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More than 500 people were reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/world/middleeast/lebanon-civilian-death-toll-israel.html\">killed\u003c/a>, including 50 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands fled the region for Beirut, the country’s capital on the Mediterranean coast. The airstrikes follow a series of pager and other device explosions across the country facilitated by Israel. The coordinated attack on Hezbollah killed at least \u003ca href=\"https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/09/24/hezbollah-pager-explosions-lebanon-israel-middle-east-iran-us-policy/\">40 people\u003c/a> and injured 3,000 others. Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed militia and political party in Lebanon, have been locked in almost daily cross-border skirmishes since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Richard Kadi’s family lives near Saida, a city in southern Lebanon. The barrages fuel constant worries about his cousins and uncles. Kadi, who lives in Belmont, checks on them daily. It’s difficult, he said, for them to escape the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006424\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae on Sept. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The roads are congested,” Kadi said. “They are really afraid that there won’t be any gas for the cars, or there won’t be any food or bread. People are worried and scared, and they don’t know how far this is going to escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MJ Azzi, who came to the United States as a student six years ago, is in constant communication with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very scared,” she said. “They say that whatever it is that they have been dreading to happen for the past many months is happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti said that the situation has spiraled more dramatically than his friends and family in Lebanon expected. They’re now afraid the country could get dragged into the worst conflict in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a sense of doom, unfortunately, that has overtaken people who maybe had too rosy of a picture before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti remembers what he calls “a beautiful childhood” in the country. Lebanon was a cultural powerhouse for much of the 20th century. It has the most \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14647308\">liberal media\u003c/a> in any Arab country. Lebanese artists produced Arabic-language pop music, books and movies, and Beirut was known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Many Lebanese people speak Arabic, English and French, and the country’s many religious and ethnic minorities are guaranteed representation in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005195 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240425-StanfordGazaProtest-018-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south, Lebanon was stable for three decades after gaining independence from France in the early 1940s. Salti recalled the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, which began as a clash between Lebanese Christians and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Then, the U.S., Syria, Israel and Iran got involved in the 15-year conflict that displaced nearly 1 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waves of Lebanese have left the country since. Many fled when Israel invaded and occupied southern Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war. Hezbollah was founded after Israel’s invasion in 1982.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history looms heavily over this week’s fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the story of Lebanon for the past 50 years,” said Kadi, who emigrated from Lebanon 24 years ago. “Every now and then, there’s been bombardment attacks or airplanes flying over our heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Younger Lebanese, like Azzi, have been traumatized by the periodic violence, as well as the port explosion that rocked Beirut in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can never plan for the future,” said Azzi, 27. “I grew up in a climate of instability, and it just feels like it’s been the same for as long as I’ve known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the second-largest Lebanese diaspora in the U.S. after Michigan. Thousands gather annually at the Bay Area Lebanese Festival held in August in downtown Redwood City. On weekends, Kadi and friends play soccer and cards together, and they meet on Sundays at Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kadi isn’t part of a political organization, he and others in the community share their opinions about the inflamed tensions in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see things differently, from different perspectives,” Kadi said. “Of course, people blame Hezbollah. But at the end of the day, it’s the bigger power who can actually serve justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area politicians have called for an end to the violence. East Bay Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who voted against providing offensive weapons to Israel earlier this year, is among the elected officials urging the Biden administration to pursue a ceasefire in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see America assert that there has to be a regional and international pressure on both sides to stop and to get to a discussion about long-term peace, which means coexistence,” DeSaulnier said. “We’re tempting World War III. Not to be over reactionary, but smaller conflicts, as history has taught us, can escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his final speech addressing the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, President Joe Biden said, “Nobody wants to see full-scale war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A solution is still possible,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salti and Kadi hoped for a stronger statement from Biden. As they wait for a ceasefire, they find hope in community and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not teaching, Salti hosts a radio program and podcast called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993183/ramzi-salti-champions-indie-arab-musicians-with-arabology-podcast\">Arabology\u003c/a>. Each \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/arabology/sets/podcasts\">two-hour episode\u003c/a> is filled with facts about Arabic music and artists, woven through an array of indie-Arabic tracks and remixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s planning an episode on Lebanese music featuring, Salti said, “everything that’s beautiful about Lebanon, not the war and destruction.” Included in the mix is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hb7WKF3WLV0\">I Love You, Lebanon\u003c/a>,” a song released in 1970 by Fairuz, whom he called “the Diva of Lebanon.” The nostalgic lyrics summarize the love that a lot of Lebanese have for their country, Salti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a song about peace, about loving Lebanon through its best times and worst times,” he said. “It’s the best medication I could recommend right now in terms of Lebanese music that can be healing and empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Ramzi Salti met with his new students at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford-university\">Stanford University\u003c/a> earlier this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Arabic language course he has taught at the university for 25 years, students read the news and discuss current events. Salti, an advanced lecturer in the school’s Arabic program, told KQED he’s unsure how to incorporate the most recent conflict in Lebanon into his curriculum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had time to process any of it,” said Salti, whose family left Lebanon and immigrated to the United States 45 years ago. “But you cannot have a course about current events in the Middle East and not go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concern and anxiety have gripped the Bay Area’s Lebanese diaspora, a community of more than 5,000 people, according to estimates from the West Coast’s \u003ca href=\"https://honoraryconsulateoflebanon-uswestcoast.org/\">Honorary Consulate of Lebanon\u003c/a>, since Israel began pummeling southern Lebanon with airstrikes on Monday. More than 500 people were reportedly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/25/world/middleeast/lebanon-civilian-death-toll-israel.html\">killed\u003c/a>, including 50 children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands fled the region for Beirut, the country’s capital on the Mediterranean coast. The airstrikes follow a series of pager and other device explosions across the country facilitated by Israel. The coordinated attack on Hezbollah killed at least \u003ca href=\"https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/09/24/hezbollah-pager-explosions-lebanon-israel-middle-east-iran-us-policy/\">40 people\u003c/a> and injured 3,000 others. Israel and Hezbollah, an Iran-backed militia and political party in Lebanon, have been locked in almost daily cross-border skirmishes since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Richard Kadi’s family lives near Saida, a city in southern Lebanon. The barrages fuel constant worries about his cousins and uncles. Kadi, who lives in Belmont, checks on them daily. It’s difficult, he said, for them to escape the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006424\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006424\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240925-LEBANESE-COMMUNITY-REACTIONS-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae on Sept. 25, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The roads are congested,” Kadi said. “They are really afraid that there won’t be any gas for the cars, or there won’t be any food or bread. People are worried and scared, and they don’t know how far this is going to escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MJ Azzi, who came to the United States as a student six years ago, is in constant communication with her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are very scared,” she said. “They say that whatever it is that they have been dreading to happen for the past many months is happening right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti said that the situation has spiraled more dramatically than his friends and family in Lebanon expected. They’re now afraid the country could get dragged into the worst conflict in its history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that there is a sense of doom, unfortunately, that has overtaken people who maybe had too rosy of a picture before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salti remembers what he calls “a beautiful childhood” in the country. Lebanon was a cultural powerhouse for much of the 20th century. It has the most \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-14647308\">liberal media\u003c/a> in any Arab country. Lebanese artists produced Arabic-language pop music, books and movies, and Beirut was known as the “Paris of the Middle East.” Many Lebanese people speak Arabic, English and French, and the country’s many religious and ethnic minorities are guaranteed representation in government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordered by Syria to the north and east and Israel to the south, Lebanon was stable for three decades after gaining independence from France in the early 1940s. Salti recalled the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975, which began as a clash between Lebanese Christians and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Then, the U.S., Syria, Israel and Iran got involved in the 15-year conflict that displaced nearly 1 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waves of Lebanese have left the country since. Many fled when Israel invaded and occupied southern Lebanon in 1982 and again in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war. Hezbollah was founded after Israel’s invasion in 1982.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The history looms heavily over this week’s fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been the story of Lebanon for the past 50 years,” said Kadi, who emigrated from Lebanon 24 years ago. “Every now and then, there’s been bombardment attacks or airplanes flying over our heads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Younger Lebanese, like Azzi, have been traumatized by the periodic violence, as well as the port explosion that rocked Beirut in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can never plan for the future,” said Azzi, 27. “I grew up in a climate of instability, and it just feels like it’s been the same for as long as I’ve known.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is home to the second-largest Lebanese diaspora in the U.S. after Michigan. Thousands gather annually at the Bay Area Lebanese Festival held in August in downtown Redwood City. On weekends, Kadi and friends play soccer and cards together, and they meet on Sundays at Our Lady of Lebanon Maronite Catholic Church in Millbrae.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kadi isn’t part of a political organization, he and others in the community share their opinions about the inflamed tensions in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People see things differently, from different perspectives,” Kadi said. “Of course, people blame Hezbollah. But at the end of the day, it’s the bigger power who can actually serve justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several Bay Area politicians have called for an end to the violence. East Bay Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who voted against providing offensive weapons to Israel earlier this year, is among the elected officials urging the Biden administration to pursue a ceasefire in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to see America assert that there has to be a regional and international pressure on both sides to stop and to get to a discussion about long-term peace, which means coexistence,” DeSaulnier said. “We’re tempting World War III. Not to be over reactionary, but smaller conflicts, as history has taught us, can escalate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his final speech addressing the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, President Joe Biden said, “Nobody wants to see full-scale war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A solution is still possible,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Salti and Kadi hoped for a stronger statement from Biden. As they wait for a ceasefire, they find hope in community and culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s not teaching, Salti hosts a radio program and podcast called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993183/ramzi-salti-champions-indie-arab-musicians-with-arabology-podcast\">Arabology\u003c/a>. Each \u003ca href=\"https://soundcloud.com/arabology/sets/podcasts\">two-hour episode\u003c/a> is filled with facts about Arabic music and artists, woven through an array of indie-Arabic tracks and remixes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s planning an episode on Lebanese music featuring, Salti said, “everything that’s beautiful about Lebanon, not the war and destruction.” Included in the mix is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hb7WKF3WLV0\">I Love You, Lebanon\u003c/a>,” a song released in 1970 by Fairuz, whom he called “the Diva of Lebanon.” The nostalgic lyrics summarize the love that a lot of Lebanese have for their country, Salti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a song about peace, about loving Lebanon through its best times and worst times,” he said. “It’s the best medication I could recommend right now in terms of Lebanese music that can be healing and empowering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-5-would-lower-the-voting-threshold-for-certain-local-bond-measures",
"title": "Proposition 5 Would Lower the Voting Threshold for Certain Local Bond Measures",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 5 Would Lower the Voting Threshold for Certain Local Bond Measures | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi helps us parse through the nuances of Proposition 5, which asks voters to lower the threshold to pass local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure from a two-thirds majority to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3997284697&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s take a quick trip through some recent election results for local bond measures around California, shall we…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2020. Measure A. San Diego. A $900 million bond for low-income, substance abuse, and mental health service housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 57% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Measure L. City of Berkeley. A $650 million bond to fund housing and infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Proposition A. San Francisco. A $400 million bond for transit improvements and repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 65% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I’m noticing a trend…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Indeed! California makes it difficult for local governments to borrow money. They have to ask voters for permission – and then get a SUPERMAJORITY of votes – that’s two-thirds of the vote or 66.67%. That’s meant a lot of local bond measures fail, even when they have a lot of public support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> But Proposition 5 could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. This is Prop Fest – our podcast series that goes deep on explaining the props on California’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’re covering ten props in ten days, all so you can vote with confidence this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Prop 5 is looking to lower the threshold of voter support needed to pass local bond measures for housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I know it sounds pretty wonky – but this one could have a big impact for local budgets … and for homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Because if more bonds start passing someone has to pay for them. And it’s probably you … or your landlord … who then passes that cost on to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> We’ll get into the details on Proposition 5 just ahead on Prop Fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s get into it on Proposition 5. Here’s how it will appear on your ballot…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover:\u003c/strong> Proposition 5 ALLOWS LOCAL BONDS FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE WITH 55% VOTER APPROVAL. It’s a constitutional amendment that was placed on the ballot by the state legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> To help explain what’s at stake with Prop 5. I’m joined by reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi Hey, Adhiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 impacts how we pass local bonds in this state. So I want to start with a quick refresher for people. What exactly is a bond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Okay, so bonds are a way for state and local governments to raise money for big projects that they want to do now, but pay over time. You might think of it as sort of like a 30-year mortgage you might have on a house, right? The bank gives you a bunch of money upfront to buy the house, and then you pay it back in small installments with interest over time. Government bonds work kind of the same way, except instead of being used to buy a house, the government uses the money for all sorts of things like renovating schools, fixing potholes, funding public transportation, things like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And right now, if a local government in California wants to borrow money, they always have to get voter approval. And not just the majority of the vote, but actually two thirds of the vote. The state, on the other hand, only needs 55% of voters’ support for their bonds. So it’s essentially harder for a city or county to pass a bond than it is for the state. What could Prop 5 change about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 wants to lower that threshold of votes that local governments would need to get from two thirds to 55%, but only for two types of bonds, affordable housing and for public infrastructure projects. Affordable housing bonds would mean money to build new affordable housing funding, down payment assistance programs, or a low income housing support, for example. Public infrastructure bonds could mean money for road repairs, water management, parks, hospitals, stuff like that. This prop also includes a rule that local governments have to put accountability measures in place so if they issue a bond. Taxpayers know where their money is going. And the interesting thing to note here is that back in 2000, voters passed a proposition that lowered the voter threshold to 55% for school bonds. So this is already something that has come up before the voters and they approved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Can you walk through why there’s this focus specifically on housing affordability and public infrastructure bonds?