaining wall. Two read, \"No cuts, no closures.\" Behind the tents and one story white and green school building is visible. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OUSD staff members engaged in a hunger strike have set up a camp on the front lawn of Westlake Middle School. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Omolade says the short timeline for the approval of the plan and the lack of community engagement in the process has backed the families and teachers into a corner. When the plan was announced, he says, his world was turned upside down. “The community was struck. Kids freaking out, parents freaking out, staff freaking out,” he said. “Prescott, 150 years! At the stroke of a pen and a Zoom call, you think you’re about to take Prescott?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In thinking about how to protest, Omolade said he reflected on how his body has always been politicized. “I’m in a really large Black body — 6’8”, 210, and dark as night. And it’s a beautiful thing, but that hasn’t always been the messaging.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904316\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11904316 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"A waist-up photo of a man wearing a maroon beanie and a gray Westlake Middle School t-shirt. He's sitting in a green armchair. He has two nose piercings and septum piercing. He has beaded necklaces around his neck and his arms are spread out over the arms of the armchair. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Moses Omolade, OUSD program director of community schools, sits in an armchair outside Westlake Middle School. Omolade is one of two OUSD staff members on a hunger strike. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He says his decision to go on hunger strike is a way to show the board how much these closures will affect the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is what it looks like when you continue to make choices that create harm that you are so far removed from,” he said. “You don’t get to see those children and those families hurt and cry and travel across Oakland, lose hubs, community hubs, that produced their ancestors. So now this is what it looks like. I want you to see my body.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Oakland Unified School District announced its controversial plan to close eight schools and merge six others over the next two years. If approved, the move would disproportionately affect Black students, who make up only 22% of the district's enrollees, but about 43% of students at the eight schools slated for closure. ",
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"title": "Teachers and Families Rally Ahead of Upcoming Vote on Oakland School Closures | KQED",
"description": "The Oakland Unified School District announced its controversial plan to close eight schools and merge six others over the next two years. If approved, the move would disproportionately affect Black students, who make up only 22% of the district's enrollees, but about 43% of students at the eight schools slated for closure. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Rachel Mann, a fourth grade teacher at Allendale Elementary, sat on the concrete steps of the amphitheater in front of Oakland’s City Hall on Friday, among the roughly 200 people gathered to protest the city’s recently announced school closure plans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are a school district,” Mann said. “We should be keeping schools open and cutting everything else we could possibly cut.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the end of January, the Oakland Unified School District announced its controversial \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pWL0ZdDNCWBGV4OgE3oyQ0nNgHi4F-Nj/view?usp=sharing\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">plan to close eight schools and merge six others over the next two years\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. If approved, the move would disproportionately affect Black students, who make up only 22% of the district’s enrollees, but about 43% of students at the eight schools slated for closure. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2021/01/12/how-to-watch-and-participate-in-oakland-school-board-meetings/?gclid=Cj0KCQiAgP6PBhDmARIsAPWMq6l80j09E4PPDprx-M-slG7l7Ah3rqM0OtHxTiE_6wHP_MVq0izmCHAaAlsTEALw_wcB\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">school board\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> will vote on the plan on Tuesday at 5 p.m. in a meeting open to the public virtually via \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ousd.org/boewatch\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Zoom\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904280\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904280\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53505_20220204-IMG_2199-2-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Keith Brown, Oakland Education Association President, speaks to the crowd during a citywide rally at Oakland City Hall on Feb. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Since the announcement, families and teachers opposing the proposal have demonstrated on school campuses, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2022/02/03/protesters-caravan-to-denounce-ousd-school-closures/\">in car caravans and outside the homes of school board members\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We forget the real services that our public schools provide, everything from a community meeting space to educating generations of kids, to the anchor and the source of pride for a lot of communities.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Mann said she’d rather see cuts come from the salaries of district administrators or from the money OUSD pays to lease and operate its downtown headquarters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think those things should be cut first before actual humans are made to change their whole entire lives and go to a new school or have no school in their neighborhood,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Standing nearby was Audrey Darnis, a teacher at Manzanita Community School, which serves students in Fruitvale and East Oakland. The district’s proposal would merge her school with Fruitvale Elementary, starting in the 2023-2024 school year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Many of the students live right in the neighborhood, right? So they walk to school. A majority of my students’ families do not have cars,” Darnis said, noting that Fruitvale Elementary is about a mile away from Manzanita. “If their school shuts down, it’s going to be very hard for them to get to another school.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904281\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904281\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-800x550.jpg\" alt='Three young people stand with their signs. One in a purple jacket, one in a red jacket and one person in a jean jacket with a sign saying \"Hands off our schools.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"550\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-800x550.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-1020x701.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut-1536x1056.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53509_20220204-IMG_2284-2-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Malou, a Melrose Leadership Academy student, listens to speeches with two friends during a rally at Oakland City Hall on Feb. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf says she understands the district’s proposal is hard on students and teachers, especially given Oakland’s history of school closures over the last two decades — many of them campuses where the majority of students were Black. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We have been through so much trauma and they have every right to feel distrustful and fearful about this decision,” she said in an interview with KQED on Friday.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Enrollment in OUSD has declined by nearly 20,000 students over the last two decades, from over 52,000 in 2002 to just under 35,500 now, according to \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://dashboards.ousd.org/views/Enrollment/Historic?%3Aembed=y&%3AshowShareOptions=true&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3AshowVizHome=no&%3Arender=false#7\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">district data\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. And because state funding for public schools is tied to attendance, as students left the district, so did a lot of money. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Schaaf says consolidating schools is necessary to fix structural problems in the district’s budget. “When you look at districts like Stockton, Fremont, San Jose, they serve roughly the same number of students — about 33,000,” she said. “But they do it in almost half the campuses — between 41 and 48 campuses — in those three districts, whereas Oakland has 80 campuses.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to Schaaf, the consolidation would allow the district to redirect more funds from building upkeep and redundant administrative costs to student services. “This is an opportunity to do better for our students, our educators, and our families,” she said. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904283\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904283\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-800x559.jpg\" alt=\"Several red and white signs shown from a distance with many people standing in front of City Hall in Oakland\" width=\"800\" height=\"559\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-800x559.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-1020x713.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-160x112.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut-1536x1074.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/RS53515_20220204-IMG_2539-2-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Educators, parents and youth gather in protest during a citywide rally at Oakland City Hall on Feb. 4, 2022. \u003ccite>(Amaya Edwards/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">School board member Mike Hutchinson, who is opposed to the consolidation plan, said it breaks promises the district made to the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In March 2021, the school board passed the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1knTRaGliW06LnPCATRmaILnwrgViLgsC/view\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Reparations for Black Students Resolution\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, a response to longtime efforts by community activists to call attention to the displacement of Black students and the disproportionate impact school closures in the district have had on them. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As part of the resolution, the board promised, among other things, to work with the newly created Black Students and Families Thriving Task Force to develop an equity impact analysis before announcing additional school closures. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But on January 12, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/19DPEJIKPw_pyiS_6ZTzya59OpvIAYtPC/view\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">the board instructed the superintendent\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> to move forward on a consolidation plan, in spite of its commitments made in the Reparations for Black Students resolution. They also instructed the district to do so without consideration for previous resolutions designed to improve community engagement ahead of school closures. Instead, the board asked for a plan as soon as possible, that could be put into action in the next school year and the year after. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904318\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11904318\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-800x589.jpeg\" alt=\"A bald man in a light blue hoodie stands for a portrait. Behind him a scattered crowd stands on blacktop at Prescott School. \" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-800x589.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-1020x751.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-160x118.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-1536x1131.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-2048x1508.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7844-2-1920x1413.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Hutchinson, school board director for District 5, stands on the blacktop of Prescott School in West Oakland during a rally there on Feb. 5, 2022. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hutchinson says the rush is eroding community trust in the board. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We forget the real services that our public schools provide, everything from a community meeting space to educating generations of kids, to the anchor and the source of pride for a lot of communities,” Hutchinson said at a rally on Saturday. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prescott, an elementary school in West Oakland, is a prime example. The school, which has served Oakland students for more than a century, is where Ida Louise Jackson, Oakland’s first Black teacher, began teaching in the 1920s. Now it’s on the chopping block.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lavena Brown, who attended a rally at Prescott on Saturday morning, says she lives near the school and was once a student there. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There’s a lot of memories here,” she said of Prescott, the only elementary school in the Lower Bottoms neighborhood of West Oakland. “All my family, my parents went to this school. I went to this school in the ’70s, my parents way before me.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Under the district’s plan, Prescott students would go to either Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary — about a mile away — or Hoover Elementary — about two miles away — starting next school year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904314\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11904314 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a black head scarf and a black hoodie with images from Mario Kart poses for a portrait the a young child wearing glasses. The child is holding a sign that reads, "Don't cut our kids." Stick into the frame above them is the top of a basketball hoop. Behind them are two cream and blue portable classrooms. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7838-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Erica Wade and her son Samuel pose for a portrait during a rally at Prescott School on Feb. 5, 2022. Wade is a graduate of Prescott and Samuel is a student at OUSD’s Martin Luther King Jr. Elementary School. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hutchinson says keeping neighborhood schools open is a basic issue of fairness. “Every community pays taxes. Every community deserves the same access to resources,” he says. “If our anchor public elementary schools close, that leaves that community, that neighborhood, without access to public resources.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Across town, two OUSD staff members have turned to more drastic methods to protest the closure plan: Moses Omolade, OUSD’s program director for community schools, and Maurice André San-Chez, a choir and dance teacher at Westlake Middle School, have been on a hunger strike since last Monday. The two are camped out on the front lawn of the school, which, under the district’s proposal, would be merged with West Oakland Middle School, roughly two miles away. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904317\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11904317 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-800x600.jpeg\" alt='Two tents, one gray and one red stand on a lawn above a small retaining wall. A sign next to the tents reads, \"Westlake Middle School, Westlake convocation hunger strike day 5.\" In front of the tents a line of protest signs lines the edge of the retaining wall. Two read, \"No cuts, no closures.\" Behind the tents and one story white and green school building is visible. ' width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7847-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The OUSD staff members engaged in a hunger strike have set up a camp on the front lawn of Westlake Middle School. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Omolade says the short timeline for the approval of the plan and the lack of community engagement in the process has backed the families and teachers into a corner. When the plan was announced, he says, his world was turned upside down. “The community was struck. Kids freaking out, parents freaking out, staff freaking out,” he said. “Prescott, 150 years! At the stroke of a pen and a Zoom call, you think you’re about to take Prescott?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In thinking about how to protest, Omolade said he reflected on how his body has always been politicized. “I’m in a really large Black body — 6’8”, 210, and dark as night. And it’s a beautiful thing, but that hasn’t always been the messaging.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11904316\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11904316 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-800x600.jpeg\" alt=\"A waist-up photo of a man wearing a maroon beanie and a gray Westlake Middle School t-shirt. He's sitting in a green armchair. He has two nose piercings and septum piercing. He has beaded necklaces around his neck and his arms are spread out over the arms of the armchair. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/IMG_7846-2-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Moses Omolade, OUSD program director of community schools, sits in an armchair outside Westlake Middle School. Omolade is one of two OUSD staff members on a hunger strike. \u003ccite>(Annelise Finney/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He says his decision to go on hunger strike is a way to show the board how much these closures will affect the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This is what it looks like when you continue to make choices that create harm that you are so far removed from,” he said. “You don’t get to see those children and those families hurt and cry and travel across Oakland, lose hubs, community hubs, that produced their ancestors. So now this is what it looks like. I want you to see my body.