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"content": "\u003cp>As uncertainty continues to surround Oakland’s budget and how it will be affected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Coliseum\u003c/a> sale, the city’s finance department is warning that its fiscal situation is at “significant risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the latest financial report to the city administrator, Oakland is in a “precarious fiscal situation” as it moves to implement a contingency budget amid a new funding schedule for the Oakland Coliseum sale, adding to concerns about the city’s almost $80 million operating shortfall at the end of the 2023-2024 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, council members and critics of Mayor Sheng Thao raised alarm when it appeared that a payment expected in the city’s highly anticipated deal to sell its share of the Coliseum didn’t arrive on time. As it turns out, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007771/new-oakland-coliseum-sale-deal-raises-questions-about-delayed-payment-and-citys-budget\">terms of the land deal had been amended\u003c/a>, extending to November, the deadline for the developers, the African American Sports and Entertainment Group, to fulfill a second payment of $10 million, which the city says has been deposited to an escrow account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, AASEG and council members, including President Nikki Fortunato Bas, have called the revised deal a win because it raises the total revenue, reduces the city’s outstanding bond debt on the Coliseum by $12.8 million and closes the deal sooner. But council members Treva Reid, Janani Ramachandran and Noel Gallo have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008329/oakland-coliseum-sales-new-deal-draws-council-members-ire-over-lack-of-transparency\">called for increased transparency\u003c/a> about how they say the revised payment schedule will affect the city’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly $63 million from the sale’s revenue was to be used to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">patch holes in a massive deficit\u003c/a> in Oakland’s 2024-2025 budget. Because the funds were outstanding in July when the council adopted the budget, it also included a contingency: If those payments were not received on time, it would trigger a much tighter budget that made cuts akin to stepping on the funding emergency brake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of uncertainty now that this [contingency] budget has been triggered,” Ramachandran said. “My focus is on trying to understand what’s going to be cut first because there is absolutely no doubt and no lack of clarity on the fact that things have to be cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992371\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Hall in downtown Oakland on Aug. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s finance and management committee was slated to meet Tuesday for the report on the status of the contingency budget activation, but the meeting was canceled at the last minute at the administration’s request for more time, according to Ramachandran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original Coliseum deal — which was tied to the budget that the City Council passed in July — called for an initial $5 million payment upon signing, followed by $10 million in September, $15 million in November, $33 million in January, and the final $42 million by June 20, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended sale agreement between AASEG and the city changes the payment schedule, pushing the $10 million expected in September to November and the remaining $95 million to the end of next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the $10 million payment is already in an escrow account and will become available in November, according to Casey Pratt, the mayor’s spokesperson, Ramachandran and Reid said in a statement last week that these changes mean that the contingency budget has been triggered, and “Oakland must cut $48 million from its budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office did not provide comment for this story, but Thao posted on social media that city officials briefed Ramachandran and Reid on the amended deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are welcome to be a part of the solution, not deepen distrust with false information and further divide us,” she wrote in a post on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MayorShengThao/status/1844088925989765486\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s chief of staff, Leigh Hanson, told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-coliseum-revised-deal-19819758.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> last week that she doesn’t believe the changing payment schedule — specifically the removal of a $15 million installment that was expected in November under the initial deal — will change Oakland’s management decisions around fire stations or police academies significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a cash flow issue,” she told the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/frequently-asked-questions-faqs-city-budget-updates-as-of-october-2024\">frequently asked questions\u003c/a> page regarding the budget says that “cost-saving measures were articulated in the contingency budget and per the budget resolution are in the process of being implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6888252&GUID=E8266870-CEBF-490D-A41A-E66ECDF39FDB&Options=&Search=\">finance department’s report\u003c/a>, which is set to be presented at an Oct. 22 committee meeting, also says that the conditions of the contingency budget have been met and it is being implemented, adding that a substantial portion of the city’s general purpose fund is in non-cash assets that “do not provide immediate cash flow to address the city’s operational needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">contingency budget\u003c/a> includes brownouts, or rotating shutdowns, of five fire engine companies, reducing the number of sworn police officers from 709 to about 600 through attrition, and freezing or eliminating violence prevention positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would also trigger a citywide halt of hiring, contracting and travel and could cause a multi-year delay or cancellation of $200 million in planned bond-funded infrastructure, affordable housing and other projects slated for the coming fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been no clarity from either Thao’s or the city administrator’s office regarding which contingency budget policies are being implemented. The fiscal report says that “steps are being taken to minimize impacts to public safety of implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city administrator’s office did not respond to a request for comment at the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran said that regardless of whether or not the amended Coliseum sale agreement is executed on time, the city will still not receive more than $40 million between now and January that is accounted for in the budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it’s great that if this deal goes through on time, we’ll get a purchase price of $5 million more — and down the road with development markers potentially up to $15 million more than that. But all of that future money and promise of future money is irrelevant to this budget,” she told KQED. “Nothing that council has passed has superseded this contingency budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, AASEG and council members, including President Nikki Fortunato Bas, have called the revised deal a win because it raises the total revenue, reduces the city’s outstanding bond debt on the Coliseum by $12.8 million and closes the deal sooner. But council members Treva Reid, Janani Ramachandran and Noel Gallo have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008329/oakland-coliseum-sales-new-deal-draws-council-members-ire-over-lack-of-transparency\">called for increased transparency\u003c/a> about how they say the revised payment schedule will affect the city’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly $63 million from the sale’s revenue was to be used to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">patch holes in a massive deficit\u003c/a> in Oakland’s 2024-2025 budget. Because the funds were outstanding in July when the council adopted the budget, it also included a contingency: If those payments were not received on time, it would trigger a much tighter budget that made cuts akin to stepping on the funding emergency brake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of uncertainty now that this [contingency] budget has been triggered,” Ramachandran said. “My focus is on trying to understand what’s going to be cut first because there is absolutely no doubt and no lack of clarity on the fact that things have to be cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992371\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Hall in downtown Oakland on Aug. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s finance and management committee was slated to meet Tuesday for the report on the status of the contingency budget activation, but the meeting was canceled at the last minute at the administration’s request for more time, according to Ramachandran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original Coliseum deal — which was tied to the budget that the City Council passed in July — called for an initial $5 million payment upon signing, followed by $10 million in September, $15 million in November, $33 million in January, and the final $42 million by June 20, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended sale agreement between AASEG and the city changes the payment schedule, pushing the $10 million expected in September to November and the remaining $95 million to the end of next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the $10 million payment is already in an escrow account and will become available in November, according to Casey Pratt, the mayor’s spokesperson, Ramachandran and Reid said in a statement last week that these changes mean that the contingency budget has been triggered, and “Oakland must cut $48 million from its budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office did not provide comment for this story, but Thao posted on social media that city officials briefed Ramachandran and Reid on the amended deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are welcome to be a part of the solution, not deepen distrust with false information and further divide us,” she wrote in a post on X.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Thao’s chief of staff, Leigh Hanson, told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-coliseum-revised-deal-19819758.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> last week that she doesn’t believe the changing payment schedule — specifically the removal of a $15 million installment that was expected in November under the initial deal — will change Oakland’s management decisions around fire stations or police academies significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a cash flow issue,” she told the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/frequently-asked-questions-faqs-city-budget-updates-as-of-october-2024\">frequently asked questions\u003c/a> page regarding the budget says that “cost-saving measures were articulated in the contingency budget and per the budget resolution are in the process of being implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6888252&GUID=E8266870-CEBF-490D-A41A-E66ECDF39FDB&Options=&Search=\">finance department’s report\u003c/a>, which is set to be presented at an Oct. 22 committee meeting, also says that the conditions of the contingency budget have been met and it is being implemented, adding that a substantial portion of the city’s general purpose fund is in non-cash assets that “do not provide immediate cash flow to address the city’s operational needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">contingency budget\u003c/a> includes brownouts, or rotating shutdowns, of five fire engine companies, reducing the number of sworn police officers from 709 to about 600 through attrition, and freezing or eliminating violence prevention positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would also trigger a citywide halt of hiring, contracting and travel and could cause a multi-year delay or cancellation of $200 million in planned bond-funded infrastructure, affordable housing and other projects slated for the coming fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been no clarity from either Thao’s or the city administrator’s office regarding which contingency budget policies are being implemented. The fiscal report says that “steps are being taken to minimize impacts to public safety of implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city administrator’s office did not respond to a request for comment at the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran said that regardless of whether or not the amended Coliseum sale agreement is executed on time, the city will still not receive more than $40 million between now and January that is accounted for in the budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it’s great that if this deal goes through on time, we’ll get a purchase price of $5 million more — and down the road with development markers potentially up to $15 million more than that. But all of that future money and promise of future money is irrelevant to this budget,” she told KQED. “Nothing that council has passed has superseded this contingency budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Mayor Breed Demands Halt to SF School Closures, Citing Chaos and Confusion",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:54 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed on Tuesday called on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfusd\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> to halt its plan to close up to 11 schools at the end of the academic year, citing confusion around the process and saying she has lost confidence in the superintendent’s ability to carry it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/LondonBreed/status/1846275807129620800\">statement\u003c/a> posted on social media platform X, Breed said, “It is time to immediately stop the school closure process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has become a distraction from the very real work that must be done to balance the budget in the next two months to prevent a state takeover,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pressure from the mayor comes a week after Superintendent Matt Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008405/these-san-francisco-schools-could-close-list-isnt-final\">announced the list of campuses being considered for closure\u003c/a>, igniting concern and anger from families who had been frustrated over weeks of uncertainty surrounding the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">the rescue team\u003c/a> of city administrators she sent to aid the district three weeks ago has worked alongside district staffers on operational issues, including cutting roughly $110 million from the district’s budget. If that shortfall isn’t closed by the end of the year, the district could face a takeover by the California Department of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “mismanaged school closure process” has made addressing those issues difficult, Breed said in her statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also slammed Wayne, saying she does not believe the current school closure plan can be carried out in a way that will benefit SFUSD students and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K-5 students, families and community members march from Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro on Oct. 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I recognize that discussions around school closures and mergers are difficult and painful, but that only speaks to why any effort to engage in this conversation must be done with care, clarity, and competence,” Breed said. “That has not happened here, and I don’t have confidence that it can happen right now under the current conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the week since Wayne released the list, there has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008882/sfusd-faces-backlash-school-closures-community-rallies-town-halls\">significant fallout from communities\u003c/a> who were told their schools met the district’s criteria for closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The year was already off to a rocky start, especially after Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed the planned September announcement\u003c/a> of the closure list back a month, just two days before it was anticipated. That week, the former school board president announced that her abrupt resignation from the board was in part due to Wayne’s failures in leadership, and the school board called an emergency weekend meeting, purportedly to discuss whether to keep Wayne in his job. Breed sent in her team of experts to assist the district’s consolidation plan the same day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October rollout was also chaotic: After news on Oct. 4 suggested Wayne might hold the list until November, the district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008286/is-san-franciscos-school-closure-list-delayed-again-district-offers-little-clarity\">didn’t offer much information\u003c/a> until the following Monday, when Wayne announced in a video message that he would be releasing a list of schools that met the district’s criteria for closure on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008873 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241010-SFUSDClosures-06-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008524/sfusd-closures-which-schools-will-be-affected-and-what-do-families-need-to-know\">The list\u003c/a> went live around 4 p.m. after it was obtained by\u003cem> Mission Local\u003c/em> and led to confusion about whether the list — which included plans for which campuses would merge or welcome students from other campuses — was just the schools that were eligible for closure or the district’s actual proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve heard over and over is confusion and concern around the proposed school closures/merger list and how it has been communicated and managed,” Breed’s statement continues. “I’ve heard from parents, students, and educators who are fearful about the futures of their schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many school communities and political leaders have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008873/san-francisco-school-closures-will-hurt-chinese-immigrant-communities-city-leaders-say\">protested the closures\u003c/a> in the past week, and parent groups have raised concerns regarding the equity of the list, which disproportionately affects schools on the east side of the city and would relocate students in two schools with Cantonese biliteracy programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008714/parents-sf-schools-named-for-closure-fight-keep-campuses-open\">raised concerns\u003c/a> about the criteria the district used, which targeted small schools and included “composite scores” that rate schools on factors including equity, academic performance, school culture and effective use of resources. Those criteria were also changed the same day the list was posted, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed suggested that her rescue team and members of the school board weren’t even clued in to all of the district’s communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was our understanding from our work with the school board that our stabilization team would be taken seriously,” she said, speaking with reporters after her announcement. “There were some major communication issues with our superintendent. And the fact is, if we are working on this together and we’re providing that support, we need to all be on the same page, and unfortunately, we haven’t been with this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008829\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008829\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K–5 students, families and community members leave Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to march to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco on Oct. 9, 2024, to protest against the potential closure of the school. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>School Board President Matt Alexander said that Breed’s statement made “some valid points,” adding that the rollout wasn’t done in the way he expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said although the mayor’s team has been working closely with district staff on fiscal and operational stabilization, the superintendent seemed to decline assistance with strategic communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a fair amount of chaos and unnecessary drama,” Alexander told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Board of Education is actively monitoring the situation. We have one employee, which is the superintendent, and so we’re monitoring it, holding him accountable and we understand that as a governance team, it’s our responsibility to ensure that we stabilize the situation and that we provide our students and our educators with the schools they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Wayne and his staff are expected to meet with various school communities that would be affected by the closures ahead of the final proposal that will go to the school board on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of now, the board is set to make a final decision on school closures on Dec. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the next few months should be spent ensuring the district maintains local control by balancing its budget in December. Both she and Alexander said that they believe it’s possible to achieve that goal without closing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The weeks and months ahead are going to be incredibly difficult,” Breed said. “There are painful but necessary decisions that will have to be made and any school closures or mergers would only be one small piece of the overall effort to balance the budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/sjohnson\">\u003cem>Sydney Johnson\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:54 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed on Tuesday called on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sfusd\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> to halt its plan to close up to 11 schools at the end of the academic year, citing confusion around the process and saying she has lost confidence in the superintendent’s ability to carry it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/LondonBreed/status/1846275807129620800\">statement\u003c/a> posted on social media platform X, Breed said, “It is time to immediately stop the school closure process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has become a distraction from the very real work that must be done to balance the budget in the next two months to prevent a state takeover,” the statement reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pressure from the mayor comes a week after Superintendent Matt Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008405/these-san-francisco-schools-could-close-list-isnt-final\">announced the list of campuses being considered for closure\u003c/a>, igniting concern and anger from families who had been frustrated over weeks of uncertainty surrounding the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005932/sf-mayor-sends-team-to-address-crisis-at-school-district-but-dont-call-it-a-takeover\">the rescue team\u003c/a> of city administrators she sent to aid the district three weeks ago has worked alongside district staffers on operational issues, including cutting roughly $110 million from the district’s budget. If that shortfall isn’t closed by the end of the year, the district could face a takeover by the California Department of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “mismanaged school closure process” has made addressing those issues difficult, Breed said in her statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also slammed Wayne, saying she does not believe the current school closure plan can be carried out in a way that will benefit SFUSD students and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-13-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K-5 students, families and community members march from Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro on Oct. 9, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I recognize that discussions around school closures and mergers are difficult and painful, but that only speaks to why any effort to engage in this conversation must be done with care, clarity, and competence,” Breed said. “That has not happened here, and I don’t have confidence that it can happen right now under the current conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the week since Wayne released the list, there has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008882/sfusd-faces-backlash-school-closures-community-rallies-town-halls\">significant fallout from communities\u003c/a> who were told their schools met the district’s criteria for closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The year was already off to a rocky start, especially after Wayne \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004831/anxious-waiting-game-drags-on-as-sfusd-delays-list-of-school-closures\">pushed the planned September announcement\u003c/a> of the closure list back a month, just two days before it was anticipated. That week, the former school board president announced that her abrupt resignation from the board was in part due to Wayne’s failures in leadership, and the school board called an emergency weekend meeting, purportedly to discuss whether to keep Wayne in his job. Breed sent in her team of experts to assist the district’s consolidation plan the same day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October rollout was also chaotic: After news on Oct. 4 suggested Wayne might hold the list until November, the district \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008286/is-san-franciscos-school-closure-list-delayed-again-district-offers-little-clarity\">didn’t offer much information\u003c/a> until the following Monday, when Wayne announced in a video message that he would be releasing a list of schools that met the district’s criteria for closure on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008524/sfusd-closures-which-schools-will-be-affected-and-what-do-families-need-to-know\">The list\u003c/a> went live around 4 p.m. after it was obtained by\u003cem> Mission Local\u003c/em> and led to confusion about whether the list — which included plans for which campuses would merge or welcome students from other campuses — was just the schools that were eligible for closure or the district’s actual proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve heard over and over is confusion and concern around the proposed school closures/merger list and how it has been communicated and managed,” Breed’s statement continues. “I’ve heard from parents, students, and educators who are fearful about the futures of their schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many school communities and political leaders have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008873/san-francisco-school-closures-will-hurt-chinese-immigrant-communities-city-leaders-say\">protested the closures\u003c/a> in the past week, and parent groups have raised concerns regarding the equity of the list, which disproportionately affects schools on the east side of the city and would relocate students in two schools with Cantonese biliteracy programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008714/parents-sf-schools-named-for-closure-fight-keep-campuses-open\">raised concerns\u003c/a> about the criteria the district used, which targeted small schools and included “composite scores” that rate schools on factors including equity, academic performance, school culture and effective use of resources. Those criteria were also changed the same day the list was posted, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed suggested that her rescue team and members of the school board weren’t even clued in to all of the district’s communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was our understanding from our work with the school board that our stabilization team would be taken seriously,” she said, speaking with reporters after her announcement. “There were some major communication issues with our superintendent. And the fact is, if we are working on this together and we’re providing that support, we need to all be on the same page, and unfortunately, we haven’t been with this process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008829\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008829\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-01-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K–5 students, families and community members leave Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy to march to Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco on Oct. 9, 2024, to protest against the potential closure of the school. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>School Board President Matt Alexander said that Breed’s statement made “some valid points,” adding that the rollout wasn’t done in the way he expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said although the mayor’s team has been working closely with district staff on fiscal and operational stabilization, the superintendent seemed to decline assistance with strategic communications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been a fair amount of chaos and unnecessary drama,” Alexander told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Board of Education is actively monitoring the situation. We have one employee, which is the superintendent, and so we’re monitoring it, holding him accountable and we understand that as a governance team, it’s our responsibility to ensure that we stabilize the situation and that we provide our students and our educators with the schools they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, Wayne and his staff are expected to meet with various school communities that would be affected by the closures ahead of the final proposal that will go to the school board on Nov. 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of now, the board is set to make a final decision on school closures on Dec. 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the next few months should be spent ensuring the district maintains local control by balancing its budget in December. Both she and Alexander said that they believe it’s possible to achieve that goal without closing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The weeks and months ahead are going to be incredibly difficult,” Breed said. “There are painful but necessary decisions that will have to be made and any school closures or mergers would only be one small piece of the overall effort to balance the budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/sjohnson\">\u003cem>Sydney Johnson\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>PHOENIX — Standing in front of posters declaring “Country Over Party,” the Republican mayor of Mesa, Arizona, pointed to a young woman sitting at the front of the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t it amazing to have a leader in our country that we can point our young people to and say, emulate this person?” Mayor John Giles asked the crowd of several hundred Republicans, many of them Mormons, attending this luncheon event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They responded with hoots and cheers — and just a few minutes later, enthusiastically welcomed the Democratic nominee for president, Vice President Kamala Harris, on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was raised to believe that hard work is important. It is important to look out for each other. It is important to understand that the vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us,” Harris told the group. “There are some powerful forces that are trying to divide us as Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledged that the conservative crowd might not agree with her on everything. But, she said, they agree on some fundamentals — including the value of empathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this kind of backward thinking coming from some folks that suggest that the measure of the strength of a leader is based on who you beat down. Instead of what we know, which is the real measure of the strength of [a] leader is based on who you lift up,” she said to cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This event, at a golf club in Scottsdale, just outside Phoenix, is one of many ways the Harris campaign is trying to broaden its coalition with just weeks left until Election Day — and with polls showing the presidential race is locked in a dead heat. Sunbelt states like Arizona and Nevada are key battlegrounds for the campaign’s efforts to reach out to groups they need to peel away from former President Donald Trump to win: disaffected Republicans, independents and Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Harris campaign isn’t doing it alone. About 25 minutes away, in a tiny strip mall, volunteers gather every day around noon. They’re preparing to walk Phoenix neighborhoods, often in triple-digit heat, knocking on doors to engage undecided voters and those who might not be planning to vote at all. It’s a joint effort between an Oakland-based group, Seed the Vote, which recruits and trains California volunteers and a union-affiliated, Arizona-based group called Worker Power. Seed the Vote has sent 3,000 volunteers out this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009380\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts stands next to a blue car outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roxy Moran with her Subaru — which she drove from Pleasanton to Phoenix to volunteer with Seed the Vote in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxy Moran, 28, traveled from her hometown of Pleasanton to do this work. Currently, between jobs, she doesn’t want to sit out an election she believes will determine not just America’s next four years but the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moran said that while Trump continues to emphasize immigration, the issues voters most frequently discuss with her are abortion rights and the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reproductive rights — it’s a big rallying call for a lot of people in Arizona. And even if they don’t agree with you on some other things, most people are like, this is so important,” she said. “The economy is huge. You know, everyone wants to talk about the cost of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Cerrito resident Vanessa Warheit is a canvass lead with Seed the Vote. She took a leave from her day job as a climate policy advocate to decamp to Arizona for the final weeks of this campaign. Warheit said that even in a swing state like Arizona, where campaign signs blanket the streets and political ads bombard the airwaves, some people manage to tune it all out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know how they managed to avoid the maelstrom of toxic political ads. But I think partly it’s because they’re so toxic… it’s incessant,” she said. “A lot of people just tune them out because they’re like, it’s too toxic. I can’t deal. I don’t want to, and I’m not going to pay attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With competing attack ads making claims of all kinds, many people just don’t know what to believe, Warheit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just try to stick their heads down and just hope it’ll all go away,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009379\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts holds flyers with two people seated behind her.\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Part of Moran and Warheit’s job is to educate voters — not just about Harris’ policy proposals but also about the rest of the Arizona ballot, which includes a race for U.S. Senate, key legislative races and a ballot measure that would enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution. Currently, abortion is illegal in Arizona after 15 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surprisingly, both women said the issue of reproductive rights appears to be crossing traditional political lines and making Harris more attractive to voters who hadn’t seen it as a priority before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of support for abortion, it’s across gender lines,” Warheit said. “And it’s interesting because a lot of us before we got here sort of assumed that we were going to need to use kind of coded language like ‘reproductive rights.’ And for the most part, the words ‘abortion access’ resonate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the only issue that seems to be attracting strange bedfellows. At the GOP luncheon, the audience nodded along and clapped at Harris’ mentions of the Affordable Care Act and its mandate to cover people with preexisting conditions — legislation Republicans spent years trying to dismantle. However, an Arizona hero, the late U.S. Sen. John McCain, cast the deciding vote in 2017 to save the ACA — something that both Democrats and Republicans in the state remain incredibly proud of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mayor Giles introduced the vice president, he acknowledged the unlikely coalition.[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think many of the people in this room were initially attracted to this campaign because, frankly, we were anti-Trump,” he said. “We have very quickly become pro-Kamala, right? Kamala Harris will be a great president of the United States. Absolutely phenomenal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giles said Harris would prioritize the middle class, protect personal freedoms and promote “justice and equality” at the southern border. But he framed all those issues in terms of moral clarity and the U.S.’s role in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of us have an apparently unusual memory that lasts longer than four years. We can remember the humiliation that our country suffered for four years under a Trump presidency. And we’re committed to not letting that happen again,” he said. “(Harris) is someone who is aware of the moral leadership role that our country has traditionally held in this country and around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009378\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\" alt=\"Eight people sit inside a room talking to each other.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The vice president echoed that message in her remarks, stressing her commitment to including a diversity of voices in her administration. She promised to appoint a Republican to her Cabinet and told the group she also plans to create a bipartisan policy council to advise her if she’s elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are as a democracy (is) at play in this election,” she said. “Each of you have had the courage to say, hey, we may not agree on every single thing — that’s also what a democracy looks like. But foundational, first principles cannot be in question. Not for the sake of our children, not for the sake of our future and well-being, not for the sake of our standing in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Country, not party, must be Americans first identity and priority, Harris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether she can convince enough voters in swing states like Arizona that she’s right could mean the difference between a Harris or Trump presidency come 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>PHOENIX — Standing in front of posters declaring “Country Over Party,” the Republican mayor of Mesa, Arizona, pointed to a young woman sitting at the front of the room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Isn’t it amazing to have a leader in our country that we can point our young people to and say, emulate this person?” Mayor John Giles asked the crowd of several hundred Republicans, many of them Mormons, attending this luncheon event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They responded with hoots and cheers — and just a few minutes later, enthusiastically welcomed the Democratic nominee for president, Vice President Kamala Harris, on stage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was raised to believe that hard work is important. It is important to look out for each other. It is important to understand that the vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us,” Harris told the group. “There are some powerful forces that are trying to divide us as Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris acknowledged that the conservative crowd might not agree with her on everything. But, she said, they agree on some fundamentals — including the value of empathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this kind of backward thinking coming from some folks that suggest that the measure of the strength of a leader is based on who you beat down. Instead of what we know, which is the real measure of the strength of [a] leader is based on who you lift up,” she said to cheers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This event, at a golf club in Scottsdale, just outside Phoenix, is one of many ways the Harris campaign is trying to broaden its coalition with just weeks left until Election Day — and with polls showing the presidential race is locked in a dead heat. Sunbelt states like Arizona and Nevada are key battlegrounds for the campaign’s efforts to reach out to groups they need to peel away from former President Donald Trump to win: disaffected Republicans, independents and Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Harris campaign isn’t doing it alone. About 25 minutes away, in a tiny strip mall, volunteers gather every day around noon. They’re preparing to walk Phoenix neighborhoods, often in triple-digit heat, knocking on doors to engage undecided voters and those who might not be planning to vote at all. It’s a joint effort between an Oakland-based group, Seed the Vote, which recruits and trains California volunteers and a union-affiliated, Arizona-based group called Worker Power. Seed the Vote has sent 3,000 volunteers out this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009380\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts stands next to a blue car outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-03-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roxy Moran with her Subaru — which she drove from Pleasanton to Phoenix to volunteer with Seed the Vote in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Roxy Moran, 28, traveled from her hometown of Pleasanton to do this work. Currently, between jobs, she doesn’t want to sit out an election she believes will determine not just America’s next four years but the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moran said that while Trump continues to emphasize immigration, the issues voters most frequently discuss with her are abortion rights and the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Reproductive rights — it’s a big rallying call for a lot of people in Arizona. And even if they don’t agree with you on some other things, most people are like, this is so important,” she said. “The economy is huge. You know, everyone wants to talk about the cost of living.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Cerrito resident Vanessa Warheit is a canvass lead with Seed the Vote. She took a leave from her day job as a climate policy advocate to decamp to Arizona for the final weeks of this campaign. Warheit said that even in a swing state like Arizona, where campaign signs blanket the streets and political ads bombard the airwaves, some people manage to tune it all out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know how they managed to avoid the maelstrom of toxic political ads. But I think partly it’s because they’re so toxic… it’s incessant,” she said. “A lot of people just tune them out because they’re like, it’s too toxic. I can’t deal. I don’t want to, and I’m not going to pay attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With competing attack ads making claims of all kinds, many people just don’t know what to believe, Warheit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just try to stick their heads down and just hope it’ll all go away,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009379\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a white shirt and shorts holds flyers with two people seated behind her.\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-02-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Part of Moran and Warheit’s job is to educate voters — not just about Harris’ policy proposals but also about the rest of the Arizona ballot, which includes a race for U.S. Senate, key legislative races and a ballot measure that would enshrine the right to an abortion in the state constitution. Currently, abortion is illegal in Arizona after 15 weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surprisingly, both women said the issue of reproductive rights appears to be crossing traditional political lines and making Harris more attractive to voters who hadn’t seen it as a priority before the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In terms of support for abortion, it’s across gender lines,” Warheit said. “And it’s interesting because a lot of us before we got here sort of assumed that we were going to need to use kind of coded language like ‘reproductive rights.’ And for the most part, the words ‘abortion access’ resonate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the only issue that seems to be attracting strange bedfellows. At the GOP luncheon, the audience nodded along and clapped at Harris’ mentions of the Affordable Care Act and its mandate to cover people with preexisting conditions — legislation Republicans spent years trying to dismantle. However, an Arizona hero, the late U.S. Sen. John McCain, cast the deciding vote in 2017 to save the ACA — something that both Democrats and Republicans in the state remain incredibly proud of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Mayor Giles introduced the vice president, he acknowledged the unlikely coalition.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think many of the people in this room were initially attracted to this campaign because, frankly, we were anti-Trump,” he said. “We have very quickly become pro-Kamala, right? Kamala Harris will be a great president of the United States. Absolutely phenomenal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Giles said Harris would prioritize the middle class, protect personal freedoms and promote “justice and equality” at the southern border. But he framed all those issues in terms of moral clarity and the U.S.’s role in the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of us have an apparently unusual memory that lasts longer than four years. We can remember the humiliation that our country suffered for four years under a Trump presidency. And we’re committed to not letting that happen again,” he said. “(Harris) is someone who is aware of the moral leadership role that our country has traditionally held in this country and around the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009378\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009378\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg\" alt=\"Eight people sit inside a room talking to each other.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241014-HARRIS-AZ-CANVASSERS-ML-01-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Seed the Vote volunteers prepare to canvass in Phoenix on Oct. 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Marisa Lagos/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The vice president echoed that message in her remarks, stressing her commitment to including a diversity of voices in her administration. She promised to appoint a Republican to her Cabinet and told the group she also plans to create a bipartisan policy council to advise her if she’s elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are as a democracy (is) at play in this election,” she said. “Each of you have had the courage to say, hey, we may not agree on every single thing — that’s also what a democracy looks like. But foundational, first principles cannot be in question. Not for the sake of our children, not for the sake of our future and well-being, not for the sake of our standing in the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Country, not party, must be Americans first identity and priority, Harris said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether she can convince enough voters in swing states like Arizona that she’s right could mean the difference between a Harris or Trump presidency come 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How SF Shaped Pelosi, Feinstein, Newsom and Harris Into Global Political Leaders",
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"content": "\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11963548 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/110A3835-scaled-e1696541380321-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> on Monday signed into law his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006862/can-california-really-push-gas-prices-lower\">plan to prevent gas price spikes\u003c/a> after more than a month of a special legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill X2-1 will allow the California Energy Commission to require oil refiners to maintain a certain inventory of fuel to deliver during periods of maintenance that reduce refining capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents say it will lessen volatility in prices at the pump, ultimately saving Californians money. However, opposition groups, led by the oil industry, have questioned the need for a special session to address the bill and want to redirect focus to maintaining the state’s dwindling number of oil refiners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud that the Assembly was able to get the bill through despite pushback from the oil industry, particularly the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil that knowingly continues to lie to the people of this state, our nation, for that matter, around the world,” Newsom said. “They are the polluted heart of this climate crisis. They continue to lie and they continue to manipulate. And they’re taking advantage of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had hoped to pass the bill at the end of this year’s regular session but wasn’t able to get it through. In a statement, he said he had called for a special session this fall to address gas price spikes after identifying the problem as a result of gas-related bills passed during a special session last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, one of the principal co-authors of ABX2-1, said that working through the bill in a special session has given lawmakers more time to focus on the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are opening up the big oil and oil industry to more scrutiny by our public regulators, enabling us to understand more how they price gouge and set prices,” he told KQED. “The more and more we’ve learned from the sector, there are very few … actors who play a big part in why there are so many shocking price spikes at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WSPA criticized the special session as unnecessary. Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the industry association’s CEO, said the state should be focused on retaining its refiners, which have dropped from 30 to nine since the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a rushed special session to address the needed infrastructure and investment that we should be talking about to keep refineries running and producers producing,” Reheis-Boyd told KQED. “In our opinion, the conversation should be focused on production, on pipelines, on ports and all that impact on refineries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As time ran out on the regular legislative session, Newsom had found himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994047/newsom-is-in-a-standoff-with-democrats-on-energy-bills-time-is-running-out\">locked in a stalemate with lawmakers\u003c/a> over his energy agenda and whether to call the special session, which Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D–Healdsburg) was initially firmly against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and labor groups also opposed the bill, and it did not receive universal support from Newsom’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost a fourth of Senate Democrats did not support the bill — Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D–Sanger) joined Republicans in voting against it, and eight Democrats abstained or were absent. The bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009203/california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes\">passed the Senate\u003c/a> on Friday with a 23–9 majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previous Assembly vote\u003c/a>, Assemblymembers Jasmeet Bains (D–Delano) and Esmeralda Soria (D–Fresno) joined Republican lawmakers opposing the bill, while 44 voted in favor. The other 17 lawmakers abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='gas-prices']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has touted the bill as a way to protect consumers from surging gas prices, Reheis-Boyd argued that it could increase prices if refiners are forced to maintain a reserve. She said there should be more focus on the fees and taxes Californians pay on gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, however, said that those costs don’t add to the volatility ABX2-1 is designed to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservatives and the oil companies love to blame taxes and fees and regulations, but those things are very constant,” he said. “What isn’t constant is if the consumer goes to the pump one week and it’s one price and then another week, it’s 10% more, and another week it’s 5% less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previously told KQED\u003c/a> that Assembly hearings throughout the session have shown that these spikes and dips are due to oil availability and that without inventory concerns, “there should be much lower prices” for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Gregg Hart (D–Santa Barbara), who introduced the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">told KQED earlier this month\u003c/a> that part of the reason the bill is needed is because the number of refiners in California will only continue to decline as the state moves to phase out gas cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will have constraints that occur with fuel supply as these steps in the