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah. I mean, California’s housing affordability crisis impacts everyone. And it’s growing worse and worse every year. So much so that more people are losing their homes or moving out of the state entirely. Public infrastructure is also hard to fund. There are some hospitals that are falling into disrepair, and it’s been hard for them to get funding. Even just getting a bike lane installed on a road can be really expensive. And, you know, bond measures have some results. For example, in 2019, San Francisco passed Prop eight, which approved $600 million in bonds for affordable housing. And some of that money went to fund Shirley Chisholm Village, a development for educators in the San Francisco Unified School District. So, teacher housing. And it’s set to open this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And why lower the voter threshold?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> In short, they want more of these local bonds to have a better chance of passing. A lot of local bond measures have failed recently, despite having incredibly strong voter support. Here’s Edie Irons, who works for All Homes, an affordable housing advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Edie Irons:\u003c/strong> I was just looking at a list of like ten measures for housing across the state in the last just handful of years that failed. Because they got 55%, 59%, 60%, 66%. It’s too high of a bar. You know, a two thirds threshold is not actually a functional way to govern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, if Prop 5 passes, do we have a sense of how many more of these local bond measures would pass?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The Legislative Analyst’s Office has done an analysis on recent local election results, and they say an additional 20% to 50% of local bond measures would have passed under Proposition Five’s lower voter approval requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. Yeah, that’s quite a bit. Now, this two thirds threshold that currently exists was set back in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13. Folks will remember that Prop 13 was all about limiting property tax increases for homeowners. Can you walk us through why that two thirds threshold was part of Prop 13?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Totally. So when Prop 13 was introduced to the voters in the late 70s, it came at a time when property taxes were fluctuating a lot, partially because there was a huge population boom leading to an increase in demand for housing and a lot of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s anti-tax activist Howard Jarvis, one of the big proponents of Prop 13, in a 1978 debate…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis (Archival Tape):\u003c/strong> \u003cem>The second objective of the amendment is to enable elderly people unlimited incomes, which there are 3 or 4 million in this state, to be able to retain the homes that they have bought and paid for. And who are in serious danger today, because of rapidly escalating property taxes, of losing their homes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The property taxes rose so much that some people living on their retirements, who were on a fixed income, couldn’t keep up and some even lost their homes. Prop 13 came in and said, we’re going to make sure property taxes are tied to the home’s value when you bought the home, not the current market value, which could fluctuate. And what it also said is that it would make it harder for local governments to raise those property taxes through bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, our state government is primarily funded by income taxes. So the money you probably see taken out of your paycheck every few weeks. Our local governments are funded primarily through property taxes. So language in Prop 13 set the threshold to pass a local bond to two thirds to make it harder to pass bonds and thus less likely, homeowners would see property tax increases.\u003cbr>\nSo if Prop 5 this year passes, local governments will have an easier time approving bond measures, and it’s more likely that homeowners will see property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the thing. Opponents of Prop 5 are worried about that. It chips away at some of those protections Prop 13 has held in place for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> There are many critiques of Prop 13, and the implications it’s had on everything from the cost of housing to income inequality … but for the purposes of this episode, know Prop 13 had a drastic and immediate impact on the amount of money going to local governments. And that’s taken a toll on everything that’s traditionally funded by local government – like schools and local infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Adhiti, Prop 13 has long been called, you know, a political third rail, something that just cannot be touched because it’s so popular with many homeowners in California. Is that still the case if we’re seeing, you know, things like Prop 5 on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I wanted to figure that out. And so I talked to Mark Baldassare from the Public Policy Institute of California for this. Back in 2018, he had done a survey on how people felt about Prop 13 at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Baldassare:\u003c/strong> Pretty consistently. More than 6 in 10 people in California in our polling say that they feel overall Proposition 13 has been mostly a good thing. So convincing people that something that the voters passed even a long time ago needs to be changed is a hurdle. And it might impact their own taxes and ultimately their cost of living at a time when people are very sensitive about rising costs of living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, to be fair, I don’t know how many people will read Prop 5 text and think about Prop 13. I also don’t know how many people will read about Prop 5 and think about their property taxes increasing because not everyone realizes that local bond measures are funded through property tax hikes. But if Prop 5 passes, it could be a bellwether for Prop 13 future as we see more of its protections chipped away year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, I know there’s been some controversy about the language of the measure or basically what voters will read on the ballot. What are opponents saying about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, there has been a lot of concern about the language of this prop. It doesn’t specify that the 55% threshold is a decrease from the existing two thirds threshold. And many, like former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are concerned that voters won’t fully understand what they’re voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis\u003c/strong>: I think it’s misleading. The best I can say is it’s a proposition that is going to be reducing the threshold to passing a new tax when in fact the language on the ballot makes you feel like you’re increasing the voting threshold. So I think it’s misleading and dishonest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> There was even a court case over the language on the ballot, but ultimately, the language on the ballot was permitted to remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This prop has a lot of ramifications for property taxes, as we’ve been talking about already. But how does California stack up against other states currently on that front?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, California’s property tax rates aren’t that high when you compare us to other states. In fact, our property tax rates are actually kind of low. But because our property values here are really high, the amount people end up paying can feel like a lot. And because property taxes can only increase by a little bit every year, it can be really hard for local governments to keep up with maintaining their cities, especially if they have huge population booms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Which probably accounts for a lot of Bay Area regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Very much so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, how did Prop 5 end up on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The legislature voted to put Prop 5 on the ballot last year. It’s part of a series of attempts to solve the state’s increasingly dire housing crisis. This is just one way local governments could raise money to approach housing affordability at the local level. It’s a change that has to be voted on by Californians because it would mean a change to the state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Take us through who is in support of this one and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Lots of organizations support this proposition, including the California Democratic Party. California YIMBY also known as Yes in My Backyard, California Housing Partnership and the California Apartment Association, among many, many, many others. Affordable housing activists are really excited about this bond, particularly because we’re coming out of a kind of lackluster year when it comes to funding for housing at the state level. We had two multibillion dollar bond measures that were going to go before the voters but died along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that Prop 13 has made it hard for local governments to spend money locally, and they have to rely on the state to pass these big bond measures. And then that money trickles its way down to the cities that need it. I spoke with Amie Fishman from the nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Amie Fishman\u003c/strong>: Our focus is on how do we empower local communities to directly address their own affordable housing and infrastructure needs. And Prop 5 allows communities to take control of their futures, really, and make the necessary investments without waiting for state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who’s lining up in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Generally, groups that are anti-tax. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has been against this initiative since it was just a proposal. The California Chamber of Commerce is against it and the very powerful California Association of Realtors. Here’s former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis:\u003c/strong> It actually reverses a lot of the protections that we had under Prop 13. It actually makes it much easier to pass new bonds, new, you know, which I think that we do need a good infrastructure. We do need things. But I also am very cognizant of the fact that my mom received her property tax bill in November that she has to pay. And there’s currently, you know, my mom, who’s retired and is on a limited income has 17– already 17 taxes that are not her property tax. So these are 17 parcel measures from anything from the water district to the county to the school boards to the you name it. There’s 17 currently. You know, I think that this could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, this proposition does have some accountability measures there, but people worry about whether the rules will actually be followed. Bond money is sometimes misappropriated, even with accountability measures in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And how is the campaign spending shaking out here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> As of mid-September, when we’re recording this conversation, the opponents of Prop 5 have raised almost $30 million to fight this. Meanwhile, the ‘yes’ camp has raised about 5 million. But I should add, a lot of that $30 million from the ‘no’ camp came from realty groups, but their opposition has cooled slightly because the legislature made some concessions before this was placed on the ballot. There is now language in Prop 5 that bans local governments from using the bond money to buy up existing single family homes and converting them into affordable units, something the realty groups didn’t want to happen. And just to make it clear, this proposition lowers the voter threshold, but people still have to vote in order for a bond measure to pass. So it’s not like cities can just pass bond measures without say so from the taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, thank you for walking us through this one. It was way more complicated than I anticipated when I first read it. Housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, thanks again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Thanks for having me. This was really complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We made it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In summary, a vote yes on Prop 5 means you want the threshold of voter support needed for local affordable housing and public infrastructure bonds to be lowered from two thirds to 55%. This means it’s more likely that bonds will pass and more funding will be available for those types of projects. A vote no on Prop 5 means you want to keep that two thirds threshold in place and you want to maintain Prop 13 protections against property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> That’s a wrap on Prop 5. Thanks for tuning in to Prop Fest – a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> If you’re finding these episodes valuable, please share them with a friend, tell your neighbors, post about them on social media… We put a ton of work into these episodes and we really want people to find them before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> Prop Fest is produced by Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, Olivia Allen-Price, Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, And me Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, And the whole KQED family\u003cbr>\nEricka Cruz Guevarra: You can find audio and transcripts for this series at KQED.org/PropFest …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Join your friends and neighbors and support our work today. Give at KQED.org/donate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. We’ll be back tomorrow with an explainer on Proposition 6 – which looks to end involuntary servitude for incarcerated people. Thanks for listening.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi helps us parse through the nuances of Proposition 5, which asks voters to lower the threshold to pass local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure from a two-thirds majority to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This episode has been updated from a previous version to clarify ramifications of Proposition 13.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3997284697&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s take a quick trip through some recent election results for local bond measures around California, shall we…?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2020. Measure A. San Diego. A $900 million bond for low-income, substance abuse, and mental health service housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 57% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Measure L. City of Berkeley. A $650 million bond to fund housing and infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 59% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> 2022. Proposition A. San Francisco. A $400 million bond for transit improvements and repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Failed with 65% of voters in favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I’m noticing a trend…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Indeed! California makes it difficult for local governments to borrow money. They have to ask voters for permission – and then get a SUPERMAJORITY of votes – that’s two-thirds of the vote or 66.67%. That’s meant a lot of local bond measures fail, even when they have a lot of public support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> But Proposition 5 could change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Olivia Allen-Price: I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> And I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay. This is Prop Fest – our podcast series that goes deep on explaining the props on California’s ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’re covering ten props in ten days, all so you can vote with confidence this November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Prop 5 is looking to lower the threshold of voter support needed to pass local bond measures for housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> I know it sounds pretty wonky – but this one could have a big impact for local budgets … and for homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Because if more bonds start passing someone has to pay for them. And it’s probably you … or your landlord … who then passes that cost on to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> We’ll get into the details on Proposition 5 just ahead on Prop Fest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SPONSOR MESSAGE\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s get into it on Proposition 5. Here’s how it will appear on your ballot…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voiceover:\u003c/strong> Proposition 5 ALLOWS LOCAL BONDS FOR AFFORDABLE HOUSING AND PUBLIC INFRASTRUCTURE WITH 55% VOTER APPROVAL. It’s a constitutional amendment that was placed on the ballot by the state legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> To help explain what’s at stake with Prop 5. I’m joined by reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi Hey, Adhiti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 impacts how we pass local bonds in this state. So I want to start with a quick refresher for people. What exactly is a bond?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Okay, so bonds are a way for state and local governments to raise money for big projects that they want to do now, but pay over time. You might think of it as sort of like a 30-year mortgage you might have on a house, right? The bank gives you a bunch of money upfront to buy the house, and then you pay it back in small installments with interest over time. Government bonds work kind of the same way, except instead of being used to buy a house, the government uses the money for all sorts of things like renovating schools, fixing potholes, funding public transportation, things like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And right now, if a local government in California wants to borrow money, they always have to get voter approval. And not just the majority of the vote, but actually two thirds of the vote. The state, on the other hand, only needs 55% of voters’ support for their bonds. So it’s essentially harder for a city or county to pass a bond than it is for the state. What could Prop 5 change about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> So Prop 5 wants to lower that threshold of votes that local governments would need to get from two thirds to 55%, but only for two types of bonds, affordable housing and for public infrastructure projects. Affordable housing bonds would mean money to build new affordable housing funding, down payment assistance programs, or a low income housing support, for example. Public infrastructure bonds could mean money for road repairs, water management, parks, hospitals, stuff like that. This prop also includes a rule that local governments have to put accountability measures in place so if they issue a bond. Taxpayers know where their money is going. And the interesting thing to note here is that back in 2000, voters passed a proposition that lowered the voter threshold to 55% for school bonds. So this is already something that has come up before the voters and they approved it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Can you walk through why there’s this focus specifically on housing affordability and public infrastructure bonds?