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Content warning: This story contains references to rape and sexual assault.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside one of the only federal women’s prisons in the United States, incarcerated women say they have been subjected to rampant sexual abuse by correctional officers and even the warden, and were often threatened or punished when they tried to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prisoners and workers at the federal correctional institution in Dublin, California, even have a name for it: “the rape club.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Associated Press investigation has found a permissive and toxic culture at the Bay Area lockup, enabling years of sexual misconduct by predatory employees and cover-ups that have largely kept the abuse out of the public eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP obtained internal federal Bureau of Prisons documents, statements and recordings from incarcerated people, interviewed current and former prison employees and those incarcerated and reviewed thousands of pages of court records from criminal and civil cases involving Dublin prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, they detail how incarcerated people’s allegations against members of the mostly male staff were ignored or set aside, how prisoners could be sent to solitary confinement for reporting abuse and how officials in charge of preventing and investigating sexual misconduct were themselves accused of abusing incarcerated people or neglecting their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, an incarcerated woman said a man, who was her prison work supervisor, taunted her by remarking “let the games begin” when he assigned her to work with a maintenance foreman she accused of rape. Another worker claimed he wanted to get inmates pregnant. The warden — the man in charge at Dublin — kept nude photos on his government-issued cellphone of a woman he is accused of assaulting.[pullquote]One incarcerated woman said she was ‘overwhelmed with fear, anxiety, and anger, and cried uncontrollably’ after enduring abuse and retaliation at Dublin.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman said she was “overwhelmed with fear, anxiety, and anger, and cried uncontrollably” after enduring abuse and retaliation at Dublin. Another said she contemplated suicide when her cries for help went unheeded and now suffers from severe anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A culture of misconduct\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All sexual activity between a prison worker and an incarcerated person is illegal. Correctional employees enjoy substantial power over those incarcerated, controlling every aspect of their lives from mealtime to lights out, and there is no scenario in which an incarcerated person can give consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations at Dublin, which so far have resulted in four arrests, are endemic of a larger problem within the beleaguered Bureau of Prisons. In 2020, the same year some of the women at Dublin complained, there were 422 complaints of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse across the system of 122 prisons and 153,000 incarcerated people. The agency said it substantiated only four of those complaints and that 290 are still being investigated. It would not say whether the allegations were concentrated in women’s prisons or spread throughout the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hotbed of corruption and misconduct, the federal prison system has been plagued by myriad crises in recent years, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-prisons-5be574b4103a2f5420e0d9da2daf5c9c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">widespread criminal activity among employees\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-coronavirus-pandemic-prisons-government-and-politics-88fff925b1901a36a10581c28d826916\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">critically low staffing levels\u003c/a> that have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/only-on-ap-suicides-business-prisons-government-and-politics-0eba20833af541730b5e71bc4d2efbfe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hampered responses to emergencies\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-health-ap-top-news-politics-florida-724ee94ac5ba37b4df33c417f2bf78a2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rapid spread of COVID-19\u003c/a>, a failed response to the pandemic and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/government-and-politics-prisons-prison-breaks-business-c1979d6ad6e7b3531968dab0e61eb22d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dozens of escapes\u003c/a>. Last month, the embattled director, Michael Carvajal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-health-crime-prisons-arrests-efaf6fd8bbfe78b1124e64c08a5537ce\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced he was resigning\u003c/a>. On Monday, two incarcerated people were killed in a gang clash at a federal penitentiary in Texas, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-prison-fight-federal-lockdown-a0e7b61c5bdc5bbc25a691cc0a6920ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prompting a nationwide lockdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP contacted lawyers for every Dublin prison employee charged with sexual abuse or named as a defendant in a lawsuit alleging abuse, and tried reaching the men directly through available phone numbers and email addresses. None responded to interview requests. A government lawyer representing one of the men being sued declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thahesha Jusino, taking over as Dublin’s warden at the end of the month, promised to “work tirelessly to reaffirm the Bureau of Prisons’ zero tolerance for sexual abuse and sexual harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the agency is fully cooperating with the Justice Department’s inspector general on active investigations and noted that a “vast majority” of these cases were referred for investigation by the Bureau of Prisons itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am committed to ensuring the safety of our inmates, staff, and the public,” Jusino said in a statement to the AP. “A culture of misconduct, or actions not representative of the BOP’s Core Values will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said in a statement that “[z]ero tolerance means exactly that. The Justice Department is committed to both holding accountable any staff who violate their position of trust and to preventing these crimes from happening in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A criminal investigation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>FCI Dublin, which is 20 miles east of Oakland, was opened in 1974. It was converted in 2012 to one of six women-only facilities in the federal prison system. Actresses Lori Loughlin and Felicity Huffman both served time there for their involvement in a college admissions bribery scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Feb. 1, it had about 750 incarcerated people, many serving sentences for drug crimes. There are increasingly more women behind bars but they are still a minority — only about 6.5% of the overall federal inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials say the vast majority of Dublin employees are honest and hardworking, and are upset that the allegations and actions of some workers have tarnished the prison’s reputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a diversified staff. We have veterans. We have ex-law enforcement. We have good people, and they’re very traumatized,” Dublin union president Ed Canales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incarcerated people and prison workers who spoke to the AP did not want their names published for fear of retaliation. The AP also does not typically identify people who say they are victims of sexual assault unless they grant permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women made the first internal complaints to staff members about five years ago, court records and internal agency documents show, but it’s not clear whether those complaints ever went anywhere. The women say they were largely ignored, and the abuse continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman who reported a 2017 sexual assault said she was told nothing would be done about her complaint because it was a “he said-she said.” The woman, who is now suing the Bureau of Prisons over her treatment, said she was fired from her prison commissary job as retaliation. When she went to report her firing, she said a Dublin counselor took her abuser’s side, responding: “Child, do you want him to lose his job?” The woman was moved to a different prison a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, another Dublin incarcerated woman sued — first on her own with handwritten papers, then with the backing of a powerful San Francisco law firm — alleging that a maintenance foreman repeatedly raped her and that other workers facilitated the abuse and mocked her for it. When an internal prison investigator finally caught wind of what was happening, the woman said she was the one who got punished with three months in solitary confinement and a transfer to a federal prison in Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2020, another incarcerated woman’s report that Dublin workers were abusing inmates broke through to the Justice Department’s inspector general and the FBI, triggering a criminal investigation that has led to the arrest of four employees, including former warden \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-san-francisco-sexual-abuse-e9b0b3c8bf508bafc66399c95c02a1df\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ray J. Garcia\u003c/a>, in the past seven months. They each face up to 15 years in prison, though in other recent cases, sentences have ranged from three months to two years. [pullquote size=\"large\"]The FBI said Friday that it is continuing to investigate and is looking for anyone who may have been victimized to come forward and speak with agents.