ladder go down and refineries are closed,” he said. “We have to manage this collaboratively with the oil industry and figure out a way to smooth that out and make it work for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that now, the CEC will meet to assess the oil market and supply demands, look at health and safety concerns raised by refinery workers, and more to ultimately come up with the right standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to overstate, I don’t want to overpromise, but we now have the tools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> on Monday signed into law his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006862/can-california-really-push-gas-prices-lower\">plan to prevent gas price spikes\u003c/a> after more than a month of a special legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill X2-1 will allow the California Energy Commission to require oil refiners to maintain a certain inventory of fuel to deliver during periods of maintenance that reduce refining capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents say it will lessen volatility in prices at the pump, ultimately saving Californians money. However, opposition groups, led by the oil industry, have questioned the need for a special session to address the bill and want to redirect focus to maintaining the state’s dwindling number of oil refiners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud that the Assembly was able to get the bill through despite pushback from the oil industry, particularly the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil that knowingly continues to lie to the people of this state, our nation, for that matter, around the world,” Newsom said. “They are the polluted heart of this climate crisis. They continue to lie and they continue to manipulate. And they’re taking advantage of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had hoped to pass the bill at the end of this year’s regular session but wasn’t able to get it through. In a statement, he said he had called for a special session this fall to address gas price spikes after identifying the problem as a result of gas-related bills passed during a special session last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, one of the principal co-authors of ABX2-1, said that working through the bill in a special session has given lawmakers more time to focus on the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are opening up the big oil and oil industry to more scrutiny by our public regulators, enabling us to understand more how they price gouge and set prices,” he told KQED. “The more and more we’ve learned from the sector, there are very few … actors who play a big part in why there are so many shocking price spikes at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WSPA criticized the special session as unnecessary. Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the industry association’s CEO, said the state should be focused on retaining its refiners, which have dropped from 30 to nine since the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a rushed special session to address the needed infrastructure and investment that we should be talking about to keep refineries running and producers producing,” Reheis-Boyd told KQED. “In our opinion, the conversation should be focused on production, on pipelines, on ports and all that impact on refineries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As time ran out on the regular legislative session, Newsom had found himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994047/newsom-is-in-a-standoff-with-democrats-on-energy-bills-time-is-running-out\">locked in a stalemate with lawmakers\u003c/a> over his energy agenda and whether to call the special session, which Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D–Healdsburg) was initially firmly against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and labor groups also opposed the bill, and it did not receive universal support from Newsom’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost a fourth of Senate Democrats did not support the bill — Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D–Sanger) joined Republicans in voting against it, and eight Democrats abstained or were absent. The bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009203/california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes\">passed the Senate\u003c/a> on Friday with a 23–9 majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previous Assembly vote\u003c/a>, Assemblymembers Jasmeet Bains (D–Delano) and Esmeralda Soria (D–Fresno) joined Republican lawmakers opposing the bill, while 44 voted in favor. The other 17 lawmakers abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has touted the bill as a way to protect consumers from surging gas prices, Reheis-Boyd argued that it could increase prices if refiners are forced to maintain a reserve. She said there should be more focus on the fees and taxes Californians pay on gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, however, said that those costs don’t add to the volatility ABX2-1 is designed to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservatives and the oil companies love to blame taxes and fees and regulations, but those things are very constant,” he said. “What isn’t constant is if the consumer goes to the pump one week and it’s one price and then another week, it’s 10% more, and another week it’s 5% less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previously told KQED\u003c/a> that Assembly hearings throughout the session have shown that these spikes and dips are due to oil availability and that without inventory concerns, “there should be much lower prices” for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Gregg Hart (D–Santa Barbara), who introduced the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">told KQED earlier this month\u003c/a> that part of the reason the bill is needed is because the number of refiners in California will only continue to decline as the state moves to phase out gas cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will have constraints that occur with fuel supply as these steps in the ladder go down and refineries are closed,” he said. “We have to manage this collaboratively with the oil industry and figure out a way to smooth that out and make it work for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that now, the CEC will meet to assess the oil market and supply demands, look at health and safety concerns raised by refinery workers, and more to ultimately come up with the right standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to overstate, I don’t want to overpromise, but we now have the tools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sfs-dean-preston-faces-criticism-affordable-housing-hayes-valley",
"title": "SF’s Dean Preston Faces Criticism Over Affordable Housing in Hayes Valley",
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"headTitle": "SF’s Dean Preston Faces Criticism Over Affordable Housing in Hayes Valley | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tommy Netzband and his Shih Tzu, Asha, sat in a circle with friends, sharing drinks and food packed in Tupperware on the grass at Patricia’s Green, an urban park in Hayes Valley, on Sept. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laughed as Asha and her best friend, Birdie, zoomed around them, barking at passing dogs and their owners, who carried picnic baskets and blankets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know most people in the neighborhood. Asha knows everybody,” Netzband said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all hang out at the park every day, like three times a day,” Zach Nelson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netzband and Nelson, along with dozens of others, were in the park to watch \u003cem>Songs of Earth\u003c/em>, a 2023 documentary set in Norway, on the big outdoor screen. It was the first of five Friday movie nights scheduled for the 9th annual Fall Film Festival at PROXY, an outdoor space at Octavia Boulevard and Hayes Street that features local businesses, Sunday concerts and free events like the film festival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space opened about 15 years ago as a placeholder for an affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a top concern for many San Francisco voters, and the candidates for mayor and the board of supervisors have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997174/sfs-top-district-5-candidates-outline-bold-plans-to-tackle-drug-crisis-in-tenderloin\">rolled out plans\u003c/a> to tackle the housing crisis. San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">slowest city in California to approve new housing\u003c/a>, is under pressure to build 82,000 housing units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006973\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006973\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rashad Bagnerise (right) helps customers try on shoes at the Wildling Shoes store located in a shipping container on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">directing state officials to dismantle tent encampments\u003c/a>. On Thursday, San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced that the number of tents on the city’s streets is at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006541/sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going\">lowest point since before counting began in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In District 5, which includes the Tenderloin, Japantown, Western Addition, Haight Ashbury and Hayes Valley, incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston’s housing record has been criticized by pro-development groups and his challengers. PROXY, officially known as Parcel K, has been a part of Hayes Valley for as long as many residents like Netzband have lived in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston has made developing Parcel K a priority since he took office in 2019, dividing residents who have fallen in love with the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you promise affordable housing on a site as part of land-use planning, you damn well better deliver it,” Preston said at a rally in support of Parcel K development last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990536\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Dean Preston speaks to a local resident at a bus stop at McAllister and Divisadero in San Francisco on June 13 while campaigning for reelection to the Board of Supervisors District 5. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After voters approved a proposition to replace the central freeway west of Market Street with Octavia Boulevard in 1999, the surrounding land was parceled off for different uses. The city planted about 400 feet of grass and trees and put in concrete tables to create Patricia’s Green, named for Patrica Walkup, one of the activists who inspired the roadway teardown. Parcel K was earmarked for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston and Board President Aaron Peskin said that an affordable housing proposal for the space would gain the approval of the supervisors. If a developer did get the rights to build, they wouldn’t have to pay for the land. Thanks to a nearby market-rate development deal, Preston said a builder would get $1 million for the project. Still, 21 years since being designated for housing, there isn’t one rendering of what the apartment complex might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston blames Mayor London Breed, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">endorsed by SF YIMBY\u003c/a>, the city’s pro-development movement, in July. Before anything can happen, Breed has to issue a request for qualifications to invite bids from developers, which Preston said the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/cac/MOCAC_presentation03-032023.pdf\">agreed\u003c/a> to do last year but hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was determined that we would not prioritize Parcel K for development in the immediate term and instead focus on advancing projects that are more competitive for State funding and located in priority equity neighborhoods,” a spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors president Aaron Peskin speaks during a rally to announce his campaign for mayor of San Francisco in Chinatown’s Portsmouth Square in San Francisco on April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said that PROXY saves the city roughly half a million dollars a year in holding costs and contributes to the neighborhood. The debate over what to do with Parcel K is just one of many policy tug-of-war between YIMBY groups and progressives in the fight to solve the housing crisis. Preston and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">Peskin\u003c/a> have been quick to point out the hypocrisy of those who label them NIMBYs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would think the YIMBYs would be here,” said Peskin, who is running to replace Breed, after last month’s rally at Patricia’s Green in support of Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 30 people attended the rally, including members of the advocacy group Hayes Valley for All and affordable housing advocates, to celebrate the delivery of a petition signed by 1,600 people asking Breed to issue the RFQ immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, SF YIMBY volunteers published \u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/preston\">Dean Preston’s Housing Graveyard\u003c/a>, a website chronicling more than 30,000 homes the group claims he’s opposed. GrowSF, a moderate advocacy group trying to oust Preston in November, put up a billboard near a shuttered Touchless Car Wash in the Haight that it said should be affordable homes. In June, a housing advocate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992055/san-francisco-supervisor-defends-housing-record-calling-lawsuit-a-publicity-stunt\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> over Preston’s depiction of his housing record on his reelection paperwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997837/yimby-lawsuit-over-sf-supervisor-dean-prestons-housing-record-is-thrown-out\">suit was thrown out in July\u003c/a>, after a judge ruled Preston’s statement was not false and misleading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston’s main rival, Bilal Mahmood, who GrowSF and SF YIMBY endorse, has campaigned on meeting the 2031 requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors District 5 candidate Bilal Mahmood speaks during a press conference about his strategy to end open-air drug markets in San Francisco on April 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to meet those housing goals if we follow the pattern that [Preston] does, which is pick fights in the community against single parcels and not be developing simultaneously and trying to get things done in as many spaces as possible,” said Mahmood, who has secured endorsements from Breed and San Francisco’s Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Preston, he is the only other candidate in the race who signed Hayes Valley for All’s petition — reluctantly, according to organizers. He said District 5’s supervisor should be focused on building on other sites, like the car wash at 400 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dean wants to continue to make this a specific personal campaign issue because he’s failed to build housing,” he told KQED. “He’s also failed to build housing in other empty lots and other parcels and we need to be building housing in as many places as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the units Preston is accused of opposing by SF YIMBY are projects requiring developers to increase the percentage of affordable units to gain his vote, including at 400 Divisadero St. and another potential development at 650 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006972\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Saadi Halil, co-owner of Hometown Creamery, at the Hometown Creamery location on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd., in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Preston said that in 2022, there was a developer in contract to acquire the graffitied, fenced-off car wash lot for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Supervisor-accuses-Mayor-Breed-of-17724203.php\">fully affordable project\u003c/a>. He blames Breed for failing to acquire the land. Now, a market-rate project with 200 units is proposed for the site. Only 23 are expected to be affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been supporting housing at all levels, but when we say that, we mean that includes housing the market won’t build, which is housing that low-income and working-class people can live in,” Preston, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997233/nancy-pelosi-endorses-democratic-socialist-dean-preston-for-san-francisco-d5-supervisor\">Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a> endorsed in July, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also opposed projects before because of the way they could impact \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/WXE6-QWHK\">neighborhood character\u003c/a>. Before he was supervisor, Preston was a leader of Affordable Divis, which advocated for affordable development on the street that would “contribute to the architectural character of the neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the hub of this neighborhood,” Netzband said of PROXY, adding that the neighborhood wouldn’t utilize Patricia’s Green the same way if a tall apartment building was built on Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s lived in San Francisco for 30 years and said Hayes Valley’s sense of community has kept him in the neighborhood for half of that time. Netzband said he’d vote for Preston but feels that his push to develop Parcel K is out of touch with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tae-woo Kim trains a client at LuxFit on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Over the past 15 years, [Hayes Valley] has grown tremendously,” Netzband told KQED. “New housing has brought thousands of people into this neighborhood, and this park is way too small for a neighborhood that’s as dense as this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for public housing, but this needs to stay the hub of the community because this community will suffer if we don’t keep it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston told KQED that Parcel K development would include ground-floor retail, like most of the buildings in the Hayes Street commercial corridor. It could accommodate about 100 units and be around eight stories, compared to surrounding three- and four-story buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Laska, the former president of the Hayes Valley Neighborhood Association, said a tall building would swallow Patricia’s Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that would affect the draw to Hayes Valley, generally,” Laska, who was GrowSF’s head of operations in 2022, said. During her tenure, GrowSF coalesced with SF YIMBY to sponsor \u003ca href=\"https://growsf.