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah. I mean, California’s housing affordability crisis impacts everyone. And it’s growing worse and worse every year. So much so that more people are losing their homes or moving out of the state entirely. Public infrastructure is also hard to fund. There are some hospitals that are falling into disrepair, and it’s been hard for them to get funding. Even just getting a bike lane installed on a road can be really expensive. And, you know, bond measures have some results. For example, in 2019, San Francisco passed Prop eight, which approved $600 million in bonds for affordable housing. And some of that money went to fund Shirley Chisholm Village, a development for educators in the San Francisco Unified School District. So, teacher housing. And it’s set to open this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And why lower the voter threshold?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> In short, they want more of these local bonds to have a better chance of passing. A lot of local bond measures have failed recently, despite having incredibly strong voter support. Here’s Edie Irons, who works for All Homes, an affordable housing advocacy group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Edie Irons:\u003c/strong> I was just looking at a list of like ten measures for housing across the state in the last just handful of years that failed. Because they got 55%, 59%, 60%, 66%. It’s too high of a bar. You know, a two thirds threshold is not actually a functional way to govern.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, if Prop 5 passes, do we have a sense of how many more of these local bond measures would pass?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The Legislative Analyst’s Office has done an analysis on recent local election results, and they say an additional 20% to 50% of local bond measures would have passed under Proposition Five’s lower voter approval requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. Yeah, that’s quite a bit. Now, this two thirds threshold that currently exists was set back in 1978 with the passage of Proposition 13. Folks will remember that Prop 13 was all about limiting property tax increases for homeowners. Can you walk us through why that two thirds threshold was part of Prop 13?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Totally. So when Prop 13 was introduced to the voters in the late 70s, it came at a time when property taxes were fluctuating a lot, partially because there was a huge population boom leading to an increase in demand for housing and a lot of inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s anti-tax activist Howard Jarvis, one of the big proponents of Prop 13, in a 1978 debate…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis (Archival Tape):\u003c/strong> \u003cem>The second objective of the amendment is to enable elderly people unlimited incomes, which there are 3 or 4 million in this state, to be able to retain the homes that they have bought and paid for. And who are in serious danger today, because of rapidly escalating property taxes, of losing their homes.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The property taxes rose so much that some people living on their retirements, who were on a fixed income, couldn’t keep up and some even lost their homes. Prop 13 came in and said, we’re going to make sure property taxes are tied to the home’s value when you bought the home, not the current market value, which could fluctuate. And what it also said is that it would make it harder for local governments to raise those property taxes through bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, our state government is primarily funded by income taxes. So the money you probably see taken out of your paycheck every few weeks. Our local governments are funded primarily through property taxes. So language in Prop 13 set the threshold to pass a local bond to two thirds to make it harder to pass bonds and thus less likely, homeowners would see property tax increases.\u003cbr>\nSo if Prop 5 this year passes, local governments will have an easier time approving bond measures, and it’s more likely that homeowners will see property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s the thing. Opponents of Prop 5 are worried about that. It chips away at some of those protections Prop 13 has held in place for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> There are many critiques of Prop 13, and the implications it’s had on everything from the cost of housing to income inequality … but for the purposes of this episode, know Prop 13 had a drastic and immediate impact on the amount of money going to local governments. And that’s taken a toll on everything that’s traditionally funded by local government – like schools and local infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Adhiti, Prop 13 has long been called, you know, a political third rail, something that just cannot be touched because it’s so popular with many homeowners in California. Is that still the case if we’re seeing, you know, things like Prop 5 on our ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, I wanted to figure that out. And so I talked to Mark Baldassare from the Public Policy Institute of California for this. Back in 2018, he had done a survey on how people felt about Prop 13 at that time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Baldassare:\u003c/strong> Pretty consistently. More than 6 in 10 people in California in our polling say that they feel overall Proposition 13 has been mostly a good thing. So convincing people that something that the voters passed even a long time ago needs to be changed is a hurdle. And it might impact their own taxes and ultimately their cost of living at a time when people are very sensitive about rising costs of living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, to be fair, I don’t know how many people will read Prop 5 text and think about Prop 13. I also don’t know how many people will read about Prop 5 and think about their property taxes increasing because not everyone realizes that local bond measures are funded through property tax hikes. But if Prop 5 passes, it could be a bellwether for Prop 13 future as we see more of its protections chipped away year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, I know there’s been some controversy about the language of the measure or basically what voters will read on the ballot. What are opponents saying about that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, there has been a lot of concern about the language of this prop. It doesn’t specify that the 55% threshold is a decrease from the existing two thirds threshold. And many, like former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are concerned that voters won’t fully understand what they’re voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis\u003c/strong>: I think it’s misleading. The best I can say is it’s a proposition that is going to be reducing the threshold to passing a new tax when in fact the language on the ballot makes you feel like you’re increasing the voting threshold. So I think it’s misleading and dishonest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> There was even a court case over the language on the ballot, but ultimately, the language on the ballot was permitted to remain as is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This prop has a lot of ramifications for property taxes, as we’ve been talking about already. But how does California stack up against other states currently on that front?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Yeah, California’s property tax rates aren’t that high when you compare us to other states. In fact, our property tax rates are actually kind of low. But because our property values here are really high, the amount people end up paying can feel like a lot. And because property taxes can only increase by a little bit every year, it can be really hard for local governments to keep up with maintaining their cities, especially if they have huge population booms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Which probably accounts for a lot of Bay Area regions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Very much so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, how did Prop 5 end up on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> The legislature voted to put Prop 5 on the ballot last year. It’s part of a series of attempts to solve the state’s increasingly dire housing crisis. This is just one way local governments could raise money to approach housing affordability at the local level. It’s a change that has to be voted on by Californians because it would mean a change to the state’s constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Take us through who is in support of this one and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Lots of organizations support this proposition, including the California Democratic Party. California YIMBY also known as Yes in My Backyard, California Housing Partnership and the California Apartment Association, among many, many, many others. Affordable housing activists are really excited about this bond, particularly because we’re coming out of a kind of lackluster year when it comes to funding for housing at the state level. We had two multibillion dollar bond measures that were going to go before the voters but died along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some argue that Prop 13 has made it hard for local governments to spend money locally, and they have to rely on the state to pass these big bond measures. And then that money trickles its way down to the cities that need it. I spoke with Amie Fishman from the nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California about this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Amie Fishman\u003c/strong>: Our focus is on how do we empower local communities to directly address their own affordable housing and infrastructure needs. And Prop 5 allows communities to take control of their futures, really, and make the necessary investments without waiting for state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who’s lining up in opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Generally, groups that are anti-tax. The Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association has been against this initiative since it was just a proposal. The California Chamber of Commerce is against it and the very powerful California Association of Realtors. Here’s former San Jose Councilmember Johnny Khamis again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johnny Khamis:\u003c/strong> It actually reverses a lot of the protections that we had under Prop 13. It actually makes it much easier to pass new bonds, new, you know, which I think that we do need a good infrastructure. We do need things. But I also am very cognizant of the fact that my mom received her property tax bill in November that she has to pay. And there’s currently, you know, my mom, who’s retired and is on a limited income has 17– already 17 taxes that are not her property tax. So these are 17 parcel measures from anything from the water district to the county to the school boards to the you name it. There’s 17 currently. You know, I think that this could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Now, this proposition does have some accountability measures there, but people worry about whether the rules will actually be followed. Bond money is sometimes misappropriated, even with accountability measures in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And how is the campaign spending shaking out here?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> As of mid-September, when we’re recording this conversation, the opponents of Prop 5 have raised almost $30 million to fight this. Meanwhile, the ‘yes’ camp has raised about 5 million. But I should add, a lot of that $30 million from the ‘no’ camp came from realty groups, but their opposition has cooled slightly because the legislature made some concessions before this was placed on the ballot. There is now language in Prop 5 that bans local governments from using the bond money to buy up existing single family homes and converting them into affordable units, something the realty groups didn’t want to happen. And just to make it clear, this proposition lowers the voter threshold, but people still have to vote in order for a bond measure to pass. So it’s not like cities can just pass bond measures without say so from the taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, thank you for walking us through this one. It was way more complicated than I anticipated when I first read it. Housing reporter Adhiti Bandlamudi, thanks again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Adhiti Bandlamudi:\u003c/strong> Thanks for having me. This was really complicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We made it through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In summary, a vote yes on Prop 5 means you want the threshold of voter support needed for local affordable housing and public infrastructure bonds to be lowered from two thirds to 55%. This means it’s more likely that bonds will pass and more funding will be available for those types of projects. A vote no on Prop 5 means you want to keep that two thirds threshold in place and you want to maintain Prop 13 protections against property tax increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> That’s a wrap on Prop 5. Thanks for tuning in to Prop Fest – a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> If you’re finding these episodes valuable, please share them with a friend, tell your neighbors, post about them on social media… We put a ton of work into these episodes and we really want people to find them before Election Day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/strong> Prop Fest is produced by Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeda Amaral, Olivia Allen-Price, Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, And me Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, And the whole KQED family\u003cbr>\nEricka Cruz Guevarra: You can find audio and transcripts for this series at KQED.org/PropFest …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Our show is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. Join your friends and neighbors and support our work today. Give at KQED.org/donate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco school officials should focus on resolving the district’s budget before making final decisions about possible school closures, Mayor London Breed suggested during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907207/mayor-london-breed-on-why-san-francisco-should-give-her-another-term\">an interview with KQED’s Forum\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her comments come as the San Francisco Unified School District faces multiple colliding issues, including a budget crisis that puts it at risk of a state takeover and other operational dysfunction. On Sunday, Breed announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">send a team of five experts\u003c/a> led by top city administrators to help the district “stabilize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This year, when we balance this budget without school closures at this time, it’s going to give us an understanding of what the school district has to do long term,” Breed told KQED on Wednesday. “Because the fact is, no one can say, ‘We’re going to keep all the schools open’ or ‘We’re going to close the school.’ No one can say that because we don’t have the facts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s budget deficit is projected to reach $148.5 million this school year, and intervention by the California Department of Education has already begun. While the district is required to pass a balanced budget by December, it has also been moving forward with plans for its first campus closures in 20 years — which district officials have said are meant to make up for steadily declining enrollment, not to cut costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed did not confirm any timeline for the next steps for school closures, which the district ultimately will decide. District officials on Tuesday said they still intend to share out a short list of schools that could face closure by October; that target was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed back from last week\u003c/a> after Superintendent Matt Wayne said officials needed more time to “carefully review everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to set a timeline, which we don’t have at this point, but we hope to have it sometime in October to put parents at ease,” Breed said. “People need to have clarity, they need to have a timeline, and our goal is to get there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12004831 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240916-UNIONSFSCHOOLCLOSURES-42-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the district’s initial timeline, the list of campuses recommended for closure would go up for a school board vote in December, with the affected campuses shutting down at the end of the academic year. While he has not set a new date for releasing the list of schools that will close or merge, Wayne said on Tuesday that he still expects a board vote before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“December will be [a] critical month because this is when we present our updated fiscal stabilization plan, which shows how we’re going to balance the budget and ensure that we maintain local control, and then it’s also when we’re going to present to the board and ask for their action on our school closure plan,” Wayne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staving off school closure plans until after the district balances its budget would align with a resolution that Supervisor Connie Chan introduced on Tuesday, although Breed did not say she is backing the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SFUSD should be focused on shoring up their existing budgetary concerns,” Chan said in a statement. “We need to work with the California Department of Education, school district families, and community stakeholders on solutions to balance the district’s budget deficit in the best interest of San Francisco students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District 1 supervisor said rushing school closures could also hurt the likelihood of the district passing its $790 million bond on the ballot this November. The measure, Proposition A, would provide critical funding for schools and district infrastructure, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002125/as-san-francisco-school-closures-loom-frustrated-teachers-say-hiring-has-hit-a-wall\">beleaguered hiring and payroll system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is facing a tight reelection this November, announced that she would deploy the so-called School Stabilization Team shortly after an emergency school board meeting on Sunday at which officials said Wayne would stay on as superintendent. During a joint press conference with Wayne on Tuesday, SFUSD Board President Matt Alexander said he called the meeting and requested support from Breed because he felt a sense of urgency to address fiscal and operational problems in the district “immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander and Wayne met Tuesday morning with the leaders of Breed’s emergency team — Maria Su, the executive director of the Department of Children Youth and Their Families, and Phil Ginsburg, the general manager of the Recreation and Parks Department — and started to work out “specific ideas” for how they could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been very clear from the mayor, from Maria Su, from Phil Ginsburg, that this is a partnership,” Alexander said. “It is not the city telling us what to do. It is the city offering resources, supporting us, working in partnership with the school district to address the issues the Superintendent outlined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Forum, Breed asked SFUSD parents to “please be patient with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For sure, this year, the first plan is to balance the budget for December,” Breed said. “We need to look at the data to understand and determine what will happen, and until we do that, I can’t say anything will happen this school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco school officials should focus on resolving the district’s budget before making final decisions about possible school closures, Mayor London Breed suggested during \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907207/mayor-london-breed-on-why-san-francisco-should-give-her-another-term\">an interview with KQED’s Forum\u003c/a> on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her comments come as the San Francisco Unified School District faces multiple colliding issues, including a budget crisis that puts it at risk of a state takeover and other operational dysfunction. On Sunday, Breed announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">send a team of five experts\u003c/a> led by top city administrators to help the district “stabilize.