[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the men are expected to plead guilty in the coming weeks in federal court to charges of sexual abuse of a ward. None of the men accused in civil suits has been charged with a crime. Several Dublin workers are under investigation, though it’s not clear whether the men accused in the civil suits are among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI said Friday that it is continuing to investigate and is looking for anyone who may have been victimized to come forward and speak with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden, chaplain and others arrested\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The former warden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/warden-federal-corrections-institute-dublin-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested last September\u003c/a>, is accused of molesting an incarcerated woman as she tried to push him away. Garcia made her and another incarcerated woman strip naked as he did rounds and took pictures that were found on his personal laptop computer and government-issued cellphone when the FBI raided his office and home last summer, prosecutors said. The abuse ended when the pandemic exploded and women were locked in their cells, they said. Garcia was later promoted; the Bureau of Prisons said it didn’t know about the abuse until later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re undressing, I’ve already looked,” Garcia, 54, told the FBI in July 2021, according to court records. “I don’t, like, schedule a time like, ‘You be undressed, and I’ll be there.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who was placed on leave after the raid and retired a month after his arrest, is also accused of using his authority to intimidate one of his victims, telling her that he was “close friends” with the person responsible for investigating staff misconduct and boasting that he could not be fired, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/bureau-prisons-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ross Klinger\u003c/a>, 36, a Dublin prison recycling technician, is scheduled to plead guilty on Thursday to charges he sexually abused at least two incarcerated people between March and September 2020, including inside a warehouse and in a shipping container on prison grounds while another incarcerated person acted as a lookout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klinger told the women he wanted to marry them and father their children, even proposing to one of them with a diamond ring after she was discharged to a halfway house, prosecutors said. Another prisoner aware of the abuse reported Klinger to the Bureau of Prisons in June 2020, according to the FBI, but he was still allowed to transfer to a federal jail in San Diego months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the move, prosecutors said, Klinger kept contacting one victim through an email address he created with a phony name, sometimes sending lewd messages referencing sexual acts, and messaged the other woman on Snapchat, saying he loved her and was “willing to do anything” for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interviewed by investigators in April 2021, Klinger denied any wrongdoing, but said that because of the allegations his life was over and that he was concerned about going to prison and being labeled as a sex offender. He was in handcuffs two months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual misconduct of a ward, you can’t come back from that,” Klinger told investigators in the interview, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-college-admissions-health-arrests-prisons-3c90285b68758035990cf29d24f3826d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Russell Bellhouse\u003c/a>, 39, a prison safety administrator, is scheduled to be arraigned this month on charges he sexually abused an incarcerated woman he called his “girlfriend” from February to December 2020. He was placed on leave in March and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-inmate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested in December\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sexual-abuse-arrests-prisons-1f6def993dee7621a995e1b852dde9c5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">James Theodore Highhouse\u003c/a>, 49, a prison chaplain, has already signed a plea agreement and is scheduled to plead guilty Feb. 23 to charges he put his penis on an incarcerated woman’s genitals, mouth and hand and masturbated in front of her in 2018 and 2019, and that he lied to investigators when questioned about the abuse. He was arrested last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden had outsize influence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Garcia, the highest-ranking federal prison official arrested in more than 10 years, had an outsize influence as warden over how Dublin handled employee sexual misconduct. He led staff and inmate training on reporting abuse and complying with the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, known as PREA, and had control over staff discipline, including in cases of sexual abuse. In his prior role as associate warden, he had disciplinary authority over all incarcerated women, but not staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was also in charge of the legally required “rape elimination” compliance audit, first scheduled for early 2020 but not completed until last September — about the time he was arrested. The Bureau of Prisons blamed the pandemic for the delay and said the audit, Dublin’s first since 2017, is not yet finalized and cannot be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In private, Garcia was flouting measures put in place to protect incarcerated people from sexual abuse and later panicked that he would get caught for his own alleged misbehavior, court records show. The woman Garcia is accused of assaulting told investigators that one instance of abuse happened while PREA officials were visiting the prison. Garcia assaulted her in a changing stall designed for PREA-compliant searches, she said.[aside tag=\"prison, jail, incarcerated\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]Publicly, Garcia appeared to take a hard line on abuse. In one of his first acts after he was named warden in November 2020, he recommended firing the maintenance foreman William Martinez, accused of rape in the 2019 suit — albeit for what the staff disciplinary process narrowed to a finding of an “appearance of an inappropriate relationship with an inmate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez has denied the allegations and has filed a discrimination complaint against the Bureau of Prisons with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. He has not been charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia tasked another official with making a final decision on punishment and that person reduced the penalty to a 15-day suspension, but even that was later overturned. Internal documents obtained by the AP show that prison officials failed to look into the allegations against Martinez for nearly two years and then, after the investigation finished, waited another year to propose discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An administrative judge wrote in June that the prison’s protracted investigation “strains credulity” on a matter as serious as alleged sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the judge also found that prison officials cherry-picked evidence to bolster their case, only to end up unraveling it. He reversed the suspension and ordered the Bureau of Prisons to provide back pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\n___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Michael Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Follow \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MikeBalsamo1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Balsamo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/mikesisak\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Sisak\u003c/a> and send confidential tips by visiting www.ap.org/tips.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "AP Investigation: Dublin Women's Prison Fostered Culture of Abuse | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Content warning: This story contains references to rape and sexual assault.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside one of the only federal women’s prisons in the United States, incarcerated women say they have been subjected to rampant sexual abuse by correctional officers and even the warden, and were often threatened or punished when they tried to speak up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prisoners and workers at the federal correctional institution in Dublin, California, even have a name for it: “the rape club.