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-voter-guide-november-2022-election/\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, a 2022 ballot measure to streamline the city approvals needed to build housing. The organization said proposals are often denied by an “anti-housing Board of Supervisors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008424 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/018_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it would greatly change the character of Hayes Valley if that went away,” Laska said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s idea for Parcel K is to build the affordable housing units on top of a two- to three-story, open-air atrium, which could continue to host the small businesses and community events PROXY does now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The purpose of a supervisor is to find consensus and compromise within your community to build the housing that we need there but also preserve the open space,” he said. “The proposal we came up with that we’ve been talking about since the beginning of this campaign is mixed-use development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s mixed-use space would require building higher and designing a more complicated structure, which “would be way more expensive to do in a seismically sound way,” Daniel Chatman, an associate professor in UC Berkeley’s Department of City and Regional Planning, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The engineering costs would be extremely high. The materials and the construction costs will be extremely high,” Chatman, who recommends focusing on other sites fit for larger projects that are easier financially and would have a greater impact on the city’s housing shortage, continued. “If you look at what’s happening in space right now, the revenue generation aspect of it is pretty minimal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would never justify building an additional two stories supported by pillars. That would be an additional million dollars or so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston said he’s more focused on affordable housing than large-scale projects, declaring his policy is pro-housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand there are some critics who want me to focus more on the market-rate side of things,” he told KQED. “But I’ve been an affordable housing champion for decades. And it’s disinformation to paint me like I’m getting in the way of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Housing is a top concern for San Francisco voters as the city faces pressure to build tens of thousands of units by 2031. A years-long delay in developing a Hayes Valley site, intended for affordable housing, highlights the challenges of meeting California’s housing goals. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tommy Netzband and his Shih Tzu, Asha, sat in a circle with friends, sharing drinks and food packed in Tupperware on the grass at Patricia’s Green, an urban park in Hayes Valley, on Sept. 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They laughed as Asha and her best friend, Birdie, zoomed around them, barking at passing dogs and their owners, who carried picnic baskets and blankets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know most people in the neighborhood. Asha knows everybody,” Netzband said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all hang out at the park every day, like three times a day,” Zach Nelson added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Netzband and Nelson, along with dozens of others, were in the park to watch \u003cem>Songs of Earth\u003c/em>, a 2023 documentary set in Norway, on the big outdoor screen. It was the first of five Friday movie nights scheduled for the 9th annual Fall Film Festival at PROXY, an outdoor space at Octavia Boulevard and Hayes Street that features local businesses, Sunday concerts and free events like the film festival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The space opened about 15 years ago as a placeholder for an affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a top concern for many San Francisco voters, and the candidates for mayor and the board of supervisors have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997174/sfs-top-district-5-candidates-outline-bold-plans-to-tackle-drug-crisis-in-tenderloin\">rolled out plans\u003c/a> to tackle the housing crisis. San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">slowest city in California to approve new housing\u003c/a>, is under pressure to build 82,000 housing units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006973\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006973\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rashad Bagnerise (right) helps customers try on shoes at the Wildling Shoes store located in a shipping container on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom issued an executive order \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">directing state officials to dismantle tent encampments\u003c/a>. On Thursday, San Francisco Mayor London Breed announced that the number of tents on the city’s streets is at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006541/sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going\">lowest point since before counting began in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In District 5, which includes the Tenderloin, Japantown, Western Addition, Haight Ashbury and Hayes Valley, incumbent Supervisor Dean Preston’s housing record has been criticized by pro-development groups and his challengers. PROXY, officially known as Parcel K, has been a part of Hayes Valley for as long as many residents like Netzband have lived in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston has made developing Parcel K a priority since he took office in 2019, dividing residents who have fallen in love with the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you promise affordable housing on a site as part of land-use planning, you damn well better deliver it,” Preston said at a rally in support of Parcel K development last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990536\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240613-DeanPreston-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Dean Preston speaks to a local resident at a bus stop at McAllister and Divisadero in San Francisco on June 13 while campaigning for reelection to the Board of Supervisors District 5. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After voters approved a proposition to replace the central freeway west of Market Street with Octavia Boulevard in 1999, the surrounding land was parceled off for different uses. The city planted about 400 feet of grass and trees and put in concrete tables to create Patricia’s Green, named for Patrica Walkup, one of the activists who inspired the roadway teardown. Parcel K was earmarked for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston and Board President Aaron Peskin said that an affordable housing proposal for the space would gain the approval of the supervisors. If a developer did get the rights to build, they wouldn’t have to pay for the land. Thanks to a nearby market-rate development deal, Preston said a builder would get $1 million for the project. Still, 21 years since being designated for housing, there isn’t one rendering of what the apartment complex might look like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston blames Mayor London Breed, who was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">endorsed by SF YIMBY\u003c/a>, the city’s pro-development movement, in July. Before anything can happen, Breed has to issue a request for qualifications to invite bids from developers, which Preston said the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/sites/default/files/documents/cac/MOCAC_presentation03-032023.pdf\">agreed\u003c/a> to do last year but hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was determined that we would not prioritize Parcel K for development in the immediate term and instead focus on advancing projects that are more competitive for State funding and located in priority equity neighborhoods,” a spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240406-PeskinCampaignKickoff-033-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors president Aaron Peskin speaks during a rally to announce his campaign for mayor of San Francisco in Chinatown’s Portsmouth Square in San Francisco on April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The spokesperson said that PROXY saves the city roughly half a million dollars a year in holding costs and contributes to the neighborhood. The debate over what to do with Parcel K is just one of many policy tug-of-war between YIMBY groups and progressives in the fight to solve the housing crisis. Preston and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">Peskin\u003c/a> have been quick to point out the hypocrisy of those who label them NIMBYs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would think the YIMBYs would be here,” said Peskin, who is running to replace Breed, after last month’s rally at Patricia’s Green in support of Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 30 people attended the rally, including members of the advocacy group Hayes Valley for All and affordable housing advocates, to celebrate the delivery of a petition signed by 1,600 people asking Breed to issue the RFQ immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, SF YIMBY volunteers published \u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/preston\">Dean Preston’s Housing Graveyard\u003c/a>, a website chronicling more than 30,000 homes the group claims he’s opposed. GrowSF, a moderate advocacy group trying to oust Preston in November, put up a billboard near a shuttered Touchless Car Wash in the Haight that it said should be affordable homes. In June, a housing advocate \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992055/san-francisco-supervisor-defends-housing-record-calling-lawsuit-a-publicity-stunt\">filed a lawsuit\u003c/a> over Preston’s depiction of his housing record on his reelection paperwork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997837/yimby-lawsuit-over-sf-supervisor-dean-prestons-housing-record-is-thrown-out\">suit was thrown out in July\u003c/a>, after a judge ruled Preston’s statement was not false and misleading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston’s main rival, Bilal Mahmood, who GrowSF and SF YIMBY endorse, has campaigned on meeting the 2031 requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982580\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11982580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240410-BilalMahmood-020-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Board of Supervisors District 5 candidate Bilal Mahmood speaks during a press conference about his strategy to end open-air drug markets in San Francisco on April 10, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We are not going to meet those housing goals if we follow the pattern that [Preston] does, which is pick fights in the community against single parcels and not be developing simultaneously and trying to get things done in as many spaces as possible,” said Mahmood, who has secured endorsements from Breed and San Francisco’s Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides Preston, he is the only other candidate in the race who signed Hayes Valley for All’s petition — reluctantly, according to organizers. He said District 5’s supervisor should be focused on building on other sites, like the car wash at 400 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Dean wants to continue to make this a specific personal campaign issue because he’s failed to build housing,” he told KQED. “He’s also failed to build housing in other empty lots and other parcels and we need to be building housing in as many places as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the units Preston is accused of opposing by SF YIMBY are projects requiring developers to increase the percentage of affordable units to gain his vote, including at 400 Divisadero St. and another potential development at 650 Divisadero St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006972\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006972\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Saadi Halil, co-owner of Hometown Creamery, at the Hometown Creamery location on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd., in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Preston said that in 2022, there was a developer in contract to acquire the graffitied, fenced-off car wash lot for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/S-F-Supervisor-accuses-Mayor-Breed-of-17724203.php\">fully affordable project\u003c/a>. He blames Breed for failing to acquire the land. Now, a market-rate project with 200 units is proposed for the site. Only 23 are expected to be affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been supporting housing at all levels, but when we say that, we mean that includes housing the market won’t build, which is housing that low-income and working-class people can live in,” Preston, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997233/nancy-pelosi-endorses-democratic-socialist-dean-preston-for-san-francisco-d5-supervisor\">Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi\u003c/a> endorsed in July, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s also opposed projects before because of the way they could impact \u003ca href=\"https://perma.cc/WXE6-QWHK\">neighborhood character\u003c/a>. Before he was supervisor, Preston was a leader of Affordable Divis, which advocated for affordable development on the street that would “contribute to the architectural character of the neighborhood.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the hub of this neighborhood,” Netzband said of PROXY, adding that the neighborhood wouldn’t utilize Patricia’s Green the same way if a tall apartment building was built on Parcel K.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s lived in San Francisco for 30 years and said Hayes Valley’s sense of community has kept him in the neighborhood for half of that time. Netzband said he’d vote for Preston but feels that his push to develop Parcel K is out of touch with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240927-PARCEL-K-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tae-woo Kim trains a client at LuxFit on the Parcel K lot at 432 Octavia Blvd. in San Francisco on Sept. 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Over the past 15 years, [Hayes Valley] has grown tremendously,” Netzband told KQED. “New housing has brought thousands of people into this neighborhood, and this park is way too small for a neighborhood that’s as dense as this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m all for public housing, but this needs to stay the hub of the community because this community will suffer if we don’t keep it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston told KQED that Parcel K development would include ground-floor retail, like most of the buildings in the Hayes Street commercial corridor. It could accommodate about 100 units and be around eight stories, compared to surrounding three- and four-story buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jen Laska, the former president of the Hayes Valley Neighborhood Association, said a tall building would swallow Patricia’s Green.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that would affect the draw to Hayes Valley, generally,” Laska, who was GrowSF’s head of operations in 2022, said. During her tenure, GrowSF coalesced with SF YIMBY to sponsor \u003ca href=\"https://growsf.org/voter-guide/san-francisco-voter-guide-november-2022-election/\">Proposition D\u003c/a>, a 2022 ballot measure to streamline the city approvals needed to build housing. The organization said proposals are often denied by an “anti-housing Board of Supervisors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it would greatly change the character of Hayes Valley if that went away,” Laska said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s idea for Parcel K is to build the affordable housing units on top of a two- to three-story, open-air atrium, which could continue to host the small businesses and community events PROXY does now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The purpose of a supervisor is to find consensus and compromise within your community to build the housing that we need there but also preserve the open space,” he said. “The proposal we came up with that we’ve been talking about since the beginning of this campaign is mixed-use development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahmood’s mixed-use space would require building higher and designing a more complicated structure, which “would be way more expensive to do in a seismically sound way,” Daniel Chatman, an associate professor in UC Berkeley’s Department of City and Regional Planning, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The engineering costs would be extremely high. The materials and the construction costs will be extremely high,” Chatman, who recommends focusing on other sites fit for larger projects that are easier financially and would have a greater impact on the city’s housing shortage, continued. “If you look at what’s happening in space right now, the revenue generation aspect of it is pretty minimal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would never justify building an additional two stories supported by pillars. That would be an additional million dollars or so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston said he’s more focused on affordable housing than large-scale projects, declaring his policy is pro-housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand there are some critics who want me to focus more on the market-rate side of things,” he told KQED. “But I’ve been an affordable housing champion for decades. And it’s disinformation to paint me like I’m getting in the way of housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "why-is-donald-trump-campaigning-in-california-a-state-hes-almost-certain-to-lose",