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This year, when we balance this budget without school closures at this time, it’s going to give us an understanding of what the school district has to do long term,” Breed told KQED on Wednesday. “Because the fact is, no one can say, ‘We’re going to keep all the schools open’ or ‘We’re going to close the school.’ No one can say that because we don’t have the facts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s budget deficit is projected to reach $148.5 million this school year, and intervention by the California Department of Education has already begun. While the district is required to pass a balanced budget by December, it has also been moving forward with plans for its first campus closures in 20 years — which district officials have said are meant to make up for steadily declining enrollment, not to cut costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed did not confirm any timeline for the next steps for school closures, which the district ultimately will decide. District officials on Tuesday said they still intend to share out a short list of schools that could face closure by October; that target was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed back from last week\u003c/a> after Superintendent Matt Wayne said officials needed more time to “carefully review everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to set a timeline, which we don’t have at this point, but we hope to have it sometime in October to put parents at ease,” Breed said. “People need to have clarity, they need to have a timeline, and our goal is to get there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the district’s initial timeline, the list of campuses recommended for closure would go up for a school board vote in December, with the affected campuses shutting down at the end of the academic year. While he has not set a new date for releasing the list of schools that will close or merge, Wayne said on Tuesday that he still expects a board vote before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“December will be [a] critical month because this is when we present our updated fiscal stabilization plan, which shows how we’re going to balance the budget and ensure that we maintain local control, and then it’s also when we’re going to present to the board and ask for their action on our school closure plan,” Wayne said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staving off school closure plans until after the district balances its budget would align with a resolution that Supervisor Connie Chan introduced on Tuesday, although Breed did not say she is backing the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SFUSD should be focused on shoring up their existing budgetary concerns,” Chan said in a statement. “We need to work with the California Department of Education, school district families, and community stakeholders on solutions to balance the district’s budget deficit in the best interest of San Francisco students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The District 1 supervisor said rushing school closures could also hurt the likelihood of the district passing its $790 million bond on the ballot this November. The measure, Proposition A, would provide critical funding for schools and district infrastructure, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002125/as-san-francisco-school-closures-loom-frustrated-teachers-say-hiring-has-hit-a-wall\">beleaguered hiring and payroll system\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who is facing a tight reelection this November, announced that she would deploy the so-called School Stabilization Team shortly after an emergency school board meeting on Sunday at which officials said Wayne would stay on as superintendent. During a joint press conference with Wayne on Tuesday, SFUSD Board President Matt Alexander said he called the meeting and requested support from Breed because he felt a sense of urgency to address fiscal and operational problems in the district “immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexander and Wayne met Tuesday morning with the leaders of Breed’s emergency team — Maria Su, the executive director of the Department of Children Youth and Their Families, and Phil Ginsburg, the general manager of the Recreation and Parks Department — and started to work out “specific ideas” for how they could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been very clear from the mayor, from Maria Su, from Phil Ginsburg, that this is a partnership,” Alexander said. “It is not the city telling us what to do. It is the city offering resources, supporting us, working in partnership with the school district to address the issues the Superintendent outlined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Forum, Breed asked SFUSD parents to “please be patient with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For sure, this year, the first plan is to balance the budget for December,” Breed said. “We need to look at the data to understand and determine what will happen, and until we do that, I can’t say anything will happen this school year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s senior senator on Wednesday announced proposed federal legislation that would limit people’s ability to bring visible firearms to locations where voting occurs or where election workers do their jobs, coming amid rising concerns about political violence and dangerous rhetoric as the 2024 election approaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla is joining Rep. Chris Deluzio (D–Pa.) in introducing the Freedom from Intimidation in Elections Act, which they said aims to protect voters and election workers from threats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">intimidation at polling places\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we’re saying something simple: In no place in America should a fear of violence prevent somebody from being able to cast their vote,” Padilla said during a press conference on Capitol Hill. “And no election worker should have to fear for their safety or for their life in helping us administer the fundamental process of democracy that we call elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve states, including California — as well as Washington, D.C. — already prohibit firearms at polling places, and nine additional states have limited restrictions on guns that apply to these sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40% of election workers have reported experiencing threats, harassment or some other type of abuse, according to Padilla, who served as California’s chief elections officer before joining the Senate in 2021. He said that even after a “long, dark history” of voter suppression and intimidation in the U.S., there has been a “well-documented rise” in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931157/yes-threats-against-election-officials-and-voters-are-real-but-the-law-is-fighting-back-says-california-election-expert\">threats on election workers\u003c/a> recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this day and age, there’s individuals out there stoked by partisan rhetoric and false narratives about election fraud that have taken it upon themselves to either discourage at a minimum or sometimes outright intimidate people into not letting their voices be heard in the democratic process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005901 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/US-and-California-Flags-Getty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political violence has been on the rise in recent years — during the press conference, Deluzio referenced the insurrection on Jan. 6, 2021, and in recent months, there have been two presumed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005979/how-the-secret-service-is-responding-to-two-failed-assassination-attempts\">assassination attempts on former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>, one of which took place at a campaign rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections officials have also been targeted. Last week, a “suspicious package” was received by the California secretary of state’s Sacramento headquarters, part of what seems to be a “recent trend of suspicious mail sent to election offices” in at least 15 states, according to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and Deluzio’s announcement comes a day after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed expanded election safety legislation in California, making it illegal for people to intimidate, threaten or coerce anyone engaged in election-related activities or attempt to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said protections for voters and election workers should be in place nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to lower the temperature on political rhetoric and make sure that all Americans feel safe enough to participate in our democracy by eliminating the fears of violence from election centers. We will be doing exactly that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s senior senator on Wednesday announced proposed federal legislation that would limit people’s ability to bring visible firearms to locations where voting occurs or where election workers do their jobs, coming amid rising concerns about political violence and dangerous rhetoric as the 2024 election approaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Alex Padilla is joining Rep. Chris Deluzio (D–Pa.) in introducing the Freedom from Intimidation in Elections Act, which they said aims to protect voters and election workers from threats and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004754/how-to-keep-your-vote-private-and-what-to-do-if-youre-facing-pressure\">intimidation at polling places\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we’re saying something simple: In no place in America should a fear of violence prevent somebody from being able to cast their vote,” Padilla said during a press conference on Capitol Hill. “And no election worker should have to fear for their safety or for their life in helping us administer the fundamental process of democracy that we call elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twelve states, including California — as well as Washington, D.C. — already prohibit firearms at polling places, and nine additional states have limited restrictions on guns that apply to these sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly 40% of election workers have reported experiencing threats, harassment or some other type of abuse, according to Padilla, who served as California’s chief elections officer before joining the Senate in 2021. He said that even after a “long, dark history” of voter suppression and intimidation in the U.S., there has been a “well-documented rise” in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11931157/yes-threats-against-election-officials-and-voters-are-real-but-the-law-is-fighting-back-says-california-election-expert\">threats on election workers\u003c/a> recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this day and age, there’s individuals out there stoked by partisan rhetoric and false narratives about election fraud that have taken it upon themselves to either discourage at a minimum or sometimes outright intimidate people into not letting their voices be heard in the democratic process,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political violence has been on the rise in recent years — during the press conference, Deluzio referenced the insurrection on Jan. 6, 2021, and in recent months, there have been two presumed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005979/how-the-secret-service-is-responding-to-two-failed-assassination-attempts\">assassination attempts on former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>, one of which took place at a campaign rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections officials have also been targeted. Last week, a “suspicious package” was received by the California secretary of state’s Sacramento headquarters, part of what seems to be a “recent trend of suspicious mail sent to election offices” in at least 15 states, according to the office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and Deluzio’s announcement comes a day after Gov. Gavin Newsom signed expanded election safety legislation in California, making it illegal for people to intimidate, threaten or coerce anyone engaged in election-related activities or attempt to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said protections for voters and election workers should be in place nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to lower the temperature on political rhetoric and make sure that all Americans feel safe enough to participate in our democracy by eliminating the fears of violence from election centers. We will be doing exactly that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Man Accused of Selling Drugs in SF Was Coerced Into It, Jury Finds in Unprecedented Verdict",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> jury acquitted a man of felony drug charges last month after he was found to have been coerced into selling drugs in the Tenderloin, marking a first for the Bay Area, Public Defender Mano Raju announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict comes as Raju’s office is calling on District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who faces a tight reelection bid this fall, to reconsider her office’s approach to drug dealing that the public defender says is being orchestrated by human traffickers. Local and federal law enforcement agencies have ramped up efforts to disrupt the sale of fentanyl through increased arrests, citations and deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a great number of cases being charged by the prosecution against our clients for very low-level drug dealing. Oftentimes, our clients are victims of human trafficking or labor trafficking,” Raju said at a rally outside the Hall of Justice. “And oftentimes they are selling drugs to avoid further violence being done to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendant who was acquitted last month is a 27-year-old Honduran man whose name was not provided by attorneys. Raju said the district attorney’s office should treat such labor trafficking cases as it does sex trafficking cases and sign a certification stating that the acquitted defendant was a victim of a crime, which would qualify them for what’s known as a T-visa or U-visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office, meanwhile, has filed more criminal charges against alleged drug dealers and users since Jenkins was elected in 2022, totaling nearly 1800, and her office reports that it has secured 314 felony narcotics convictions during that time. Attorneys with the public defender’s office said their caseloads have ballooned in recent years as prosecutors’ filings ticked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My office has been filing pre-trial detention motions in the most egregious narcotics dealing cases and those involving repeat offenders because of the extreme public safety risk posed by these drug dealers,” Jenkins said in a previous statement to KQED. “We are making slow progress and need to continue our efforts to see more improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, federal law enforcement agencies also stepped up drug-related arrests and deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although San Francisco’s sanctuary city policy bars most cooperation between local law enforcement and immigration agents, federal authorities, since last fall, have started prosecuting more drug dealing cases. Immigrants charged with federal crimes for low-level drug dealing have been offered plea deals that often end with credit for time served plus a one-day sentence — and because federal prosecutors are not barred from working directly with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, those plea deals can be a fast track to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005687 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240830-SFSideshowLegislation-28-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ismail Ramsey, the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of California, did not respond to requests for comment for this story. However, Ramsey told KQED in July that the approach has been used for more than 100 Tenderloin cases so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cases that are “whisked away” to federal court stop the public defender’s office from being involved, Raju said, noting that of seven trials in which his office argued a human trafficking defense in the last two years, two ended in guilty verdicts, four ended in hung juries, and the most recent led to an acquittal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ sole opponent in November’s election, Ryan Khojasteh, supports having federal authorities assist in arresting drug dealers but said the agencies should be more focused on high-level dealers and cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to really competently and holistically addressing the drug trade in our city, we have to go after those at the top to make a meaningful difference,” he said. “You can put away one low-level drug dealer and three are in their place tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the ways to do that, Khojasteh proposed, is by getting defendants to share confidential information in exchange for a favorable plea deal, which could include protected status to stay in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should be finding out who is the one coercing these people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, candidates vying for mayor have largely shown support for federal prosecutors’ and law enforcement agencies’ crackdown on the city’s drug markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former supervisor and interim mayor Mark Farrell has called for a fentanyl state of emergency to leverage more resources and bring the National Guard to areas like the Tenderloin to further these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our sanctuary city policy was never meant to harbor criminals or those peddling death on our streets. Mayor Breed has had six years to do everything in her power to make a meaningful difference on our streets, and her latest efforts are too little too late for San Francisco,” Farrell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai, who immigrated to the U.S. from Iran as a child, is a strong supporter of the sanctuary city policy but said drug dealers should be held accountable as overdose rates continue at epidemic levels and neighborhoods struggle with the effects of street-level drug dealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure there are a handful of cases of someone being legitimately trafficked. But ultimately, people are selling an extremely lethal weapon, this drug, on our streets,” he said. “And the feds are deciding to step in and resolve something that the local government and the mayor had let grow out of control, quite frankly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her part, Mayor London Breed has touted the work the federal government has done with her administration so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Cretan, a spokesperson for the mayor’s office, said that the city “needed support for prosecuting these crimes” and that Breed believes the federal government can be effective in doing so. “The devastation that fentanyl is having in our city and across this country is powerful,” Cretan said. “While we aren’t changing our [sanctuary