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Associated Press investigation has found a permissive and toxic culture at the Bay Area lockup, enabling years of sexual misconduct by predatory employees and cover-ups that have largely kept the abuse out of the public eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP obtained internal federal Bureau of Prisons documents, statements and recordings from incarcerated people, interviewed current and former prison employees and those incarcerated and reviewed thousands of pages of court records from criminal and civil cases involving Dublin prison staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, they detail how incarcerated people’s allegations against members of the mostly male staff were ignored or set aside, how prisoners could be sent to solitary confinement for reporting abuse and how officials in charge of preventing and investigating sexual misconduct were themselves accused of abusing incarcerated people or neglecting their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one instance, an incarcerated woman said a man, who was her prison work supervisor, taunted her by remarking “let the games begin” when he assigned her to work with a maintenance foreman she accused of rape. Another worker claimed he wanted to get inmates pregnant. The warden — the man in charge at Dublin — kept nude photos on his government-issued cellphone of a woman he is accused of assaulting.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman said she was “overwhelmed with fear, anxiety, and anger, and cried uncontrollably” after enduring abuse and retaliation at Dublin. Another said she contemplated suicide when her cries for help went unheeded and now suffers from severe anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A culture of misconduct\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All sexual activity between a prison worker and an incarcerated person is illegal. Correctional employees enjoy substantial power over those incarcerated, controlling every aspect of their lives from mealtime to lights out, and there is no scenario in which an incarcerated person can give consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations at Dublin, which so far have resulted in four arrests, are endemic of a larger problem within the beleaguered Bureau of Prisons. In 2020, the same year some of the women at Dublin complained, there were 422 complaints of staff-on-inmate sexual abuse across the system of 122 prisons and 153,000 incarcerated people. The agency said it substantiated only four of those complaints and that 290 are still being investigated. It would not say whether the allegations were concentrated in women’s prisons or spread throughout the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hotbed of corruption and misconduct, the federal prison system has been plagued by myriad crises in recent years, including \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/federal-prisons-5be574b4103a2f5420e0d9da2daf5c9c\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">widespread criminal activity among employees\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-health-coronavirus-pandemic-prisons-government-and-politics-88fff925b1901a36a10581c28d826916\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">critically low staffing levels\u003c/a> that have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/only-on-ap-suicides-business-prisons-government-and-politics-0eba20833af541730b5e71bc4d2efbfe\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hampered responses to emergencies\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-health-ap-top-news-politics-florida-724ee94ac5ba37b4df33c417f2bf78a2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rapid spread of COVID-19\u003c/a>, a failed response to the pandemic and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/government-and-politics-prisons-prison-breaks-business-c1979d6ad6e7b3531968dab0e61eb22d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">dozens of escapes\u003c/a>. Last month, the embattled director, Michael Carvajal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-health-crime-prisons-arrests-efaf6fd8bbfe78b1124e64c08a5537ce\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">announced he was resigning\u003c/a>. On Monday, two incarcerated people were killed in a gang clash at a federal penitentiary in Texas, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/texas-prison-fight-federal-lockdown-a0e7b61c5bdc5bbc25a691cc0a6920ba\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">prompting a nationwide lockdown\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP contacted lawyers for every Dublin prison employee charged with sexual abuse or named as a defendant in a lawsuit alleging abuse, and tried reaching the men directly through available phone numbers and email addresses. None responded to interview requests. A government lawyer representing one of the men being sued declined comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thahesha Jusino, taking over as Dublin’s warden at the end of the month, promised to “work tirelessly to reaffirm the Bureau of Prisons’ zero tolerance for sexual abuse and sexual harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the agency is fully cooperating with the Justice Department’s inspector general on active investigations and noted that a “vast majority” of these cases were referred for investigation by the Bureau of Prisons itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am committed to ensuring the safety of our inmates, staff, and the public,” Jusino said in a statement to the AP. “A culture of misconduct, or actions not representative of the BOP’s Core Values will not be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department said in a statement that “[z]ero tolerance means exactly that. The Justice Department is committed to both holding accountable any staff who violate their position of trust and to preventing these crimes from happening in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A criminal investigation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>FCI Dublin, which is 20 miles east of Oakland, was opened in 1974. It was converted in 2012 to one of six women-only facilities in the federal prison system. Actresses Lori Loughlin and Felicity Huffman both served time there for their involvement in a college admissions bribery scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Feb. 1, it had about 750 incarcerated people, many serving sentences for drug crimes. There are increasingly more women behind bars but they are still a minority — only about 6.5% of the overall federal inmate population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials say the vast majority of Dublin employees are honest and hardworking, and are upset that the allegations and actions of some workers have tarnished the prison’s reputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a diversified staff. We have veterans. We have ex-law enforcement. We have good people, and they’re very traumatized,” Dublin union president Ed Canales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incarcerated people and prison workers who spoke to the AP did not want their names published for fear of retaliation. The AP also does not typically identify people who say they are victims of sexual assault unless they grant permission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women made the first internal complaints to staff members about five years ago, court records and internal agency documents show, but it’s not clear whether those complaints ever went anywhere. The women say they were largely ignored, and the abuse continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One incarcerated woman who reported a 2017 sexual assault said she was told nothing would be done about her complaint because it was a “he said-she said.” The woman, who is now suing the Bureau of Prisons over her treatment, said she was fired from her prison commissary job as retaliation. When she went to report her firing, she said a Dublin counselor took her abuser’s side, responding: “Child, do you want him to lose his job?” The woman was moved to a different prison a week later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, another Dublin incarcerated woman sued — first on her own with handwritten papers, then with the backing of a powerful San Francisco law firm — alleging that a maintenance foreman repeatedly raped her and that other workers facilitated the abuse and mocked her for it. When an internal prison investigator finally caught wind of what was happening, the woman said she was the one who got punished with three months in solitary confinement and a transfer to a federal prison in Alabama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in 2020, another incarcerated woman’s report that Dublin workers were abusing inmates broke through to the Justice Department’s inspector general and the FBI, triggering a criminal investigation that has led to the arrest of four employees, including former warden \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-san-francisco-sexual-abuse-e9b0b3c8bf508bafc66399c95c02a1df\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ray J. Garcia\u003c/a>, in the past seven months. They each face up to 15 years in prison, though in other recent cases, sentences have ranged from three months to two years. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the men are expected to plead guilty in the coming weeks in federal court to charges of sexual abuse of a ward. None of the men accused in civil suits has been charged with a crime. Several Dublin workers are under investigation, though it’s not clear whether the men accused in the civil suits are among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FBI said Friday that it is continuing to investigate and is looking for anyone who may have been victimized to come forward and speak with agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden, chaplain and others arrested\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The former warden, \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/warden-federal-corrections-institute-dublin-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested last September\u003c/a>, is accused of molesting an incarcerated woman as she tried to push him away. Garcia made her and another incarcerated woman strip naked as he did rounds and took pictures that were found on his personal laptop computer and government-issued cellphone when the FBI raided his office and home last summer, prosecutors said. The abuse ended when the pandemic exploded and women were locked in their cells, they said. Garcia was later promoted; the Bureau of Prisons said it didn’t know about the abuse until later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they’re undressing, I’ve already looked,” Garcia, 54, told the FBI in July 2021, according to court records. “I don’t, like, schedule a time like, ‘You be undressed, and I’ll be there.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia, who was placed on leave after the raid and retired a month after his arrest, is also accused of using his authority to intimidate one of his victims, telling her that he was “close friends” with the person responsible for investigating staff misconduct and boasting that he could not be fired, prosecutors said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/bureau-prisons-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-ward\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Ross Klinger\u003c/a>, 36, a Dublin prison recycling technician, is scheduled to plead guilty on Thursday to charges he sexually abused at least two incarcerated people between March and September 2020, including inside a warehouse and in a shipping container on prison grounds while another incarcerated person acted as a lookout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klinger told the women he wanted to marry them and father their children, even proposing to one of them with a diamond ring after she was discharged to a halfway house, prosecutors said. Another prisoner aware of the abuse reported Klinger to the Bureau of Prisons in June 2020, according to the FBI, but he was still allowed to transfer to a federal jail in San Diego months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the move, prosecutors said, Klinger kept contacting one victim through an email address he created with a phony name, sometimes sending lewd messages referencing sexual acts, and messaged the other woman on Snapchat, saying he loved her and was “willing to do anything” for her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interviewed by investigators in April 2021, Klinger denied any wrongdoing, but said that because of the allegations his life was over and that he was concerned about going to prison and being labeled as a sex offender. He was in handcuffs two months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual misconduct of a ward, you can’t come back from that,” Klinger told investigators in the interview, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-college-admissions-health-arrests-prisons-3c90285b68758035990cf29d24f3826d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">John Russell Bellhouse\u003c/a>, 39, a prison safety administrator, is scheduled to be arraigned this month on charges he sexually abused an incarcerated woman he called his “girlfriend” from February to December 2020. He was placed on leave in March and \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/federal-correctional-officer-charged-sexual-abuse-inmate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">arrested in December\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/sexual-abuse-arrests-prisons-1f6def993dee7621a995e1b852dde9c5\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">James Theodore Highhouse\u003c/a>, 49, a prison chaplain, has already signed a plea agreement and is scheduled to plead guilty Feb. 23 to charges he put his penis on an incarcerated woman’s genitals, mouth and hand and masturbated in front of her in 2018 and 2019, and that he lied to investigators when questioned about the abuse. He was arrested last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warden had outsize influence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Garcia, the highest-ranking federal prison official arrested in more than 10 years, had an outsize influence as warden over how Dublin handled employee sexual misconduct. He led staff and inmate training on reporting abuse and complying with the federal Prison Rape Elimination Act, known as PREA, and had control over staff discipline, including in cases of sexual abuse. In his prior role as associate warden, he had disciplinary authority over all incarcerated women, but not staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was also in charge of the legally required “rape elimination” compliance audit, first scheduled for early 2020 but not completed until last September — about the time he was arrested. The Bureau of Prisons blamed the pandemic for the delay and said the audit, Dublin’s first since 2017, is not yet finalized and cannot be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In private, Garcia was flouting measures put in place to protect incarcerated people from sexual abuse and later panicked that he would get caught for his own alleged misbehavior, court records show. The woman Garcia is accused of assaulting told investigators that one instance of abuse happened while PREA officials were visiting the prison. Garcia assaulted her in a changing stall designed for PREA-compliant searches, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Publicly, Garcia appeared to take a hard line on abuse. In one of his first acts after he was named warden in November 2020, he recommended firing the maintenance foreman William Martinez, accused of rape in the 2019 suit — albeit for what the staff disciplinary process narrowed to a finding of an “appearance of an inappropriate relationship with an inmate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez has denied the allegations and has filed a discrimination complaint against the Bureau of Prisons with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. He has not been charged with a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcia tasked another official with making a final decision on punishment and that person reduced the penalty to a 15-day suspension, but even that was later overturned. Internal documents obtained by the AP show that prison officials failed to look into the allegations against Martinez for nearly two years and then, after the investigation finished, waited another year to propose discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An administrative judge wrote in June that the prison’s protracted investigation “strains credulity” on a matter as serious as alleged sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the judge also found that prison officials cherry-picked evidence to bolster their case, only to end up unraveling it. He reversed the suspension and ordered the Bureau of Prisons to provide back pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n___\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Michael Sisak reported from New York.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Follow \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MikeBalsamo1\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Balsamo\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/mikesisak\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Michael Sisak\u003c/a> and send confidential tips by visiting www.ap.org/tips.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "With Little Chance of Success, Single-Payer Health Care Bill Withdrawn Ahead of Vote in State Legislature",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Democrats decided not to advance a bill that would make the government pay for everybody’s health care in the nation’s most populous state. Assemblymember Ash Kalra announced that he would withdraw AB 1400, California Guaranteed Health Care for All Act (CalCare), from a vote today after it became clear there would not be enough votes for it to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite heavy opposition and substantial misinformation from those that stand to profit from our current healthcare system, we were able to ignite a realistic and achievable path toward single-payer and bring AB 1400 to the floor of the Assembly,” said Kalra in a news release. “Although the bill did not pass the Assembly by today’s deadline, this is only a pause for the single-payer movement; our coalition, including the mighty California Nurses Association, will continue the fight for accessible, affordable, and equitable healthcare for all Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would have created the nation’s only statewide universal health care system and set its rules — but it would not have paid for it. There’s another bill that would do that. It has a different deadline and does not have to pass on Monday.