"title": "Why Is Donald Trump Campaigning in California, a State He's Almost Certain to Lose?",
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"headTitle": "Why Is Donald Trump Campaigning in California, a State He’s Almost Certain to Lose? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the presidency on the line in battlegrounds like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, why would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> venture \u003ca href=\"https://interactives.ap.org/embeds/ziEfd/39/\">into California\u003c/a>, one of the most solidly Democratic states, just weeks before Election Day?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is almost certain to lose California, and that won’t change after his scheduled Saturday stop in Coachella, a desert city east of Los Angeles best known for the annual music festival bearing its name. Still, there are practical reasons for him to visit, despite the Republican nominee’s prospects Nov. 5 in the most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former president lost California in \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ap.org/behind-the-news/calling-the-2020-presidential-race-state-by-state\">a landslide in 2020\u003c/a>. He did get 6 million-plus votes, more than any GOP presidential candidate before, and his margins topped 70% in some rural counties that typically favor conservatives on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an enormous pool of potential volunteers to work on state races and participate in phone banks into the most contested states. And Trump is likely to draw extensive media coverage in the Los Angeles market, the second-largest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is visiting Coachella in between stops in Nevada, at a roundtable in Las Vegas for Latinos earlier Saturday, and Arizona, for a rally Sunday in Prescott Valley. He narrowly lost those two swing states to Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> in 2020.[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']Going to California gives Trump the “ability to swoop in and leverage this big population of Trump supporters,” said Tim Lineberger, who was communications director for Trump’s 2016 campaign in Michigan and also worked in the former president’s administration. He’s “coming here and activating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lineberger recalled Californians making calls to Michigan voters in 2016 on Trump’s behalf and said the campaign’s decision to go into safe, Democratic turf at this point was “an aggressive, offensive play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a fountain of campaign cash for both parties, and Trump will be fundraising. Photos with the former president in Coachella were priced at $25,000, which comes with special seating for two. A “VIP Experience” was priced at $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With congressional races in California in play that could determine which party controls the House, the Coachella rally “is a get-out-the-vote type of thing that motivates and energizes Republicans in California, when they are not as close to what is going on in the national campaign,” Republican consultant Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales also said to look for Trump to continue his long-running spat with Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Republicans, “It’s motivating when you can pick at California a little bit and the governor … will take the bait,” Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday predicted Trump would be denigrating the state at the rally, overlooking its strengths as the world’s fifth-largest economy. The governor said that for the first time in a decade, California has more Fortune 500 companies than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, that’s not what Trump is going to say,” he predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Brulte, a former chairman of the California Republican Party, said he thinks Trump is angling for something that has eluded him in previous campaigns: winning more total votes than his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe Donald Trump is coming to California because he wants to win not only in the Electoral College, but he wants to win the popular vote. There are more registered voters in California than there are residents in 46 of the other 49 states,” Brulte said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12004699,news_11997712,news_12004810\"]The Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles sits on the Pacific Coast, south of the city. But Trump has long had a conflicted relationship with California, where a Republican has not carried the state since 1988 and Democrats outnumber registered Republicans by about 2-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was home to the so-called Trump resistance during his time in office, and Trump often depicts California as representing all he sees wrong in America. As president, he called the homeless crises in Los Angeles and San Francisco disgraceful and threatened to intercede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is likely to spend time on Saturday linking California’s problems to Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a>, the Democratic nominee and a San Francisco Bay Area native who was California’s attorney general and represented the state in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign issued a statement alleging that under Harris, “the notorious ‘California Dream’ has turned into a nightmare for everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Millan Patterson, chairwoman of the state GOP, said she looked forward to hearing Trump contrast his agenda with a Democratic White House that “has left Californians less safe and with less money in their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, she promised, “will do our part to secure a House majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the presidency on the line in battlegrounds like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, why would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> venture \u003ca href=\"https://interactives.ap.org/embeds/ziEfd/39/\">into California\u003c/a>, one of the most solidly Democratic states, just weeks before Election Day?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is almost certain to lose California, and that won’t change after his scheduled Saturday stop in Coachella, a desert city east of Los Angeles best known for the annual music festival bearing its name. Still, there are practical reasons for him to visit, despite the Republican nominee’s prospects Nov. 5 in the most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former president lost California in \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ap.org/behind-the-news/calling-the-2020-presidential-race-state-by-state\">a landslide in 2020\u003c/a>. He did get 6 million-plus votes, more than any GOP presidential candidate before, and his margins topped 70% in some rural counties that typically favor conservatives on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an enormous pool of potential volunteers to work on state races and participate in phone banks into the most contested states. And Trump is likely to draw extensive media coverage in the Los Angeles market, the second-largest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is visiting Coachella in between stops in Nevada, at a roundtable in Las Vegas for Latinos earlier Saturday, and Arizona, for a rally Sunday in Prescott Valley. He narrowly lost those two swing states to Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> in 2020.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Going to California gives Trump the “ability to swoop in and leverage this big population of Trump supporters,” said Tim Lineberger, who was communications director for Trump’s 2016 campaign in Michigan and also worked in the former president’s administration. He’s “coming here and activating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lineberger recalled Californians making calls to Michigan voters in 2016 on Trump’s behalf and said the campaign’s decision to go into safe, Democratic turf at this point was “an aggressive, offensive play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a fountain of campaign cash for both parties, and Trump will be fundraising. Photos with the former president in Coachella were priced at $25,000, which comes with special seating for two. A “VIP Experience” was priced at $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With congressional races in California in play that could determine which party controls the House, the Coachella rally “is a get-out-the-vote type of thing that motivates and energizes Republicans in California, when they are not as close to what is going on in the national campaign,” Republican consultant Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales also said to look for Trump to continue his long-running spat with Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Republicans, “It’s motivating when you can pick at California a little bit and the governor … will take the bait,” Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday predicted Trump would be denigrating the state at the rally, overlooking its strengths as the world’s fifth-largest economy. The governor said that for the first time in a decade, California has more Fortune 500 companies than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, that’s not what Trump is going to say,” he predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Brulte, a former chairman of the California Republican Party, said he thinks Trump is angling for something that has eluded him in previous campaigns: winning more total votes than his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe Donald Trump is coming to California because he wants to win not only in the Electoral College, but he wants to win the popular vote. There are more registered voters in California than there are residents in 46 of the other 49 states,” Brulte said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles sits on the Pacific Coast, south of the city. But Trump has long had a conflicted relationship with California, where a Republican has not carried the state since 1988 and Democrats outnumber registered Republicans by about 2-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was home to the so-called Trump resistance during his time in office, and Trump often depicts California as representing all he sees wrong in America. As president, he called the homeless crises in Los Angeles and San Francisco disgraceful and threatened to intercede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is likely to spend time on Saturday linking California’s problems to Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a>, the Democratic nominee and a San Francisco Bay Area native who was California’s attorney general and represented the state in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign issued a statement alleging that under Harris, “the notorious ‘California Dream’ has turned into a nightmare for everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Millan Patterson, chairwoman of the state GOP, said she looked forward to hearing Trump contrast his agenda with a Democratic White House that “has left Californians less safe and with less money in their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, she promised, “will do our part to secure a House majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Leaders from South Bay cities, nonprofits and Santa Clara County gathered Friday for a meeting hosted by the region’s main water provider, aiming to better coordinate efforts to address the homelessness crisis and its impact on local waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://scvwd.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6876090&GUID=903B64E2-1319-4201-8459-A9884D10A517&Options=&Search=&FullText=1\">Unhoused People and Environment Summit\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, hosted by the Santa Clara Valley Water District, comes a little more than a month ahead of a district meeting where the board will consider approving new restrictions banning homeless people from living near most rivers, creeks and streams in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district board previously weighed approving such a ban in July but ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/valley-water-refuses-vote-homeless-encampment-ordinance\">postponed a decision\u003c/a> until more outreach could be done and until the summit took place. The board will take it up at its Nov. 26 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people, including advocates for unhoused people, said Friday’s summit — held at the Santa Clara Convention Center — didn’t focus enough on concrete policy ideas or actions that agencies could take and was flawed overall because unhoused people were not invited to be panelists or guest speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were excluded from the start. So it’s just a summit about unhoused people, not for or with unhoused people,” said Shaunn Cartwright, an advocate for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you just feel that there was all this planning and had nothing to do with homeless people. It was more, ‘How can we take care of that problem,’ but not ‘How can we help unhoused people?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vice chair of the water board, Richard Santos, said unhoused people and advocates have had their thoughts and opinions folded into plenty of previous gatherings, including at district committee meetings focused on the issue of people living along waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009248\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12009248\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-800x602.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"602\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-1536x1157.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-2048x1542.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-1920x1446.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees at the Santa Clara Water District’s ‘Unhoused People and Environment Summit’ at the Santa Clara Convention Center in Santa Clara on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“So they’ve been given all kinds of opportunities. And our meetings went on for hours. It didn’t solve one thing. We’re trying to get action steps to help people get out of the creeks, get shelter, get their mental health, get their medical help, and save their lives,” Santos said. He said he understood the challenges for unhoused people and wanted the summit to focus on solutions and funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the water district has long worked to clean up trash, debris and other waste along portions of its roughly 330 miles of waterways where unhoused people set up encampments, over the last year and a half, it has taken a more coordinated and aggressive tack to address the crisis under its Good Neighbor program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water district officials say encampments cause environmental harm when trash, food and other items flow into rivers, creeks and streams, and can cause blockages or pinch points in channels meant to help control flood waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has also raised safety concerns for its workers, who claim to have at times been threatened or accosted by people living near waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our board is really engaged in these issues, and we’re a lead environmental agency in our area. So it makes sense for us to kind of take the lead, especially as it regards the impacts of unsheltered homelessness in the waterways,” said Mark Bilski, an assistant officer in charge of the Good Neighbor program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So to just have this opportunity to come to a public forum and to bring all these different agencies together to talk out loud in the open about our needs, our limitations and the resources that we have that we can bring to bear on the topic, I think it’s really a good step in the right direction,” Bilski said of the summit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of local leaders who spoke at the summit included San José Mayor Matt Mahan, Santa Clara Mayor Lisa Gillmor, Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez, Deputy Santa Clara County Executive Consuelo Hernández, and executive officer of the California Interagency Council on Homelessness, Meghan Marshall.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11977258,news_12000987,news_11982379\"]While board leaders said earlier this year they envisioned also having state and federal elected officials present who could help steer funding toward clean-up efforts, housing and support services, no members of Congress or state legislators were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the panelists, board members and speakers mentioned a need for greater regional and state coordination, and the issue of funding was a central theme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santos said he personally invited state and federal representatives but that none of them showed up to the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summit attendee James Campbell, 32, has been unhoused for about 10 years. He said he currently sleeps in his car about once a week and stays with friends at their homes on other nights. His mother is currently unhoused and living along Valley Water property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he wants to see local agencies do more community engagement with unhoused people to learn about their needs, especially because it’s sometimes hard for unhoused people to attend meetings or summits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re saying that they’re providing services, but they’re not working, and they’re being duplicated. It’s just wasting money, is what I think,” Campell said. “[I]f we continue to engage in more discussions with the unhoused, I think that that’s going to be a lot more beneficial rather than just talking about what’s working or what’s not working on the executive level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Leaders from South Bay cities, nonprofits and Santa Clara County gathered Friday for a meeting hosted by the region’s main water provider, aiming to better coordinate efforts to address the homelessness crisis and its impact on local waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://scvwd.