city] laws here locally, there is a need for more enforcement to stop the flow of this drug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> jury acquitted a man of felony drug charges last month after he was found to have been coerced into selling drugs in the Tenderloin, marking a first for the Bay Area, Public Defender Mano Raju announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The verdict comes as Raju’s office is calling on District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who faces a tight reelection bid this fall, to reconsider her office’s approach to drug dealing that the public defender says is being orchestrated by human traffickers. Local and federal law enforcement agencies have ramped up efforts to disrupt the sale of fentanyl through increased arrests, citations and deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a great number of cases being charged by the prosecution against our clients for very low-level drug dealing. Oftentimes, our clients are victims of human trafficking or labor trafficking,” Raju said at a rally outside the Hall of Justice. “And oftentimes they are selling drugs to avoid further violence being done to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendant who was acquitted last month is a 27-year-old Honduran man whose name was not provided by attorneys. Raju said the district attorney’s office should treat such labor trafficking cases as it does sex trafficking cases and sign a certification stating that the acquitted defendant was a victim of a crime, which would qualify them for what’s known as a T-visa or U-visa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office, meanwhile, has filed more criminal charges against alleged drug dealers and users since Jenkins was elected in 2022, totaling nearly 1800, and her office reports that it has secured 314 felony narcotics convictions during that time. Attorneys with the public defender’s office said their caseloads have ballooned in recent years as prosecutors’ filings ticked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My office has been filing pre-trial detention motions in the most egregious narcotics dealing cases and those involving repeat offenders because of the extreme public safety risk posed by these drug dealers,” Jenkins said in a previous statement to KQED. “We are making slow progress and need to continue our efforts to see more improvement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, federal law enforcement agencies also stepped up drug-related arrests and deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although San Francisco’s sanctuary city policy bars most cooperation between local law enforcement and immigration agents, federal authorities, since last fall, have started prosecuting more drug dealing cases. Immigrants charged with federal crimes for low-level drug dealing have been offered plea deals that often end with credit for time served plus a one-day sentence — and because federal prosecutors are not barred from working directly with Immigration and Customs Enforcement, those plea deals can be a fast track to deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ismail Ramsey, the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of California, did not respond to requests for comment for this story. However, Ramsey told KQED in July that the approach has been used for more than 100 Tenderloin cases so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cases that are “whisked away” to federal court stop the public defender’s office from being involved, Raju said, noting that of seven trials in which his office argued a human trafficking defense in the last two years, two ended in guilty verdicts, four ended in hung juries, and the most recent led to an acquittal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ sole opponent in November’s election, Ryan Khojasteh, supports having federal authorities assist in arresting drug dealers but said the agencies should be more focused on high-level dealers and cartels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to really competently and holistically addressing the drug trade in our city, we have to go after those at the top to make a meaningful difference,” he said. “You can put away one low-level drug dealer and three are in their place tomorrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the ways to do that, Khojasteh proposed, is by getting defendants to share confidential information in exchange for a favorable plea deal, which could include protected status to stay in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We should be finding out who is the one coercing these people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, candidates vying for mayor have largely shown support for federal prosecutors’ and law enforcement agencies’ crackdown on the city’s drug markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former supervisor and interim mayor Mark Farrell has called for a fentanyl state of emergency to leverage more resources and bring the National Guard to areas like the Tenderloin to further these efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our sanctuary city policy was never meant to harbor criminals or those peddling death on our streets. Mayor Breed has had six years to do everything in her power to make a meaningful difference on our streets, and her latest efforts are too little too late for San Francisco,” Farrell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Ahsha Safai, who immigrated to the U.S. from Iran as a child, is a strong supporter of the sanctuary city policy but said drug dealers should be held accountable as overdose rates continue at epidemic levels and neighborhoods struggle with the effects of street-level drug dealing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure there are a handful of cases of someone being legitimately trafficked. But ultimately, people are selling an extremely lethal weapon, this drug, on our streets,” he said. “And the feds are deciding to step in and resolve something that the local government and the mayor had let grow out of control, quite frankly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her part, Mayor London Breed has touted the work the federal government has done with her administration so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Cretan, a spokesperson for the mayor’s office, said that the city “needed support for prosecuting these crimes” and that Breed believes the federal government can be effective in doing so. “The devastation that fentanyl is having in our city and across this country is powerful,” Cretan said. “While we aren’t changing our [sanctuary city] laws here locally, there is a need for more enforcement to stop the flow of this drug.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its first congressional hearing on Tuesday focused on exposing the nearly one thousand-page conservative playbook many see as a sweeping MAGA manifesto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two hours on Capitol Hill, Congressman Huffman joined the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee in a multimedia presentation and testimony that directly targeted the blueprint fueled by former \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration officials and led by the Heritage Foundation, a prominent conservative think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman called the \u003ca href=\"https://static.project2025.org/2025_MandateForLeadership_FULL.pdf\">plan\u003c/a> for the next Republican president breathtakingly extreme, noting that the final of its four “pillars” — the “Playbook” — is left conspicuously secret, only to be revealed upon the “President’s utterance of ‘So help me God.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Firing tens of thousands of career civil servants and then replacing them with MAGA loyalists,” Huffman said, “directing the FBI, the Justice Department and the IRS to investigate Trump’s perceived enemies … even deploying active duty military on our streets is downright scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025 outlines an ambitious right-wing agenda to reshape the American government, blurring church and state while curtailing rights for many individuals. Key proposals include a nationwide FDA ban on abortion medication, the elimination of Head Start and the removal of a daily overtime requirement for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman at KQED in San Francisco on June 24, 2024. Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its inaugural congressional hearing on Tuesday, aiming to expose a nearly thousand-page conservative playbook viewed by many as a sweeping MAGA manifesto. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultrasound Tech Suki O. told lawmakers she was tired of wiping away tears after being forced to tell women they were too far along to terminate pregnancies under the strict abortion ban in her home state of Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I question anyone who sees what’s happened in my home state of Georgia and believes that is a model to expand nationwide in a total ban on abortion,” Suki said. “We now know with certainty that if the policies outlined in Project 2025 are put in place, more women, not just in Georgia, but across the country, will die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005901 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/US-and-California-Flags-Getty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michigan United Auto Worker JJ Jewell described regularly working 12-hour days on the Ford manufacturing line, reporting for work well before dawn. Jewell said Project 2025’s proposed dismantling of the standard workweek by giving employers the flexibility “to calculate the overtime period over a longer number of weeks” would hurt hourly workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of a larger goal to make corporations richer at the expense of the workers. We actually keep the wheels turning, both figuratively and literally,” Jewell said. “If we allow [them] to take away our ability to earn fair overtime pay, we’re letting them strip away a key source of income for families like mine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Mike Madrid of Sacramento calls the document concerning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people find out about it, they are very much opposed to it,” Madrid said, who believes that much of the material doesn’t reflect conservative philosophy as much as it does a populist, nationalist agenda. He added that unexpected wins, like the overturning of Roe v. Wade, are propelling the movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that even most Republicans never believed would happen,” Madrid said. “But we’re at that point now where the Republican Party, when in a position of influence, is moving forward aggressively on some of these basic rights … regulatory protections, tax structures. Basically, our way of life [is] being upturned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman condemned the conservative Project 2025 plan as extreme, citing its call to replace civil servants with MAGA loyalists and use military force domestically.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its first congressional hearing on Tuesday focused on exposing the nearly one thousand-page conservative playbook many see as a sweeping MAGA manifesto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For two hours on Capitol Hill, Congressman Huffman joined the Democratic Steering and Policy Committee in a multimedia presentation and testimony that directly targeted the blueprint fueled by former \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration officials and led by the Heritage Foundation, a prominent conservative think tank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman called the \u003ca href=\"https://static.project2025.org/2025_MandateForLeadership_FULL.pdf\">plan\u003c/a> for the next Republican president breathtakingly extreme, noting that the final of its four “pillars” — the “Playbook” — is left conspicuously secret, only to be revealed upon the “President’s utterance of ‘So help me God.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Firing tens of thousands of career civil servants and then replacing them with MAGA loyalists,” Huffman said, “directing the FBI, the Justice Department and the IRS to investigate Trump’s perceived enemies … even deploying active duty military on our streets is downright scary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025 outlines an ambitious right-wing agenda to reshape the American government, blurring church and state while curtailing rights for many individuals. Key proposals include a nationwide FDA ban on abortion medication, the elimination of Head Start and the removal of a daily overtime requirement for workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991765\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240624-JARED-HUFFMAN-ON-OB-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">North Bay Congressman Jared Huffman at KQED in San Francisco on June 24, 2024. Huffman’s Stop Project 2025 Task Force held its inaugural congressional hearing on Tuesday, aiming to expose a nearly thousand-page conservative playbook viewed by many as a sweeping MAGA manifesto. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ultrasound Tech Suki O. told lawmakers she was tired of wiping away tears after being forced to tell women they were too far along to terminate pregnancies under the strict abortion ban in her home state of Georgia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I question anyone who sees what’s happened in my home state of Georgia and believes that is a model to expand nationwide in a total ban on abortion,” Suki said. “We now know with certainty that if the policies outlined in Project 2025 are put in place, more women, not just in Georgia, but across the country, will die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michigan United Auto Worker JJ Jewell described regularly working 12-hour days on the Ford manufacturing line, reporting for work well before dawn. Jewell said Project 2025’s proposed dismantling of the standard workweek by giving employers the flexibility “to calculate the overtime period over a longer number of weeks” would hurt hourly workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of a larger goal to make corporations richer at the expense of the workers. We actually keep the wheels turning, both figuratively and literally,” Jewell said. “If we allow [them] to take away our ability to earn fair overtime pay, we’re letting them strip away a key source of income for families like mine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican political consultant Mike Madrid of Sacramento calls the document concerning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people find out about it, they are very much opposed to it,” Madrid said, who believes that much of the material doesn’t reflect conservative philosophy as much as it does a populist, nationalist agenda. He added that unexpected wins, like the overturning of Roe v. Wade, are propelling the movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is something that even most Republicans never believed would happen,” Madrid said. “But we’re at that point now where the Republican Party, when in a position of influence, is moving forward aggressively on some of these basic rights … regulatory protections, tax structures. Basically, our way of life [is] being upturned.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Democrats Lead in California Battleground Districts That Could Decide Control of Congress",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democratic candidates are leading their GOP opponents in four of the six battleground congressional districts in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\"> California\u003c/a>, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/USC-CSU-California-Elections-and-Policy-Polls-8-US-House-Districts-Sept-14-21-2024-FINAL-09242024-release.pdf\">new poll\u003c/a> — races that could determine the balance of power in the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll, from the University of Southern California and California State University, looked at six congressional districts: two in the Central Valley, one in Los Angeles, two in Orange County and one in the Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found Democrats leading in four of those races: Congressional Districts 13 and 22 in the San Joaquin Valley, Congressional District 45 in Orange County, and Congressional District 27 in northern Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates are tied in Congressional District 41, in Riverside County, while in another Orange County race, Congressional District 47, the Republican has a slight lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The catch? All of the races are within the poll’s margin of error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re all basically tied,” said Christian Grose, a USC professor of Political Science and Public Policy who helped lead the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The races matter because the outcome of these swing districts could determine whether Republicans or Democrats control the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_12005501 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2167179772_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grose said the online poll found excitement among Democrats, partly because of Vice President Kamala Harris’ late entry into the presidential race. Harris is outperforming many of the Democratic congressional candidates in their districts, while nearly all the GOP candidates are outperforming former President and GOP nominee Donald Trump as well as U.S. Senate candidate Steve Garvey, a Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there is a chance of the Democratic wave election where new voters show up to vote for Harris and then cast down-ballot votes for Democrats. And we do see new voters in most of these districts who did not vote in the 2022 election, or people who voted in presidential years but didn’t vote two years ago—they’re more likely to vote for the Democrat,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Grose cautioned — the fact that Republican candidates are largely outperforming the top of the ticket should also give Democrats pause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of resilience among the incumbent Republican candidates,” he said. “So I do think some of the California House Republicans will potentially be able to stop [a blue] wave if there is a wave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Among the poll’s findings:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In the Orange County and Los Angeles county races, the undecided voters say they are most likely to vote for a Democrat, and Democrats are more enthusiastic about the election than Republicans, the poll found.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In the one open congressional race, CD47, Democrat Dave Min is down by 3.7 points against Republican Scott Baugh — but Grose said Democrats are more enthusiastic than GOP voters, giving Min a potential opening. Min could be hurt, however, by his 2023 DUI arrest and conviction, which poll respondents brought up most frequently when asked to choose a word to describe Min.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The evenly tied district is CD41, where Republican Rep. Ken Calvert faces a rematch against Democrat Will Rollins in the Inland Empire. But Grose said undecided likely voters, when pushed, said they were more likely to vote for the GOP candidate — meaning that Rollins may need to do more persuasion of centrist and Republican-leaning voters to pull out a win.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In both Central Valley districts, there are a large number of undecided voters and they say they lean Republican. Grose said that means the Democratic challengers — Adam Gray in CD13 and Rudy Salas in CD22 — need to excite voters who may not always come out, including young voters, Latinos and lower-income people. Republicans incumbents John Duarte in CD13 and David Valadao in CD22 will need to turn out white voters, older voters and men to pull out a win, Grose said.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The poll was conducted online between Sept. 14 and 21 among likely voters; each district was polled individually, with between 263 and 539 respondents for each district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The margin of error ranged from 4.2% to 6.1% depending on the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A new poll shows Democrats leading in four of six competitive House races in California, but experts caution these closely contested seats could still swing Republican.