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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 11 million arrest and conviction records have been wiped clean in the first six months of the implementation of a new California law, marking the largest expungement over that time period in the country’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mass expungement follows the years-long effort by lawmakers and voters dating back to 2016 — when marijuana was legalized in the state — to clear certain criminal records and open up employment and housing opportunities for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After someone has completed their sentence and paid their debts, we cannot continue to allow old legal records to create barriers to opportunity that destabilize families, undermine our economy, and worsen racial injustices,” Assemblymember Phil Ting (D-San Francisco) \u003ca href=\"https://safeandjust.org/news/millions-of-old-conviction-and-arrest-records-have-been-expunged-under-unprecedented-state-law-doj-says/\">said in a press statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting authored \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1076\">AB 1076\u003c/a>, a 2019 law which requires the state’s Dept. of Justice to review and automatically clear certain non-serious offense records for people who already completed their sentence or diversion program, or if their arrest did not lead to a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expungements of records under the law began a year ago. Between July 1 and Dec. 31, 2022, more than 8.4 million arrests that never resulted in a conviction were cleared from Californians’ records, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://data-openjustice.doj.ca.gov/sites/default/files/dataset/2023-06/arr-mandated-stats.pdf\">latest relief data from the DOJ (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than 2.6 million conviction records were also expunged during the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have over 58 million records that represent 6 to 7 million people in California that just weren’t getting their records expunged,” Jay Jordan, CEO of the Alliance for Safety and Justice, a public safety advocacy organization, told KQED. “As a result, they couldn’t find good-paying jobs, they couldn’t get apartments, and they couldn’t do things like coach their kid’s Little League teams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB64\">California voters approved Proposition 64\u003c/a>, which legalized cannabis and required the state to expunge prior cannabis-related records that were no longer considered criminal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while cannabis sales and businesses were quick to boom after legalization, expungement for prior convictions was slow because the process largely fell on individuals to do the work of determining whether they are eligible and bringing their case up for review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individuals who wanted to expunge an arrest or a completed sentence from their record typically would have to go to court, fill out a CR-180 form to apply for dismissal, pay around $125, coordinate with the district attorney’s office, then be granted a court date for when their case could be reviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People didn’t have the time or money to do it,” said Jordan. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Phil Ting (D-San Francisco)\"]‘California laws that prevent people living with a past conviction or arrest record from positively contributing to our communities make us all less safe.’[/pullquote]In 2018, under former Gov. Jerry Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11688824/california-measure-would-expunge-many-marijuana-related-crimes\">the state approved AB 1793\u003c/a> to help speed up the process by automating it and requiring courts to identify all eligible cannabis-related records and seal them, removing the onus to do so from affected people who may not even know they are eligible. Rollout of AB 1793 was uneven, however, and many local agencies delayed the process as the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted court proceedings across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get the effort moving again, in 2019, Ting’s bill automated expungements for eligible arrests and convictions and expanded eligibility to every misdemeanor – not just those related to cannabis – so long as the arrest didn’t result in a prison sentence and if the person completed their sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ, along with the nonprofit Code for America, created an automated system that started expunging records on July 1, 2022. That will now continue on a rolling basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11803065\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1.jpg\" alt=\"An Asian man in a suit and tie speaks from behind a dais with a California emblem.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Phil Ting (D-San Francisco) at a community meeting about language access and the Affordable Care Act on Aug. 14, 2013. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Specifically for cannabis-related sentences, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 1706 in Sept. 2022, which required counties and courts to seal eligible cannabis-related records if they had not been challenged by March 2023. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area counties such as San Francisco, San Mateo and Sonoma had sealed nearly all of those records that were found to be eligible as of April 6, 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab1706-legreport-06012023.pdf\">according to a June report from the DOJ (PDF)\u003c/a>. Others, like Contra Costa and Alameda counties, have a higher proportion of cases to get through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ report showed a racial equity gap among people who are relieved from their past cannabis-related arrests or sentences under AB 1706. More white men have been both found eligible and granted relief, compared with Hispanic, Black, Asian or other racial groups, according to the DOJ report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, lawmakers in 2022 passed another bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB731\">SB 731\u003c/a>, which creates a pathway to sealing records for a much wider range of criminal convictions beyond cannabis, excluding sex offenses. Under that bill, a person can apply to seal their records within four years of completing a sentence, as long as they don’t have a new arrest. Some agencies like schools and police, however, can still access the criminal history, but it would not show up in regular background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California laws that prevent people living with a past conviction or arrest record from positively contributing to our communities make us all less safe,” Ting said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by KQED’s Billy Cruz.