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Ash Kalra, D-San Jose\"]‘Although the bill did not pass the Assembly by today’s deadline, this is only a pause for the single-payer movement; our coalition, including the mighty California Nurses Association, will continue the fight for accessible, affordable, and equitable healthcare for all Californians.’[/pullquote]There were still many unanswered questions about financing, quality and how doctors would make decisions. Monday’s debate would likely have been dominated by concerns about cost. The latest estimate says it would cost taxpayers at least $356.5 billion per year to pay for the health care of nearly 40 million residents. California’s total operating budget — which pays for public schools, courts, roads and bridges and other important services — is roughly $262 billion this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of the news that the Assembly failed to vote on the bill, the California Nurses Association released a statement condemning the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, elected leaders in California had the opportunity to put patients first and set an example for the whole country by passing AB 1400, the California Guaranteed Health Care for All Act, in the State Assembly. Instead, Assembly Member Ash Kalra, the main author of the bill, chose not to hold a vote on this bill at all, providing cover for those who would have been forced to go on the record about where they stand on guaranteed health care for all people in California. Nurses condemn this failure by elected representatives to put patients above profits, especially during the worst surge of COVID-19 yet, at a time when it’s more clear than ever before that health care must be a right, not just a privilege for those who can afford it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican Leader Marie Waldron lauded Democrats who stood up to their base and joined Republicans to put an end to the bill she referred to as a “foolhardy plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Better late than never,” said Waldron in a news release. “The fact that a proposal for a government takeover of our state’s entire health care system even made it this far shows just how out of touch the Democratic party is from the needs of everyday Californians. Even though this plan is dead for now, every Democrat who supported it will have to answer for their effort to end Medicare, kick 20 million Californians off their existing plans, require the largest tax increase in state history and put bureaucrats in charge of health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other coalitions opposed to the bill expressed concern that its passage would have done more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians are already facing higher inflation and taxes while struggling with the many difficulties/hardships that the pandemic has caused,” said Ned Wigglesworth, a spokesperson for the Protect California Health Care coalition, in a news statement. “They should have the right to choose the coverage they want, and deserve a stable health care system they can always rely on. AB 1400 would have eliminated both Medicare for seniors and private coverage for everyone, with no guarantee that patients could keep their doctor. The bill would have irreparably damaged the health care that millions of Californians rely on every day — all in the middle of a pandemic. Today’s vote in the Assembly was a vote to protect their constituents from higher taxes and chaos in our health care system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Democrats filed a proposed amendment to the state Constitution that would impose hefty new taxes on businesses and individuals to pay for the system. The taxes would generate roughly $163 billion per year, and the amendment would give lawmakers the power to raise those taxes to keep up with costs. Supporters hoped both proposals — the bill to create the system and the bill to pay for it — would move forward together this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Monday’s deadline was only on the bill that would create the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Californians and their employers are already paying exorbitant amounts for health care through high deductibles, co-pays and monthly insurance premiums. The bill would have eliminated all of those and replace them with taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure, there is sticker shock. But there should be sticker shock for how much we are paying now,” said Stephanie Roberson, director of government relations for the California Nurses Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are we getting? People are still uninsured. People are still underinsured. People are going into medical debt. People have to reach tens of thousands of dollars of deductibles. We’ll eliminate that under this program,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, lots of people pay for California’s health care system, including patients, insurance companies and employers. The bill before the Legislature would change that to a single payer — the government. If enacted, it would unravel the private health insurance market. Private health insurance would still be allowed, but only for services not covered by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives have long dreamed of a single-payer health system in the U.S., believing it would control costs and save lives. But it’s never happened. Vermont enacted the nation’s first single-payer health care system in 2011, but later abandoned it because of the cost. Proposals in Congress have gone nowhere.[aside postID=\"news_11902591,news_11901347,news_11902585\" label=\"Related Posts\"]In California, voters overwhelmingly rejected a single-payer system in a 1994 ballot initiative. State lawmakers tried again in the 2000s, twice passing single-payer legislation only to have both bills vetoed by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican. Another attempt in 2017 passed the Senate but died in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s vote wouldn’t have been easy, even in famously liberal California. While this bill had the support of some Democratic leaders and powerful labor unions, it had intense opposition from business groups that are pressuring more moderate Democrats not to vote for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needed 41 votes to survive on Monday. Democrats have 56 of the 80 seats in the Assembly. But they are missing three of their more liberal members, who have recently resigned to take other jobs, leaving little room for defections. The current idea for financing includes new taxes, and legislators will need to get voter approval for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters did not get a boost from Newsom, who they thought would be an important ally. Newsom campaigned for a universal health care system during his 2018 run for governor. But since taking office, Newsom has focused mostly on expanding access to insurance coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has said he still supports a single-payer system. A commission he established to study the idea is due to release its report later this year. But Newsom remained silent on this latest proposal ahead of Monday’s deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need right now is support from the governor on this bill,” Roberson said before the bill was withdrawn. “We welcome him to make good on his campaign promise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s April Dembosky contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Assemblymember Ash Kalra decided to withdraw his bill from a vote today that would have created a government-funded universal health care system in California. The bill would set the rules for a universal health care system, but it would not pay for it. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Democrats decided not to advance a bill that would make the government pay for everybody’s health care in the nation’s most populous state. Assemblymember Ash Kalra announced that he would withdraw AB 1400, California Guaranteed Health Care for All Act (CalCare), from a vote today after it became clear there would not be enough votes for it to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite heavy opposition and substantial misinformation from those that stand to profit from our current healthcare system, we were able to ignite a realistic and achievable path toward single-payer and bring AB 1400 to the floor of the Assembly,” said Kalra in a news release. “Although the bill did not pass the Assembly by today’s deadline, this is only a pause for the single-payer movement; our coalition, including the mighty California Nurses Association, will continue the fight for accessible, affordable, and equitable healthcare for all Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would have created the nation’s only statewide universal health care system and set its rules — but it would not have paid for it. There’s another bill that would do that. It has a different deadline and does not have to pass on Monday.