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democratic candidates are leading their GOP opponents in four of the six battleground congressional districts in\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\"> California\u003c/a>, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/USC-CSU-California-Elections-and-Policy-Polls-8-US-House-Districts-Sept-14-21-2024-FINAL-09242024-release.pdf\">new poll\u003c/a> — races that could determine the balance of power in the U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poll, from the University of Southern California and California State University, looked at six congressional districts: two in the Central Valley, one in Los Angeles, two in Orange County and one in the Inland Empire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found Democrats leading in four of those races: Congressional Districts 13 and 22 in the San Joaquin Valley, Congressional District 45 in Orange County, and Congressional District 27 in northern Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates are tied in Congressional District 41, in Riverside County, while in another Orange County race, Congressional District 47, the Republican has a slight lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The catch? All of the races are within the poll’s margin of error.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re all basically tied,” said Christian Grose, a USC professor of Political Science and Public Policy who helped lead the poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The races matter because the outcome of these swing districts could determine whether Republicans or Democrats control the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grose said the online poll found excitement among Democrats, partly because of Vice President Kamala Harris’ late entry into the presidential race. Harris is outperforming many of the Democratic congressional candidates in their districts, while nearly all the GOP candidates are outperforming former President and GOP nominee Donald Trump as well as U.S. Senate candidate Steve Garvey, a Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So there is a chance of the Democratic wave election where new voters show up to vote for Harris and then cast down-ballot votes for Democrats. And we do see new voters in most of these districts who did not vote in the 2022 election, or people who voted in presidential years but didn’t vote two years ago—they’re more likely to vote for the Democrat,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Grose cautioned — the fact that Republican candidates are largely outperforming the top of the ticket should also give Democrats pause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of resilience among the incumbent Republican candidates,” he said. “So I do think some of the California House Republicans will potentially be able to stop [a blue] wave if there is a wave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Among the poll’s findings:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>In the Orange County and Los Angeles county races, the undecided voters say they are most likely to vote for a Democrat, and Democrats are more enthusiastic about the election than Republicans, the poll found.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In the one open congressional race, CD47, Democrat Dave Min is down by 3.7 points against Republican Scott Baugh — but Grose said Democrats are more enthusiastic than GOP voters, giving Min a potential opening. Min could be hurt, however, by his 2023 DUI arrest and conviction, which poll respondents brought up most frequently when asked to choose a word to describe Min.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>The evenly tied district is CD41, where Republican Rep. Ken Calvert faces a rematch against Democrat Will Rollins in the Inland Empire. But Grose said undecided likely voters, when pushed, said they were more likely to vote for the GOP candidate — meaning that Rollins may need to do more persuasion of centrist and Republican-leaning voters to pull out a win.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In both Central Valley districts, there are a large number of undecided voters and they say they lean Republican. Grose said that means the Democratic challengers — Adam Gray in CD13 and Rudy Salas in CD22 — need to excite voters who may not always come out, including young voters, Latinos and lower-income people. Republicans incumbents John Duarte in CD13 and David Valadao in CD22 will need to turn out white voters, older voters and men to pull out a win, Grose said.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The poll was conducted online between Sept. 14 and 21 among likely voters; each district was polled individually, with between 263 and 539 respondents for each district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The margin of error ranged from 4.2% to 6.1% depending on the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "critics-slam-weakened-california-lemon-car-law-after-secret-lobbyist-negotiations",
"title": "Critics Slam Weakened California Lemon Car Law After Secret Lobbyist Negotiations",
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"headTitle": "Critics Slam Weakened California Lemon Car Law After Secret Lobbyist Negotiations | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Californians, for the past 54 years, have relied on the state’s “lemon law” to fight back against car makers that sell them defective vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, critics say Californians’ ability to recoup their money after buying a clunker could become more difficult due to a hastily passed bill that lobbyists representing U.S. auto manufacturers and powerful attorneys groups drafted in secret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom hasn’t signed or vetoed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1755?slug=CA_202320240AB1755\">Assembly Bill 1755\u003c/a>. His spokesperson, Brandon Richards, on Friday, said, “The measure will be evaluated on its merits” before Newsom’s Sept. 30 bill-signing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, how the bill came to end up on his desk is the latest example of how influential lobbying groups write laws impacting millions of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/09/california-secret-negotiations-public-transparency/\">behind closed doors\u003c/a> — and how the measures are often passed with little time for public input or legislative debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There wasn’t a single person who represents the people of California who knew about this and was a part of those conversations — for months,” Democratic San Ramon Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/rebecca-bauer-kahan-165035\">Rebecca Bauer-Kahan\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=113&f=27f415691a3d4ffbbf92104f9edfdf67\">told her colleagues\u003c/a> on the Assembly Judiciary Committee last month in the final days of the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They dropped this in our lap, and they expect us to buy an argument related to the urgency that feels, to be honest, not real. And we’re supposed to move this in a week’s time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill seeks to address a massive uptick in lemon law lawsuits clogging the state’s court system, but it started out earlier in the session as a measure dealing with child support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing glasses and blue jacket stands in front of a podium with a microphone around other people.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan speaks in support of SCR 135, which would designate May 6, 2024, as California Holocaust Memorial Day, on the Assembly floor at the state Capitol in Sacramento on April 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then, on Aug. 20, with less than two weeks left in the session, the bill was stripped through the secretive “gut-and-amend” process. Its language was replaced with a 4,200-word bill that seeks to reform how lemon law disputes are resolved. The bill is so complicated its legislative analysis, which lawmakers should read to fully understand a measure’s consequences, was more than 10,000 words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Los Angeles Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gatto said it’s unlikely that lawmakers actually read all that in those final chaotic days of the session with hundreds of other consequential bills still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, when the Legislature makes complex policy like that with great haste, it increases the reliance on non-elected personnel,” Gatto said. “And it increases the reliance on special interest groups who tell the legislators what the legislation contains. It’s very hard during that chaotic last week of session to, you know, be able to review things of great length like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downey Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/blanca-pacheco-165430\">Blanca Pacheco\u003c/a>, an attorney, told her Judiciary Committee colleagues she wasn’t comfortable voting for the bill because she wasn’t sure what it would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that consumers are protected as well,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=538&f=27f415691a3d4ffbbf92104f9edfdf67\">she said\u003c/a>. “Those are our constituents. And so that is what we really should be caring about. And I don’t know if consumers are really protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lawmakers acknowledge secret negotiations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The bill by two Democrats, Santa Ana Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Tom Umberg\u003c/a> and San Jose Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, nonetheless easily passed the Assembly committee, as well as the full Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg’s office declined to answer CalMatters’ questions about the bill. Kalra’s office replied to an interview request with an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 1755 went through the full legislative process with two robust committee hearings, consideration of amendments and all procedural steps,” Kalra said. “Despite concerns over process, the vast majority of members in both houses concluded this was a better policy for consumers, and we could build upon the policy framework in subsequent years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra acknowledged in his testimony that the measure was a product of negotiations between the groups behind the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 1755 represents a compromise between the consumer attorneys, (civil) defense attorneys, and some auto manufacturers, most notably General Motors,” Kalra \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=155&f=d5d5e7534efe84ddc8b755c17e8567a7\">told the Assembly Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">Opposing the bill were Tesla and foreign auto companies, including Volkswagen and Toyota, as well as consumer groups such as the Consumer Federation of America, the Center for Auto Safety, and Consumers For Auto Reliability and Safety, according to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/roger-niello-165442\">Roger Niello\u003c/a>, a Republican whose family owns car dealerships in the Sacramento area, said he was troubled that the bill split groups that are typically aligned on legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My concern about this bill is the process by which it was developed,” Niello \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258323?t=489&f=fe04c4948aba1ade4929b21a525fc8cd\">told his colleagues\u003c/a> on the Senate floor. “And all you have to look at to question that is the support and opposition. This is very unusual. We don’t see this very often. … We have people, organizations from similar sources with opposite views on this. There’s something wrong with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005913\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a suit sits at a table with a microphone, laptop and name placard in front of him.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Ash Kalra at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Semantha Norris/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alliances were unpredictable. Consumer attorneys fed up with clogged courts backed the bill, while consumer advocates opposed it. And while U.S. carmakers lobbied for it, foreign automakers argued it didn’t go far enough and was too friendly toward trial attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Kalra and Umberg pitched their bill to lawmakers in those frantic, waning days of the session, they said AB 1755 would address a growing backlog of lemon law cases that have been increasingly causing havoc in the state’s civil court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of lemon law cases in California courts climbed from nearly 15,000 filings in 2022 to more than 22,000 last year. In Los Angeles County, nearly 10% of all civil filings are now lemon law cases, according to the bill’s analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growing caseload is driven by a handful of aggressive law firms that file most of the suits, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/07/17/californias-lemon-law-a-sweet-deal-for-lawyers-sour-for-consumers/\">Civil Justice Association of California\u003c/a>. The association wasn’t listed as having a position on the bill in the \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\">Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it does is it reduces the number of filings, which I think logically would lead you to believe that it also reduces the amount of money spent on lawyers,” Umberg \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258323?t=286&f=fe04c4948aba1ade4929b21a525fc8cd\">told the Senate last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Judges Association also supported the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Will lemon law bill make it harder for vehicle owners?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed law, starting next year, auto companies and car buyers would be required to try to settle their disputes through mediation before beginning the “discovery” process that takes place after a lawsuit is filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discovery is when the parties in a lawsuit gather evidence from each other that they think they’ll need to prove their case. The proposed law also sets rules for what evidence can be requested. One of the reasons the courts are so backlogged from lemon law cases is due to tedious discovery hearings, the bill’s advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would shorten the window during which a consumer can sue over a detective vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg, a former federal prosecutor, and Kalra, a former public defender and law professor, told their colleagues that consumers would still be able to get their money back from a defective car. They argued that California’s lemon law, which Gov. Ronald Reagan signed in 1970, still would be stronger than that of any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rosemary Shahan, president of \u003ca href=\"https://www.carconsumers.org/\">Consumers for Auto Reliability and Safety\u003c/a>, said the bill would harm car owners stuck with a lemon vehicle in several ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would limit the amount of “negative equity” refunds consumers could get for their defective car, and it would shorten the period in which consumers can use the lemon law to just six years, even when their warranty lasts longer, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big deal for folks who pay extra for a vehicle with a warranty from the manufacturer in order to avoid getting hit with a large unexpected repair bill,” she said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill also would require that consumers notify their manufacturer in writing that their car is a lemon instead of just taking it into a dealer for repairs and starting the process of getting their money back there, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would limit the amount of time a consumer can file a lemon lawsuit from four years after a claim is filed to just a year from the expiration of a vehicle’s warranty, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would make it easier for unscrupulous auto manufacturers to get away with doing cheap ‘Band-Aid’ type repairs — instead of fixing the underlying problem — until the warranty expires,” leaving consumers on the hook for a massive bill, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters include General Motors, Stellantis (formerly Chrysler) and Ford Motor Company, as well as RV manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, Ford and GM have given sitting lawmakers at least $1.5 million since 2015, according to the Digital Democracy database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Consumer Attorneys of California has given at least $2.2 million during the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill “addresses urgent procedural problems with how lemon law cases are handled in the state of California while keeping our lemon law the strongest in the nation,” Nancy Drabble, a lobbyist for Consumer Attorneys of California, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=624&f=d5d5e7534efe84ddc8b755c17e8567a7\">told lawmakers last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She argued that the proposed revision would be an improvement for car buyers since it would shorten the window that auto companies must respond to a consumer complaint to just 30 days, and it would require car companies to fix a defective car or replace it within 30 days after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you will see an increase in buybacks of vehicles within that 60-day period, which will not even have a lawsuit filed,” lobbyist Michael Belote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=803&f=d5d5e7534efe84ddc8b755c17e8567a7\">told lawmakers\u003c/a>, saying he represented GM.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Transparency suffers’ when lawmakers rush\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In an interview on Friday, Belote said his lobbying firm also represents other parties involved in the negotiations, and he was speaking to CalMatters on those groups’ behalf — and not GM’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belote said he rejects “the premise that it watered down the lemon law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the law itself wouldn’t change. All the bill does, he said, is set clear rules for consumers and for auto companies that will reduce time-consuming court hearings, cut down on plaintiffs’ attorney fees and speed up the process of resolving disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a strong reason to believe that this will get consumers what they need more quickly,” he said, “And what they need … is a car to get to work and get their kids to school.”[aside postID=\"news_12005433,news_12003239\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But why the rush? Why not wait until January, when lawmakers reconvene for the new two-year session — when they could fully vet and debate the bill?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason was proponents had threatened to take their case to voters. Belote and Shahan said that as part of their proposed ballot initiative, the groups threatened to put a 20% cap on the fees lawyers could collect from lemon law cases, creating a financial incentive for the attorneys’ groups to negotiate with the car makers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belote also disputed the suggestion that lawmakers didn’t know what they were voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was an enormous lobbying campaign on both sides that hit, I believe, every member of the Legislature repeatedly in a very short time,” he said. “There was, you know, really a tsunami of information for legislators who had lots of questions that were answered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of whether lawmakers fully grasped the issue, any time complicated legislation such as AB 1755 gets rushed through at the last minute, it harms the Legislature’s credibility and makes it harder for voters to trust their elected leaders, said Gatto, the former lawmaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transparency suffers,” he said, “And all the different stakeholders that keep the Legislature honest, whether it’s the electorate or the media, it makes it a lot harder for us to do our jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A bill awaiting Gov. Gavin Newsom’s signature may make it harder for consumers to get refunds for defective cars under the state’s lemon law. The Legislature hastily passed the complicated bill, which auto manufacturers and attorneys drafted in secret. Did lawmakers even have time to read it?