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6876090&GUID=903B64E2-1319-4201-8459-A9884D10A517&Options=&Search=&FullText=1\">Unhoused People and Environment Summit\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, hosted by the Santa Clara Valley Water District, comes a little more than a month ahead of a district meeting where the board will consider approving new restrictions banning homeless people from living near most rivers, creeks and streams in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district board previously weighed approving such a ban in July but ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/valley-water-refuses-vote-homeless-encampment-ordinance\">postponed a decision\u003c/a> until more outreach could be done and until the summit took place. The board will take it up at its Nov. 26 meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several people, including advocates for unhoused people, said Friday’s summit — held at the Santa Clara Convention Center — didn’t focus enough on concrete policy ideas or actions that agencies could take and was flawed overall because unhoused people were not invited to be panelists or guest speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were excluded from the start. So it’s just a summit about unhoused people, not for or with unhoused people,” said Shaunn Cartwright, an advocate for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you just feel that there was all this planning and had nothing to do with homeless people. It was more, ‘How can we take care of that problem,’ but not ‘How can we help unhoused people?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vice chair of the water board, Richard Santos, said unhoused people and advocates have had their thoughts and opinions folded into plenty of previous gatherings, including at district committee meetings focused on the issue of people living along waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009248\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12009248\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-800x602.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"602\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-1536x1157.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-2048x1542.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-VALLEYWATER-JG-1-1920x1446.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees at the Santa Clara Water District’s ‘Unhoused People and Environment Summit’ at the Santa Clara Convention Center in Santa Clara on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“So they’ve been given all kinds of opportunities. And our meetings went on for hours. It didn’t solve one thing. We’re trying to get action steps to help people get out of the creeks, get shelter, get their mental health, get their medical help, and save their lives,” Santos said. He said he understood the challenges for unhoused people and wanted the summit to focus on solutions and funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the water district has long worked to clean up trash, debris and other waste along portions of its roughly 330 miles of waterways where unhoused people set up encampments, over the last year and a half, it has taken a more coordinated and aggressive tack to address the crisis under its Good Neighbor program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water district officials say encampments cause environmental harm when trash, food and other items flow into rivers, creeks and streams, and can cause blockages or pinch points in channels meant to help control flood waters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has also raised safety concerns for its workers, who claim to have at times been threatened or accosted by people living near waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our board is really engaged in these issues, and we’re a lead environmental agency in our area. So it makes sense for us to kind of take the lead, especially as it regards the impacts of unsheltered homelessness in the waterways,” said Mark Bilski, an assistant officer in charge of the Good Neighbor program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So to just have this opportunity to come to a public forum and to bring all these different agencies together to talk out loud in the open about our needs, our limitations and the resources that we have that we can bring to bear on the topic, I think it’s really a good step in the right direction,” Bilski said of the summit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The list of local leaders who spoke at the summit included San José Mayor Matt Mahan, Santa Clara Mayor Lisa Gillmor, Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez, Deputy Santa Clara County Executive Consuelo Hernández, and executive officer of the California Interagency Council on Homelessness, Meghan Marshall.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While board leaders said earlier this year they envisioned also having state and federal elected officials present who could help steer funding toward clean-up efforts, housing and support services, no members of Congress or state legislators were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the panelists, board members and speakers mentioned a need for greater regional and state coordination, and the issue of funding was a central theme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santos said he personally invited state and federal representatives but that none of them showed up to the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Summit attendee James Campbell, 32, has been unhoused for about 10 years. He said he currently sleeps in his car about once a week and stays with friends at their homes on other nights. His mother is currently unhoused and living along Valley Water property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he wants to see local agencies do more community engagement with unhoused people to learn about their needs, especially because it’s sometimes hard for unhoused people to attend meetings or summits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re saying that they’re providing services, but they’re not working, and they’re being duplicated. It’s just wasting money, is what I think,” Campell said. “[I]f we continue to engage in more discussions with the unhoused, I think that that’s going to be a lot more beneficial rather than just talking about what’s working or what’s not working on the executive level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democrats competing for \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">Silicon Valley’s congressional seat\u003c/a> clashed, snarled and bristled over campaign ethics, public safety and homelessness in Friday night’s debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The matchup between former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low was rescheduled from Oct. 2, when Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew, citing laryngitis\u003c/a>. They are vying to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, who announced last year that she would not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">seek re-election\u003c/a> for California’s 16th Congressional District, a seat that represents Palo Alto, Half Moon Bay, Pacifica, and other cities in San Mateo and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling\u003c/a> released in late September by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the two Democrats have been simmering for months. Low won a spot on the November ballot following a high-profile recount in May that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo quickly put Low on the defensive about campaign ethics complaints, arguing that Low’s campaign has skirted a law prohibiting using state campaign funds on federal races. The voting rights group, Defend the Vote, which has endorsed Liccardo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/02/evan-low-hit-with-fec-complaint-accusing-him-of-illegally-using-money-from-his-state-campaign-account-for-his-congressional-bid/\">filed a federal complaint\u003c/a> against Low over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only one of these candidates is under an FPPC investigation,” Liccardo said, referring to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">separate investigation\u003c/a> by the California Fair Political Practices Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low defended his campaign’s approach. He repeatedly criticized Liccardo’s record on public safety during the debate hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was mayor of San José, he implemented a plan that dismantled public employees and public safety. In fact, 500 police officers left,” Low said, adding that he has the sole endorsement from the San José Police Officers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, mentioning that his brother, who is a police officer, was in the live audience, blasted Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for pension reform and a decline in police staffing\u003c/a> when Liccardo served on the San José City Council and as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo slammed Low for blocking a police reform bill in 2018 that would have opened up police misconduct records around the state. Low said he still supports his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault. Excessive use of force. Theft. These are all crimes. And when police officers commit these crimes, the public has a right to know about it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates said they supported allowing for more immigration but also supported strengthening the border. However, the two diverged when asked if they would have changed President Joe Biden’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, who frequently invoked Vice President Kamala Harris, said, “No.” Liccardo said that the Biden Administration was “too slow to respond to the crisis at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said he supports comprehensive immigration reform at the national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Half Moon Bay, there are undocumented farmworkers who are struggling to put food on the table,” he said, adding that he wants to pass Biden and Harris’ immigration reform bill. “We also know there are highly-skilled workers that we need immigration reform for as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low shake hands after their debate on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for KQED/POOL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They took digs at each other on housing and homelessness. Liccardo said Low didn’t do enough in the state Assembly to curb the issue, while Low accused Liccardo of allowing homelessness to sprawl out of control during his time as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he supports removing barriers to Section 8 housing vouchers. Low said he thinks there needs to be stronger auditing and accountability around spending for homeless services and holding cities accountable for building enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city missed the mark by 13,128 units during his tenure,” Low said, referring to state-mandated housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Evan Low has demonstrated zero leadership on homelessness,” Liccardo responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology, which dominates big industry in the district, was one area where the two found some common ground. Both said they support increasing privacy protections online, in particular for children, and creating protections for workers whose jobs are threatened by automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot we can do if we set a private industry standard — the best standard — to be the floor for liability,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrats competing for \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">Silicon Valley’s congressional seat\u003c/a> clashed, snarled and bristled over campaign ethics, public safety and homelessness in Friday night’s debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The matchup between former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low was rescheduled from Oct. 2, when Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew, citing laryngitis\u003c/a>. They are vying to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, who announced last year that she would not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">seek re-election\u003c/a> for California’s 16th Congressional District, a seat that represents Palo Alto, Half Moon Bay, Pacifica, and other cities in San Mateo and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling\u003c/a> released in late September by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the two Democrats have been simmering for months. Low won a spot on the November ballot following a high-profile recount in May that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo quickly put Low on the defensive about campaign ethics complaints, arguing that Low’s campaign has skirted a law prohibiting using state campaign funds on federal races. The voting rights group, Defend the Vote, which has endorsed Liccardo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/02/evan-low-hit-with-fec-complaint-accusing-him-of-illegally-using-money-from-his-state-campaign-account-for-his-congressional-bid/\">filed a federal complaint\u003c/a> against Low over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only one of these candidates is under an FPPC investigation,” Liccardo said, referring to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">separate investigation\u003c/a> by the California Fair Political Practices Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low defended his campaign’s approach. He repeatedly criticized Liccardo’s record on public safety during the debate hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was mayor of San José, he implemented a plan that dismantled public employees and public safety. In fact, 500 police officers left,” Low said, adding that he has the sole endorsement from the San José Police Officers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, mentioning that his brother, who is a police officer, was in the live audience, blasted Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for pension reform and a decline in police staffing\u003c/a> when Liccardo served on the San José City Council and as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo slammed Low for blocking a police reform bill in 2018 that would have opened up police misconduct records around the state. Low said he still supports his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault. Excessive use of force. Theft. These are all crimes. And when police officers commit these crimes, the public has a right to know about it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates said they supported allowing for more immigration but also supported strengthening the border. However, the two diverged when asked if they would have changed President Joe Biden’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, who frequently invoked Vice President Kamala Harris, said, “No.” Liccardo said that the Biden Administration was “too slow to respond to the crisis at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said he supports comprehensive immigration reform at the national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Half Moon Bay, there are undocumented farmworkers who are struggling to put food on the table,” he said, adding that he wants to pass Biden and Harris’ immigration reform bill. “We also know there are highly-skilled workers that we need immigration reform for as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low shake hands after their debate on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for KQED/POOL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They took digs at each other on housing and homelessness. Liccardo said Low didn’t do enough in the state Assembly to curb the issue, while Low accused Liccardo of allowing homelessness to sprawl out of control during his time as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he supports removing barriers to Section 8 housing vouchers. Low said he thinks there needs to be stronger auditing and accountability around spending for homeless services and holding cities accountable for building enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city missed the mark by 13,128 units during his tenure,” Low said, referring to state-mandated housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Evan Low has demonstrated zero leadership on homelessness,” Liccardo responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology, which dominates big industry in the district, was one area where the two found some common ground. Both said they support increasing privacy protections online, in particular for children, and creating protections for workers whose jobs are threatened by automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot we can do if we set a private industry standard — the best standard — to be the floor for liability,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007232,news_12006862,news_12003090\"]Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "election-2024-the-4-things-that-might-surprise-you-on-your-ballot",
"title": "Election 2024: The 4 Things That Might Surprise You on Your Ballot",