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There were still many unanswered questions about financing, quality and how doctors would make decisions. Monday’s debate would likely have been dominated by concerns about cost. The latest estimate says it would cost taxpayers at least $356.5 billion per year to pay for the health care of nearly 40 million residents. California’s total operating budget — which pays for public schools, courts, roads and bridges and other important services — is roughly $262 billion this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of the news that the Assembly failed to vote on the bill, the California Nurses Association released a statement condemning the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today, elected leaders in California had the opportunity to put patients first and set an example for the whole country by passing AB 1400, the California Guaranteed Health Care for All Act, in the State Assembly. Instead, Assembly Member Ash Kalra, the main author of the bill, chose not to hold a vote on this bill at all, providing cover for those who would have been forced to go on the record about where they stand on guaranteed health care for all people in California. Nurses condemn this failure by elected representatives to put patients above profits, especially during the worst surge of COVID-19 yet, at a time when it’s more clear than ever before that health care must be a right, not just a privilege for those who can afford it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican Leader Marie Waldron lauded Democrats who stood up to their base and joined Republicans to put an end to the bill she referred to as a “foolhardy plan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Better late than never,” said Waldron in a news release. “The fact that a proposal for a government takeover of our state’s entire health care system even made it this far shows just how out of touch the Democratic party is from the needs of everyday Californians. Even though this plan is dead for now, every Democrat who supported it will have to answer for their effort to end Medicare, kick 20 million Californians off their existing plans, require the largest tax increase in state history and put bureaucrats in charge of health care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other coalitions opposed to the bill expressed concern that its passage would have done more harm than good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians are already facing higher inflation and taxes while struggling with the many difficulties/hardships that the pandemic has caused,” said Ned Wigglesworth, a spokesperson for the Protect California Health Care coalition, in a news statement. “They should have the right to choose the coverage they want, and deserve a stable health care system they can always rely on. AB 1400 would have eliminated both Medicare for seniors and private coverage for everyone, with no guarantee that patients could keep their doctor. The bill would have irreparably damaged the health care that millions of Californians rely on every day — all in the middle of a pandemic. Today’s vote in the Assembly was a vote to protect their constituents from higher taxes and chaos in our health care system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Democrats filed a proposed amendment to the state Constitution that would impose hefty new taxes on businesses and individuals to pay for the system. The taxes would generate roughly $163 billion per year, and the amendment would give lawmakers the power to raise those taxes to keep up with costs. Supporters hoped both proposals — the bill to create the system and the bill to pay for it — would move forward together this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Monday’s deadline was only on the bill that would create the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters say Californians and their employers are already paying exorbitant amounts for health care through high deductibles, co-pays and monthly insurance premiums. The bill would have eliminated all of those and replace them with taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sure, there is sticker shock. But there should be sticker shock for how much we are paying now,” said Stephanie Roberson, director of government relations for the California Nurses Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What are we getting? People are still uninsured. People are still underinsured. People are going into medical debt. People have to reach tens of thousands of dollars of deductibles. We’ll eliminate that under this program,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, lots of people pay for California’s health care system, including patients, insurance companies and employers. The bill before the Legislature would change that to a single payer — the government. If enacted, it would unravel the private health insurance market. Private health insurance would still be allowed, but only for services not covered by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressives have long dreamed of a single-payer health system in the U.S., believing it would control costs and save lives. But it’s never happened. Vermont enacted the nation’s first single-payer health care system in 2011, but later abandoned it because of the cost. Proposals in Congress have gone nowhere.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In California, voters overwhelmingly rejected a single-payer system in a 1994 ballot initiative. State lawmakers tried again in the 2000s, twice passing single-payer legislation only to have both bills vetoed by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican. Another attempt in 2017 passed the Senate but died in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s vote wouldn’t have been easy, even in famously liberal California. While this bill had the support of some Democratic leaders and powerful labor unions, it had intense opposition from business groups that are pressuring more moderate Democrats not to vote for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needed 41 votes to survive on Monday. Democrats have 56 of the 80 seats in the Assembly. But they are missing three of their more liberal members, who have recently resigned to take other jobs, leaving little room for defections. The current idea for financing includes new taxes, and legislators will need to get voter approval for that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters did not get a boost from Newsom, who they thought would be an important ally. Newsom campaigned for a universal health care system during his 2018 run for governor. But since taking office, Newsom has focused mostly on expanding access to insurance coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has said he still supports a single-payer system. A commission he established to study the idea is due to release its report later this year. But Newsom remained silent on this latest proposal ahead of Monday’s deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we need right now is support from the governor on this bill,” Roberson said before the bill was withdrawn. “We welcome him to make good on his campaign promise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s April Dembosky contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11902667\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final.png\" alt='Cartoon: an anti-vaccine parent with anti-vax signs and phony covid cures stands next to his child. An arrow pointing at the child reads, \"personal belief exemption.\" The arrow pointing at the shrunken brain of the parent reads, \"parenting skills exemption.\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1287\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final-800x536.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final-1020x684.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final-160x107.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/01/personal_012522_final-1536x1030.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2022/01/california-vaccine-mandate-children/\">bill Democratic state Sen. Richard Pan introduced on Monday\u003c/a> would require all California students in grades K-12 to be vaccinated against COVID-19 by Jan. 1, 2023, eliminating the personal belief exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pan’s bill goes a step further than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890715/newsom-enacts-first-in-nation-statewide-student-vaccine-mandate\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s mandate announced in the fall\u003c/a>, which allows for personal belief exemptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this era of rampant anti-science misinformation, a personal belief exemption is far too easy of an out, and it only serves to sabotage herd immunity and prolong the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sorry, if you really want to put yourself, your kids and others at risk, you’re going to need a much better reason than “personal belief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"onourwatch": {
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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