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Californians, for the past 54 years, have relied on the state’s “lemon law” to fight back against car makers that sell them defective vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, critics say Californians’ ability to recoup their money after buying a clunker could become more difficult due to a hastily passed bill that lobbyists representing U.S. auto manufacturers and powerful attorneys groups drafted in secret.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom hasn’t signed or vetoed \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1755?slug=CA_202320240AB1755\">Assembly Bill 1755\u003c/a>. His spokesperson, Brandon Richards, on Friday, said, “The measure will be evaluated on its merits” before Newsom’s Sept. 30 bill-signing deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, how the bill came to end up on his desk is the latest example of how influential lobbying groups write laws impacting millions of Californians \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/09/california-secret-negotiations-public-transparency/\">behind closed doors\u003c/a> — and how the measures are often passed with little time for public input or legislative debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There wasn’t a single person who represents the people of California who knew about this and was a part of those conversations — for months,” Democratic San Ramon Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/rebecca-bauer-kahan-165035\">Rebecca Bauer-Kahan\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=113&f=27f415691a3d4ffbbf92104f9edfdf67\">told her colleagues\u003c/a> on the Assembly Judiciary Committee last month in the final days of the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They dropped this in our lap, and they expect us to buy an argument related to the urgency that feels, to be honest, not real. And we’re supposed to move this in a week’s time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill seeks to address a massive uptick in lemon law lawsuits clogging the state’s court system, but it started out earlier in the session as a measure dealing with child support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing glasses and blue jacket stands in front of a podium with a microphone around other people.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/042924-State-Capitol-Session-MG-CM-19-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan speaks in support of SCR 135, which would designate May 6, 2024, as California Holocaust Memorial Day, on the Assembly floor at the state Capitol in Sacramento on April 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then, on Aug. 20, with less than two weeks left in the session, the bill was stripped through the secretive “gut-and-amend” process. Its language was replaced with a 4,200-word bill that seeks to reform how lemon law disputes are resolved. The bill is so complicated its legislative analysis, which lawmakers should read to fully understand a measure’s consequences, was more than 10,000 words.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Los Angeles Democratic Assemblymember Mike Gatto said it’s unlikely that lawmakers actually read all that in those final chaotic days of the session with hundreds of other consequential bills still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, when the Legislature makes complex policy like that with great haste, it increases the reliance on non-elected personnel,” Gatto said. “And it increases the reliance on special interest groups who tell the legislators what the legislation contains. It’s very hard during that chaotic last week of session to, you know, be able to review things of great length like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downey Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/blanca-pacheco-165430\">Blanca Pacheco\u003c/a>, an attorney, told her Judiciary Committee colleagues she wasn’t comfortable voting for the bill because she wasn’t sure what it would do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that consumers are protected as well,” \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=538&f=27f415691a3d4ffbbf92104f9edfdf67\">she said\u003c/a>. “Those are our constituents. And so that is what we really should be caring about. And I don’t know if consumers are really protected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lawmakers acknowledge secret negotiations\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The bill by two Democrats, Santa Ana Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/thomas-umberg-165043\">Tom Umberg\u003c/a> and San Jose Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a>, nonetheless easily passed the Assembly committee, as well as the full Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg’s office declined to answer CalMatters’ questions about the bill. Kalra’s office replied to an interview request with an emailed statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 1755 went through the full legislative process with two robust committee hearings, consideration of amendments and all procedural steps,” Kalra said. “Despite concerns over process, the vast majority of members in both houses concluded this was a better policy for consumers, and we could build upon the policy framework in subsequent years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalra acknowledged in his testimony that the measure was a product of negotiations between the groups behind the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 1755 represents a compromise between the consumer attorneys, (civil) defense attorneys, and some auto manufacturers, most notably General Motors,” Kalra \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=155&f=d5d5e7534efe84ddc8b755c17e8567a7\">told the Assembly Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">Opposing the bill were Tesla and foreign auto companies, including Volkswagen and Toyota, as well as consumer groups such as the Consumer Federation of America, the Center for Auto Safety, and Consumers For Auto Reliability and Safety, according to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/roger-niello-165442\">Roger Niello\u003c/a>, a Republican whose family owns car dealerships in the Sacramento area, said he was troubled that the bill split groups that are typically aligned on legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My concern about this bill is the process by which it was developed,” Niello \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258323?t=489&f=fe04c4948aba1ade4929b21a525fc8cd\">told his colleagues\u003c/a> on the Senate floor. “And all you have to look at to question that is the support and opposition. This is very unusual. We don’t see this very often. … We have people, organizations from similar sources with opposite views on this. There’s something wrong with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005913\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005913\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a suit sits at a table with a microphone, laptop and name placard in front of him.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/061323-ACA-5-Marriage-Equality_SN_CM_009-3-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Ash Kalra at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Semantha Norris/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The alliances were unpredictable. Consumer attorneys fed up with clogged courts backed the bill, while consumer advocates opposed it. And while U.S. carmakers lobbied for it, foreign automakers argued it didn’t go far enough and was too friendly toward trial attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Kalra and Umberg pitched their bill to lawmakers in those frantic, waning days of the session, they said AB 1755 would address a growing backlog of lemon law cases that have been increasingly causing havoc in the state’s civil court system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of lemon law cases in California courts climbed from nearly 15,000 filings in 2022 to more than 22,000 last year. In Los Angeles County, nearly 10% of all civil filings are now lemon law cases, according to the bill’s analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growing caseload is driven by a handful of aggressive law firms that file most of the suits, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/07/17/californias-lemon-law-a-sweet-deal-for-lawyers-sour-for-consumers/\">Civil Justice Association of California\u003c/a>. The association wasn’t listed as having a position on the bill in the \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/\">Digital Democracy database\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What it does is it reduces the number of filings, which I think logically would lead you to believe that it also reduces the amount of money spent on lawyers,” Umberg \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258323?t=286&f=fe04c4948aba1ade4929b21a525fc8cd\">told the Senate last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Judges Association also supported the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Will lemon law bill make it harder for vehicle owners?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Under the proposed law, starting next year, auto companies and car buyers would be required to try to settle their disputes through mediation before beginning the “discovery” process that takes place after a lawsuit is filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Discovery is when the parties in a lawsuit gather evidence from each other that they think they’ll need to prove their case. The proposed law also sets rules for what evidence can be requested. One of the reasons the courts are so backlogged from lemon law cases is due to tedious discovery hearings, the bill’s advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would shorten the window during which a consumer can sue over a detective vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg, a former federal prosecutor, and Kalra, a former public defender and law professor, told their colleagues that consumers would still be able to get their money back from a defective car. They argued that California’s lemon law, which Gov. Ronald Reagan signed in 1970, still would be stronger than that of any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rosemary Shahan, president of \u003ca href=\"https://www.carconsumers.org/\">Consumers for Auto Reliability and Safety\u003c/a>, said the bill would harm car owners stuck with a lemon vehicle in several ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would limit the amount of “negative equity” refunds consumers could get for their defective car, and it would shorten the period in which consumers can use the lemon law to just six years, even when their warranty lasts longer, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big deal for folks who pay extra for a vehicle with a warranty from the manufacturer in order to avoid getting hit with a large unexpected repair bill,” she said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill also would require that consumers notify their manufacturer in writing that their car is a lemon instead of just taking it into a dealer for repairs and starting the process of getting their money back there, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also would limit the amount of time a consumer can file a lemon lawsuit from four years after a claim is filed to just a year from the expiration of a vehicle’s warranty, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would make it easier for unscrupulous auto manufacturers to get away with doing cheap ‘Band-Aid’ type repairs — instead of fixing the underlying problem — until the warranty expires,” leaving consumers on the hook for a massive bill, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters include General Motors, Stellantis (formerly Chrysler) and Ford Motor Company, as well as RV manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combined, Ford and GM have given sitting lawmakers at least $1.5 million since 2015, according to the Digital Democracy database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Consumer Attorneys of California has given at least $2.2 million during the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill “addresses urgent procedural problems with how lemon law cases are handled in the state of California while keeping our lemon law the strongest in the nation,” Nancy Drabble, a lobbyist for Consumer Attorneys of California, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=624&f=d5d5e7534efe84ddc8b755c17e8567a7\">told lawmakers last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She argued that the proposed revision would be an improvement for car buyers since it would shorten the window that auto companies must respond to a consumer complaint to just 30 days, and it would require car companies to fix a defective car or replace it within 30 days after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think you will see an increase in buybacks of vehicles within that 60-day period, which will not even have a lawsuit filed,” lobbyist Michael Belote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258325?t=803&f=d5d5e7534efe84ddc8b755c17e8567a7\">told lawmakers\u003c/a>, saying he represented GM.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Transparency suffers’ when lawmakers rush\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In an interview on Friday, Belote said his lobbying firm also represents other parties involved in the negotiations, and he was speaking to CalMatters on those groups’ behalf — and not GM’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belote said he rejects “the premise that it watered down the lemon law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the law itself wouldn’t change. All the bill does, he said, is set clear rules for consumers and for auto companies that will reduce time-consuming court hearings, cut down on plaintiffs’ attorney fees and speed up the process of resolving disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a strong reason to believe that this will get consumers what they need more quickly,” he said, “And what they need … is a car to get to work and get their kids to school.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But why the rush? Why not wait until January, when lawmakers reconvene for the new two-year session — when they could fully vet and debate the bill?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason was proponents had threatened to take their case to voters. Belote and Shahan said that as part of their proposed ballot initiative, the groups threatened to put a 20% cap on the fees lawyers could collect from lemon law cases, creating a financial incentive for the attorneys’ groups to negotiate with the car makers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belote also disputed the suggestion that lawmakers didn’t know what they were voting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was an enormous lobbying campaign on both sides that hit, I believe, every member of the Legislature repeatedly in a very short time,” he said. “There was, you know, really a tsunami of information for legislators who had lots of questions that were answered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of whether lawmakers fully grasped the issue, any time complicated legislation such as AB 1755 gets rushed through at the last minute, it harms the Legislature’s credibility and makes it harder for voters to trust their elected leaders, said Gatto, the former lawmaker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Transparency suffers,” he said, “And all the different stakeholders that keep the Legislature honest, whether it’s the electorate or the media, it makes it a lot harder for us to do our jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bill-on-newsoms-desk-would-require-nonprofits-that-serve-californians-with-developmental-disabilities-to-fulfill-public-records-requests",
"title": "Bill Would Mandate Greater Transparency From Nonprofits Serving Californians With Developmental Disabilities",
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"headTitle": "Bill Would Mandate Greater Transparency From Nonprofits Serving Californians With Developmental Disabilities | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A bill before Gov. Gavin Newsom would force the group of regional nonprofits that serve Californians with developmental disabilities to comply with the same transparency laws as state agencies, allowing \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/16S5-6nFOe4xMZ8wN0cVXhdZjGoy2PyJD/edit?usp=drive_link&ouid=109411565409580749553&rtpof=true&sd=true\">nearly 450,000 people\u003c/a> with disabilities to access certain records and information related to their care for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, AB 1147, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1147\">passed the state Assembly and Senate \u003c/a>without opposition at the end of August, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1147\">after a 19-month fight\u003c/a> in which many of its accountability measures were stripped out. The most impactful remaining provision would make the 21 nonprofit organizations throughout the state, called “regional centers,” subject to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thefirstamendment.org/media/publicrecordsact.pdf\">California Public Records Act (PRA)\u003c/a>, a law that requires the public disclosure of government records when requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the bill argue the regional centers perform a public function and are entirely funded by state dollars and should, therefore, be subject to the PRA. However, the centers that oppose the bill say that complying with it would strain an already cash-strapped system and could lead to accidental disclosures of personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s developmental disability system operates with a budget of more than $15 billion, serving Californians with a range of conditions, including autism, cerebral palsy, intellectual disability and epilepsy. All funding and services flow through the regional centers, which connect people with disabilities to various service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor is expected to sign or veto the bill by Sept. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A quirk of California’s sweeping 1977 developmental disability law, known as the Lanterman Act, established the regional centers as private nonprofits rather than public agencies, keeping them exempt from the PRA. The intention was to create independent, board-operated organizations that could respond more nimbly than a single statewide agency to each community’s needs. However, critics say this design has led to a system with 21 different operational methods, and the policies of each center remain opaque.