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"headTitle": "Election 2024: The 4 Things That Might Surprise You on Your Ballot | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010794/votar-elecciones-presidenciales-california-atencion-cuatro-cosas\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to believe, but the 2024 general election is just a few weeks away. And if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">you’ve registered to vote\u003c/a>, your ballot should be landing in your mailbox very soon if it hasn’t arrived already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even for seasoned voters, this year’s California ballot might contain a few surprises that could leave you looking twice — or even wondering if there’s a misprint on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Why am I voting twice on the same Senate seat?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#B\">Why is the numbering on the statewide propositions funky?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#C\">Do I have to vote for the presidential candidate from the party I’m registered with?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#D\">Do I have to 100% complete my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“There are a number of tricky landmines on the ballot that you need to navigate as you’re working your way through,” said Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation. And when it comes to the not-so-intuitive aspects of voting, Alexander said the message her organization is “always trying to get across is: it’s not you. It’s the elections process, which is unnecessarily mysterious.”[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']So to avoid any confusion when you’re filling out your ballot, keep reading for the four aspects of your California ballot that could trip you up this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re looking for information about races and candidates, you can consult \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>. This year, the voter guide covers every measure and race in the Bay Area — even contests like city council and school board. We’ve also got information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">how to correct a mistake on your ballot\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction#signature-problem-ballot\">how to address common issues with your signature\u003c/a> on your ballot envelope.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>You’ll be asked to vote twice for the same Senate seat\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The part of your ballot that invites you to vote two times for the same U.S. Senate seat isn’t a mistake, and here’s why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">KQED’s Voter Guide explains\u003c/a>: When longtime California Senator Dianne Feinstein died in September 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom appointed Laphonza Butler to serve the remainder of her term. However, shortly after, Butler announced that she would not run for a full six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law requires a special election to fill this vacancy in the U.S. Senate. The race referred to as “short-term,” “unexpired term” or “partial term” on your ballot is technically that special election. The winner will serve from when the election is certified in December to when the current Senate term ends in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein’s seat also happens to be up for reelection this year — for a full six-year term beginning in January. That’s the “full term” race on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, you can make your senate choice for that short window from December to January and then pick a senator for the next full term, from January 2025 through January 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that sounds confusing, here’s some relief: the candidates running for both Senate terms are the same: Republican Steve Garvey and Democrat Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">Read more about the U.S. Senate race in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"B\">\u003c/a>The propositions on your ballot are numbered — but not listed in order\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your ballot will contain 10 statewide propositions, asking you to vote on everything from climate funding and rent control to enshrining the right to same-sex marriage in the California constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a few wrinkles to know: Those propositions are numbered, but those numbers aren’t 1–10. The propositions will also appear out of order on your ballot. And they won’t run sequentially — after Proposition 6, for example, there’s a big jump to Proposition 32.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is that the state Legislature placed Propositions 2 through 6 on the ballot, and they thought placing measures higher up on the ballot would make them more appealing to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Basically, “they’re not in understandable order,” Alexander said — but don’t worry, your ballot hasn’t been misprinted. For the avoidance of doubt, here’s what the 10 statewide propositions on your ballot will be called:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Proposition 2: School Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 3: Same-Sex Marriage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 4: Climate Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 5: Housing Votes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 6: Prison Labor\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 32: Minimum Wage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 33: Rent Control\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 34: Prescription Drug Spending\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 35: Medi-Cal Funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 36: Criminal Penalties\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">Read more about the California propositions on your ballot in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"C\">\u003c/a>You can vote for any presidential candidate — even if they’re not with the political party you’re registered with\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you register to vote, you’re asked to select whether you’d like to register with a political party — like the Republican Party or Democratic Party — or as a “no party preference” (NPP) voter, also known as an independent voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a primary election — like the one we had back in March — NPP voters automatically received ballots with no presidential party candidates. That’s because \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">NPP voters have to take specific action to be able to vote for a presidential candidate in a primary race\u003c/a>, and depending on which party that candidate belongs to, those actions include requesting a “crossover ballot” or straight-up re-registering with new political party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news for this time around: In a general election like this one, you can vote for any candidate — not just the candidate with the party you’re registered with. “It doesn’t matter what party you’re registered with or if you’re registered with any party,” confirmed Alexander. “You can vote for any candidate of any party in all the contests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"D\">\u003c/a>And finally, you don’t have to vote on everything on your ballot\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an ideal world, you’d have the time to read up on every measure and candidate on your ballot and make an informed choice about your vote on every single race. (This is the part where we remind you of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">the KQED Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which breaks down every race in the Bay Area.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, things don’t work out that way — and while you might \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president\">know your choice for president\u003c/a> or how you want to vote in the U.S. Senate contest, perhaps you’re less certain about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">the statewide propositions\u003c/a> or water district, and you’re running out of time to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, remember: You can vote in as many or as few races on your ballot as you want, and leaving certain races blank won’t invalidate your ballot or the other things you \u003cem>have \u003c/em>voted on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m always reminding people that it’s not a test,” Alexander said. “You can vote for the things that you feel confident about, and you can leave other choices blank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only want to vote on one thing, that’s fine. If you want to vote on everything, that’s fine too,” Alexander said. “But if you don’t feel good about voting on something, it’s fine to skip it and move on to the next item.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010794/votar-elecciones-presidenciales-california-atencion-cuatro-cosas\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It may be hard to believe, but the 2024 general election is just a few weeks away. And if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003124/how-do-i-know-if-im-registered-to-vote-heres-how-to-check\">you’ve registered to vote\u003c/a>, your ballot should be landing in your mailbox very soon if it hasn’t arrived already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even for seasoned voters, this year’s California ballot might contain a few surprises that could leave you looking twice — or even wondering if there’s a misprint on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Why am I voting twice on the same Senate seat?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#B\">Why is the numbering on the statewide propositions funky?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#C\">Do I have to vote for the presidential candidate from the party I’m registered with?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#D\">Do I have to 100% complete my ballot?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“There are a number of tricky landmines on the ballot that you need to navigate as you’re working your way through,” said Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation. And when it comes to the not-so-intuitive aspects of voting, Alexander said the message her organization is “always trying to get across is: it’s not you. It’s the elections process, which is unnecessarily mysterious.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>So to avoid any confusion when you’re filling out your ballot, keep reading for the four aspects of your California ballot that could trip you up this election season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you’re looking for information about races and candidates, you can consult \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a>. This year, the voter guide covers every measure and race in the Bay Area — even contests like city council and school board. We’ve also got information on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction\">how to correct a mistake on your ballot\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003469/election-2024-how-to-correct-a-mistake-on-your-ballot-correction#signature-problem-ballot\">how to address common issues with your signature\u003c/a> on your ballot envelope.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>You’ll be asked to vote twice for the same Senate seat\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The part of your ballot that invites you to vote two times for the same U.S. Senate seat isn’t a mistake, and here’s why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">KQED’s Voter Guide explains\u003c/a>: When longtime California Senator Dianne Feinstein died in September 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom appointed Laphonza Butler to serve the remainder of her term. However, shortly after, Butler announced that she would not run for a full six-year term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law requires a special election to fill this vacancy in the U.S. Senate. The race referred to as “short-term,” “unexpired term” or “partial term” on your ballot is technically that special election. The winner will serve from when the election is certified in December to when the current Senate term ends in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein’s seat also happens to be up for reelection this year — for a full six-year term beginning in January. That’s the “full term” race on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In short, you can make your senate choice for that short window from December to January and then pick a senator for the next full term, from January 2025 through January 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If that sounds confusing, here’s some relief: the candidates running for both Senate terms are the same: Republican Steve Garvey and Democrat Adam Schiff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/senator\">Read more about the U.S. Senate race in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"B\">\u003c/a>The propositions on your ballot are numbered — but not listed in order\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Your ballot will contain 10 statewide propositions, asking you to vote on everything from climate funding and rent control to enshrining the right to same-sex marriage in the California constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a few wrinkles to know: Those propositions are numbered, but those numbers aren’t 1–10. The propositions will also appear out of order on your ballot. And they won’t run sequentially — after Proposition 6, for example, there’s a big jump to Proposition 32.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is that the state Legislature placed Propositions 2 through 6 on the ballot, and they thought placing measures higher up on the ballot would make them more appealing to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Basically, “they’re not in understandable order,” Alexander said — but don’t worry, your ballot hasn’t been misprinted. For the avoidance of doubt, here’s what the 10 statewide propositions on your ballot will be called:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Proposition 2: School Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 3: Same-Sex Marriage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 4: Climate Bond\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 5: Housing Votes\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 6: Prison Labor\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 32: Minimum Wage\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 33: Rent Control\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 34: Prescription Drug Spending\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 35: Medi-Cal Funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Proposition 36: Criminal Penalties\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">Read more about the California propositions on your ballot in KQED’s Voter Guide.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"C\">\u003c/a>You can vote for any presidential candidate — even if they’re not with the political party you’re registered with\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When you register to vote, you’re asked to select whether you’d like to register with a political party — like the Republican Party or Democratic Party — or as a “no party preference” (NPP) voter, also known as an independent voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in a primary election — like the one we had back in March — NPP voters automatically received ballots with no presidential party candidates. That’s because \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974134/no-party-preference-how-to-vote-california-presidential-primary\">NPP voters have to take specific action to be able to vote for a presidential candidate in a primary race\u003c/a>, and depending on which party that candidate belongs to, those actions include requesting a “crossover ballot” or straight-up re-registering with new political party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The good news for this time around: In a general election like this one, you can vote for any candidate — not just the candidate with the party you’re registered with. “It doesn’t matter what party you’re registered with or if you’re registered with any party,” confirmed Alexander. “You can vote for any candidate of any party in all the contests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"D\">\u003c/a>And finally, you don’t have to vote on everything on your ballot\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In an ideal world, you’d have the time to read up on every measure and candidate on your ballot and make an informed choice about your vote on every single race. (This is the part where we remind you of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">the KQED Voter Guide\u003c/a>, which breaks down every race in the Bay Area.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, things don’t work out that way — and while you might \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president\">know your choice for president\u003c/a> or how you want to vote in the U.S. Senate contest, perhaps you’re less certain about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california\">the statewide propositions\u003c/a> or water district, and you’re running out of time to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this case, remember: You can vote in as many or as few races on your ballot as you want, and leaving certain races blank won’t invalidate your ballot or the other things you \u003cem>have \u003c/em>voted on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m always reminding people that it’s not a test,” Alexander said. “You can vote for the things that you feel confident about, and you can leave other choices blank.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you only want to vote on one thing, that’s fine. If you want to vote on everything, that’s fine too,” Alexander said. “But if you don’t feel good about voting on something, it’s fine to skip it and move on to the next item.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state",
"title": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State",
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"headTitle": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling ‘Silenced Again’ by State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more reparations stories\" postID=\"news_12008246,news_11965926\"]The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Stories' postID='news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026']Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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