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>July 10: An earlier version of this story conflated AB 1076 with AB 1706. This story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#correction\">This story contains a correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 11 million arrest and conviction records have been wiped clean in the first six months of the implementation of a new California law, marking the largest expungement over that time period in the country’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mass expungement follows the years-long effort by lawmakers and voters dating back to 2016 — when marijuana was legalized in the state — to clear certain criminal records and open up employment and housing opportunities for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After someone has completed their sentence and paid their debts, we cannot continue to allow old legal records to create barriers to opportunity that destabilize families, undermine our economy, and worsen racial injustices,” Assemblymember Phil Ting (D-San Francisco) \u003ca href=\"https://safeandjust.org/news/millions-of-old-conviction-and-arrest-records-have-been-expunged-under-unprecedented-state-law-doj-says/\">said in a press statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ting authored \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1076\">AB 1076\u003c/a>, a 2019 law which requires the state’s Dept. of Justice to review and automatically clear certain non-serious offense records for people who already completed their sentence or diversion program, or if their arrest did not lead to a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expungements of records under the law began a year ago. Between July 1 and Dec. 31, 2022, more than 8.4 million arrests that never resulted in a conviction were cleared from Californians’ records, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://data-openjustice.doj.ca.gov/sites/default/files/dataset/2023-06/arr-mandated-stats.pdf\">latest relief data from the DOJ (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than 2.6 million conviction records were also expunged during the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have over 58 million records that represent 6 to 7 million people in California that just weren’t getting their records expunged,” Jay Jordan, CEO of the Alliance for Safety and Justice, a public safety advocacy organization, told KQED. “As a result, they couldn’t find good-paying jobs, they couldn’t get apartments, and they couldn’t do things like coach their kid’s Little League teams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB64\">California voters approved Proposition 64\u003c/a>, which legalized cannabis and required the state to expunge prior cannabis-related records that were no longer considered criminal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while cannabis sales and businesses were quick to boom after legalization, expungement for prior convictions was slow because the process largely fell on individuals to do the work of determining whether they are eligible and bringing their case up for review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individuals who wanted to expunge an arrest or a completed sentence from their record typically would have to go to court, fill out a CR-180 form to apply for dismissal, pay around $125, coordinate with the district attorney’s office, then be granted a court date for when their case could be reviewed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People didn’t have the time or money to do it,” said Jordan. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘California laws that prevent people living with a past conviction or arrest record from positively contributing to our communities make us all less safe.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2018, under former Gov. Jerry Brown, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11688824/california-measure-would-expunge-many-marijuana-related-crimes\">the state approved AB 1793\u003c/a> to help speed up the process by automating it and requiring courts to identify all eligible cannabis-related records and seal them, removing the onus to do so from affected people who may not even know they are eligible. Rollout of AB 1793 was uneven, however, and many local agencies delayed the process as the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted court proceedings across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get the effort moving again, in 2019, Ting’s bill automated expungements for eligible arrests and convictions and expanded eligibility to every misdemeanor – not just those related to cannabis – so long as the arrest didn’t result in a prison sentence and if the person completed their sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ, along with the nonprofit Code for America, created an automated system that started expunging records on July 1, 2022. That will now continue on a rolling basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11803065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11803065\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1.jpg\" alt=\"An Asian man in a suit and tie speaks from behind a dais with a California emblem.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/02/RS6157_002-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Phil Ting (D-San Francisco) at a community meeting about language access and the Affordable Care Act on Aug. 14, 2013. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Specifically for cannabis-related sentences, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 1706 in Sept. 2022, which required counties and courts to seal eligible cannabis-related records if they had not been challenged by March 2023. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area counties such as San Francisco, San Mateo and Sonoma had sealed nearly all of those records that were found to be eligible as of April 6, 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab1706-legreport-06012023.pdf\">according to a June report from the DOJ (PDF)\u003c/a>. Others, like Contra Costa and Alameda counties, have a higher proportion of cases to get through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOJ report showed a racial equity gap among people who are relieved from their past cannabis-related arrests or sentences under AB 1706. More white men have been both found eligible and granted relief, compared with Hispanic, Black, Asian or other racial groups, according to the DOJ report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, lawmakers in 2022 passed another bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB731\">SB 731\u003c/a>, which creates a pathway to sealing records for a much wider range of criminal convictions beyond cannabis, excluding sex offenses. Under that bill, a person can apply to seal their records within four years of completing a sentence, as long as they don’t have a new arrest. Some agencies like schools and police, however, can still access the criminal history, but it would not show up in regular background checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California laws that prevent people living with a past conviction or arrest record from positively contributing to our communities make us all less safe,” Ting said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting by KQED’s Billy Cruz.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>July 10: An earlier version of this story conflated AB 1076 with AB 1706. This story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-california-shutters-juvenile-lockups-probation-chiefs-urge-investigation-into-appalling-conditions",
"title": "As California Shutters Juvenile Lockups, Probation Chiefs Urge Investigation Into 'Appalling' Conditions",
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"content": "\u003cp>California probation chiefs are calling for the state to launch an investigation into what’s been happening at the Department of Juvenile Justice in its waning months, saying youths who recently served time in the state lockups have returned home addicted to fentanyl, covered in tattoos and suffering from untreated medical conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, DJJ no longer exists — young people accused of crimes will now serve their sentences in county juvenile halls and at local programs. The change, which officials have been preparing for the past several years, comes after a sharp drop in the number of young people committing crimes in California and reforms to how youth offenders are sentenced. It follows years of allegations of violence and abuse at DJJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, state officials have insisted that many of those problems at DJJ were resolved, even as Gov. Gavin Newsom pushed for a shuttering of the state agency. But probation chiefs in both Sacramento and Shasta counties told KQED this week that they and other probation chiefs around the state are appalled at what they’re hearing about how youth and correctional officers were allowed to behave at DJJ facilities.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11942669,news_11924009\"]Probation departments oversee juvenile justice at the local level in all of California’s 58 counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County Probation Chief Tracie Neal said young people returning to her county reported that they have not been receiving rehabilitative programming in recent months, spent “excessive” time locked up in their rooms, and were aided in illegal behavior by the DJJ staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had our youth share that correctional staff were providing the youth with contraband, whether it was with tattoo equipment items or drugs or alcohol,” she said. “One youth in particular — he left us with no tattoos and he came back and he has tattoos all over his face, his neck, his arms. And he has shared with us that he was able to build tattoo guns within DJJ. He was even allowed different contraband from the correctional officers to assure that he had the access to what he needed to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Probation Chief Marlon Yarber said one young person who never struggled with drug use before going to DJJ returned to local custody addicted to fentanyl. He said DJJ staff called his staff to alert them to the problem and let them know that the youth had overdosed twice while at DJJ and had to be revived using Narcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We took a call from staff at DJJ and, (they said) you know, some of the kids have had access to fentanyl and have been using drugs while in custody. And we’re like, oh, my goodness,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both chiefs said they also see severe behavioral problems among the young people returning from DJJ — racial divisions, gang affiliations that didn’t exist before and other antisocial behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few of the youth have shared with us that in general there was just a lack of oversight and supervision of them. They shared details with us about correctional staff allowing them opportunities to engage in fighting and violence,” Neal said. “That behavior would escalate … and nothing was done to stop that. One of our youth said that the staff would say, ‘Just don’t kill anyone and don’t get caught.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yarber said one group of six young people had to be transported back to Sacramento County in two separate vans, because of conflict between the groups. And, he said, the problems are already spilling into the county juvenile justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other real big indicator was, I think for the first time ever, arresting a parent at visiting,” he said. “Someone coming through our visitor center who had in their possession just hundreds of pills … thinking they would have a chance to sort of sit at the table together and might pass on those drugs to the youth.