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seems so wrong and so unfair that an entire sector of local entities could evade the Public Records Act through some wrinkle that they happened to have been established decades ago as nonprofits,” said Vivian Haun, a senior policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which has advocated for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haun researched and wrote the original PRA policy proposal that ended up in AB 1147. She points to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ch/ec47604faq.asp#:~:text=All%20state%20and%20local%20agencies,are%20subject%20to%20the%20Public\">a law Newsom signed in 2019\u003c/a> making charter schools subject to the PRA and argues that should be the precedent for other nonprofits that serve a public function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re expected by the government to do all the same things that a traditional school district is supposed to do, which is to provide a public education to children using the same source of funds,” Haun said. “It just so happens that many of them are nonprofit in status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a July 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://sjud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sjud.senate.ca.gov/files/ab_1147_sjud_analysis.pdf\">report\u003c/a>, the state Senate Judiciary Committee firmly underscored Haun’s argument, stating, “If anything, the regional centers land even more squarely in the public domain than charter schools: While charter schools are a quasi-private alternative to public schools, regional centers are the public option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Calls for more transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A slew of reports in recent years have called out California’s developmental disability system for a lack of transparency and accountability, among other issues. A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://information.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2021-107.pdf\">State Auditor’s Office report\u003c/a> found that \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1po5JtPCmC5pryZKHbylflJr4kNIxhTKn/view?usp=drive_link\">some regional centers \u003c/a>were not conducting regular quality assurance reviews of their vendors despite a 2016 report identifying the same issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://lhc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Reports/273/Report273.pdf\">the Little Hoover Commission\u003c/a>, an independent state oversight agency, found that extreme racial disparities have persisted in the system for decades despite the state investing $66 million over recent years to address the issue. It also found that the quality of care disabled people and their families receive can differ wildly from one regional center to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"disability-community\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969597/whistleblowers-call-out-california-group-home-for-abuse-against-disabled-residents\">KQED published an investigation \u003c/a>of abuse allegations at a disability group home in the Sacramento area that fell within the jurisdiction of Alta Regional Center. At the time, the information about the center’s investigations into the allegations were not publicly available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED analysis of data from the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) showed that reports of abuse in disability group homes are somewhat common. From 2012 to 2022, the agency recorded at least 1,900 incidents of suspected abuse and more than 500 incidents of suspected neglect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judy Mark, president of Disability Voices United, a sponsor of AB 1147, said the additional transparency the bill calls for would help watchdog groups investigate and understand why these cases keep happening. “If we had that information, we would be able to see, ‘Oh, there is a pattern of problems at this time at this agency.’ Or, ‘Everything looked fine; how did you not see that these abuses were happening or that things were dirty or that people were getting hurt?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides cases of abuse, Mark said the opaqueness of regional centers makes it especially frustrating for disabled individuals when they attempt to understand why they were denied services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we know as families is that if you are at one regional center, you can get a service, but if you’re at a different regional center, you don’t,” Mark said. “We would be asking, like, ‘What are the consistent policies that you are applying toward individuals so that we know why somebody got a yes and another person got a no?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Centers push back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Regional centers fervently oppose the PRA requirement in the bill, claiming that they don’t have the staffing or resources to comply with it — despite a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-20/unused-money-at-regional-centers#:~:text=Nearly%20%241%20billion%20allocated%20for,said%20they%20needed%20more%20help.\">Los Angeles Times report\u003c/a> that found regional centers left nearly $1 billion unspent in 2021–22. Doing so, the centers said, could also result in the release of private health information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the highly sensitive information maintained on each individual, and the potential for redaction errors, there is an inherent privacy risk every time a PRA is responded to,” said Amy Westling, executive director of the Association of Regional Center Agencies (ARCA), in an email. “This is particularly true when new staff without prior experience with the PRA would be responding to requests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westling also pointed to the litany of disclosures that regional centers are already required to make publicly available online, including “information about policies, spending patterns, and boards of directors for each regional center.” Each regional center also transmits information daily to the DDS, which is subject to the PRA, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haun, of Disability Rights California, said the bigger issue is that regional centers should be held to the same accountability standards as other publicly funded entities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why should they be exempt from the same transparency requirements and expectations that all other entities are expected to comply with when they are using taxpayer dollars to carry out governmental functions?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upcoming reform efforts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the timing of the bill is crucial. Earlier this year, the California Health and Human Services Agency began working on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/home/master-plan-for-developmental-services/#\">Master Plan for Developmental Services\u003c/a>, an expansive effort to significantly transform how the state’s developmental disability system operates. The agency is convening stakeholders from across the system to develop a framework “for providing equitable, high quality, and person-centered services to all Californians with intellectual and developmental disabilities.” The plan is expected to be completed by March 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transparency that the bill’s PRA requirement would provide is critical to the master plan’s success, advocates argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t possibly do what we need to do to get that master plan done if we don’t have access to the information we need from the regional centers,” Mark said. “And that’s why we hope that Gov. Newsom will see this as just one step towards complete transparency and accountability over a system that spends over $15 billion a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Westling, of ARCA, said the goals of the master plan can be met without subjecting regional centers to the PRA. “If gaps in available data and information are identified through the master plan or other processes, we are happy to help identify potential solutions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haun added that increasing transparency for regional centers would also open the doors to independent studies, research, and policy analyses that could help dramatically improve the system. “There’s almost nothing like that now,” she said. “It’s critical to be able to improve the system and help the state know how to better invest the funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also believes that the bill goes beyond policy implications; a longer-term effect will be an increased sense of empowerment for people with developmental disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When policies, rules, and information about how decisions are made that affect your everyday life are held from you, it is so disempowering,” Haun said. “Even if you wanted to engage or try to speak up or change things for the better, you don’t know how, and you can’t even begin to identify where or what’s even happening to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This story was made possible in part with funding and support from the USC Center for Health Journalism’s Data Fellowship.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill before Gov. Gavin Newsom would force the group of regional nonprofits that serve Californians with developmental disabilities to comply with the same transparency laws as state agencies, allowing \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/16S5-6nFOe4xMZ8wN0cVXhdZjGoy2PyJD/edit?usp=drive_link&ouid=109411565409580749553&rtpof=true&sd=true\">nearly 450,000 people\u003c/a> with disabilities to access certain records and information related to their care for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, AB 1147, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1147\">passed the state Assembly and Senate \u003c/a>without opposition at the end of August, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1147\">after a 19-month fight\u003c/a> in which many of its accountability measures were stripped out. The most impactful remaining provision would make the 21 nonprofit organizations throughout the state, called “regional centers,” subject to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thefirstamendment.org/media/publicrecordsact.pdf\">California Public Records Act (PRA)\u003c/a>, a law that requires the public disclosure of government records when requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the bill argue the regional centers perform a public function and are entirely funded by state dollars and should, therefore, be subject to the PRA. However, the centers that oppose the bill say that complying with it would strain an already cash-strapped system and could lead to accidental disclosures of personal information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s developmental disability system operates with a budget of more than $15 billion, serving Californians with a range of conditions, including autism, cerebral palsy, intellectual disability and epilepsy. All funding and services flow through the regional centers, which connect people with disabilities to various service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor is expected to sign or veto the bill by Sept. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A quirk of California’s sweeping 1977 developmental disability law, known as the Lanterman Act, established the regional centers as private nonprofits rather than public agencies, keeping them exempt from the PRA. The intention was to create independent, board-operated organizations that could respond more nimbly than a single statewide agency to each community’s needs. However, critics say this design has led to a system with 21 different operational methods, and the policies of each center remain opaque.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seems so wrong and so unfair that an entire sector of local entities could evade the Public Records Act through some wrinkle that they happened to have been established decades ago as nonprofits,” said Vivian Haun, a senior policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which has advocated for the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haun researched and wrote the original PRA policy proposal that ended up in AB 1147. She points to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ch/ec47604faq.asp#:~:text=All%20state%20and%20local%20agencies,are%20subject%20to%20the%20Public\">a law Newsom signed in 2019\u003c/a> making charter schools subject to the PRA and argues that should be the precedent for other nonprofits that serve a public function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re expected by the government to do all the same things that a traditional school district is supposed to do, which is to provide a public education to children using the same source of funds,” Haun said. “It just so happens that many of them are nonprofit in status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a July 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://sjud.senate.ca.gov/sites/sjud.senate.ca.gov/files/ab_1147_sjud_analysis.pdf\">report\u003c/a>, the state Senate Judiciary Committee firmly underscored Haun’s argument, stating, “If anything, the regional centers land even more squarely in the public domain than charter schools: While charter schools are a quasi-private alternative to public schools, regional centers are the public option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Calls for more transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A slew of reports in recent years have called out California’s developmental disability system for a lack of transparency and accountability, among other issues. A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://information.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2021-107.pdf\">State Auditor’s Office report\u003c/a> found that \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1po5JtPCmC5pryZKHbylflJr4kNIxhTKn/view?usp=drive_link\">some regional centers \u003c/a>were not conducting regular quality assurance reviews of their vendors despite a 2016 report identifying the same issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://lhc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Reports/273/Report273.pdf\">the Little Hoover Commission\u003c/a>, an independent state oversight agency, found that extreme racial disparities have persisted in the system for decades despite the state investing $66 million over recent years to address the issue. It also found that the quality of care disabled people and their families receive can differ wildly from one regional center to another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11969597/whistleblowers-call-out-california-group-home-for-abuse-against-disabled-residents\">KQED published an investigation \u003c/a>of abuse allegations at a disability group home in the Sacramento area that fell within the jurisdiction of Alta Regional Center. At the time, the information about the center’s investigations into the allegations were not publicly available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The KQED analysis of data from the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) showed that reports of abuse in disability group homes are somewhat common. From 2012 to 2022, the agency recorded at least 1,900 incidents of suspected abuse and more than 500 incidents of suspected neglect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judy Mark, president of Disability Voices United, a sponsor of AB 1147, said the additional transparency the bill calls for would help watchdog groups investigate and understand why these cases keep happening. “If we had that information, we would be able to see, ‘Oh, there is a pattern of problems at this time at this agency.’ Or, ‘Everything looked fine; how did you not see that these abuses were happening or that things were dirty or that people were getting hurt?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides cases of abuse, Mark said the opaqueness of regional centers makes it especially frustrating for disabled individuals when they attempt to understand why they were denied services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All we know as families is that if you are at one regional center, you can get a service, but if you’re at a different regional center, you don’t,” Mark said. “We would be asking, like, ‘What are the consistent policies that you are applying toward individuals so that we know why somebody got a yes and another person got a no?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Centers push back\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Regional centers fervently oppose the PRA requirement in the bill, claiming that they don’t have the staffing or resources to comply with it — despite a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-20/unused-money-at-regional-centers#:~:text=Nearly%20%241%20billion%20allocated%20for,said%20they%20needed%20more%20help.\">Los Angeles Times report\u003c/a> that found regional centers left nearly $1 billion unspent in 2021–22. Doing so, the centers said, could also result in the release of private health information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the highly sensitive information maintained on each individual, and the potential for redaction errors, there is an inherent privacy risk every time a PRA is responded to,” said Amy Westling, executive director of the Association of Regional Center Agencies (ARCA), in an email. “This is particularly true when new staff without prior experience with the PRA would be responding to requests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Westling also pointed to the litany of disclosures that regional centers are already required to make publicly available online, including “information about policies, spending patterns, and boards of directors for each regional center.” Each regional center also transmits information daily to the DDS, which is subject to the PRA, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Haun, of Disability Rights California, said the bigger issue is that regional centers should be held to the same accountability standards as other publicly funded entities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why should they be exempt from the same transparency requirements and expectations that all other entities are expected to comply with when they are using taxpayer dollars to carry out governmental functions?” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upcoming reform efforts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates say the timing of the bill is crucial. Earlier this year, the California Health and Human Services Agency began working on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chhs.ca.gov/home/master-plan-for-developmental-services/#\">Master Plan for Developmental Services\u003c/a>, an expansive effort to significantly transform how the state’s developmental disability system operates. The agency is convening stakeholders from across the system to develop a framework “for providing equitable, high quality, and person-centered services to all Californians with intellectual and developmental disabilities.” The plan is expected to be completed by March 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transparency that the bill’s PRA requirement would provide is critical to the master plan’s success, advocates argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t possibly do what we need to do to get that master plan done if we don’t have access to the information we need from the regional centers,” Mark said. “And that’s why we hope that Gov. Newsom will see this as just one step towards complete transparency and accountability over a system that spends over $15 billion a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Westling, of ARCA, said the goals of the master plan can be met without subjecting regional centers to the PRA. “If gaps in available data and information are identified through the master plan or other processes, we are happy to help identify potential solutions,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haun added that increasing transparency for regional centers would also open the doors to independent studies, research, and policy analyses that could help dramatically improve the system. “There’s almost nothing like that now,” she said. “It’s critical to be able to improve the system and help the state know how to better invest the funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also believes that the bill goes beyond policy implications; a longer-term effect will be an increased sense of empowerment for people with developmental disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When policies, rules, and information about how decisions are made that affect your everyday life are held from you, it is so disempowering,” Haun said. “Even if you wanted to engage or try to speak up or change things for the better, you don’t know how, and you can’t even begin to identify where or what’s even happening to you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"id": "baycurious",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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}
},
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
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