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tracie Neal, probation chief, Shasta County\"]‘We had our youth share that correctional staff were providing the youth with contraband, whether it was with tattoo equipment items or drugs or alcohol.’[/pullquote]Those pills, he said, were seized by probation staff, and included more than 90 laced with fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chiefs want to see a state investigation into what’s happened at DJJ in recent months, and possibly criminal investigations by prosecutors. Neal said she’s filed one child abuse report, noting one young person returned to local custody with an untreated ankle injury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been having local discussions because some of the things that have been shared with us, you know, fall under criminal behavior,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, a spokeswoman for the department that oversees DJJ said that the state takes allegations of staff misconduct seriously but will need “more and detailed information to formally open an investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The health and safety of youth in our care is our top priority,” said Terri Hardy, spokeswoman for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, adding that after hearing concerns about opioid use, DJJ “immediately implemented a wave of testing for every remaining youth and testing prior to transport to counties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that out of more than 100 youth tested, “there was only one ‘refusal to test’ and one medically-related false positive. All other youth tested negative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Yarber and Neal said they are personally appalled and upset by what they’re seeing — and wondering how it’s going to affect the rest of their juvenile system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, we send these youth to DJJ to be held accountable, but also to receive the skills and treatment they need to successfully reintegrate,” said Neal. “And then to know that those kinds of conversations and sessions weren’t happening with the kids and instead they were allowed to do this is just it’s — it’s just hard. It’s crazy … I’ll speak personally, it’s … it’s been heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "County probation officers report youths coming out of DJJ facilities addicted to fentanyl, covered in tattoos, being involved in gangs and suffering from untreated medical conditions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California probation chiefs are calling for the state to launch an investigation into what’s been happening at the Department of Juvenile Justice in its waning months, saying youths who recently served time in the state lockups have returned home addicted to fentanyl, covered in tattoos and suffering from untreated medical conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of July 1, DJJ no longer exists — young people accused of crimes will now serve their sentences in county juvenile halls and at local programs. The change, which officials have been preparing for the past several years, comes after a sharp drop in the number of young people committing crimes in California and reforms to how youth offenders are sentenced. It follows years of allegations of violence and abuse at DJJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, state officials have insisted that many of those problems at DJJ were resolved, even as Gov. Gavin Newsom pushed for a shuttering of the state agency. But probation chiefs in both Sacramento and Shasta counties told KQED this week that they and other probation chiefs around the state are appalled at what they’re hearing about how youth and correctional officers were allowed to behave at DJJ facilities.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Probation departments oversee juvenile justice at the local level in all of California’s 58 counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County Probation Chief Tracie Neal said young people returning to her county reported that they have not been receiving rehabilitative programming in recent months, spent “excessive” time locked up in their rooms, and were aided in illegal behavior by the DJJ staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had our youth share that correctional staff were providing the youth with contraband, whether it was with tattoo equipment items or drugs or alcohol,” she said. “One youth in particular — he left us with no tattoos and he came back and he has tattoos all over his face, his neck, his arms. And he has shared with us that he was able to build tattoo guns within DJJ. He was even allowed different contraband from the correctional officers to assure that he had the access to what he needed to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Probation Chief Marlon Yarber said one young person who never struggled with drug use before going to DJJ returned to local custody addicted to fentanyl. He said DJJ staff called his staff to alert them to the problem and let them know that the youth had overdosed twice while at DJJ and had to be revived using Narcan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We took a call from staff at DJJ and, (they said) you know, some of the kids have had access to fentanyl and have been using drugs while in custody. And we’re like, oh, my goodness,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both chiefs said they also see severe behavioral problems among the young people returning from DJJ — racial divisions, gang affiliations that didn’t exist before and other antisocial behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few of the youth have shared with us that in general there was just a lack of oversight and supervision of them. They shared details with us about correctional staff allowing them opportunities to engage in fighting and violence,” Neal said. “That behavior would escalate … and nothing was done to stop that. One of our youth said that the staff would say, ‘Just don’t kill anyone and don’t get caught.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yarber said one group of six young people had to be transported back to Sacramento County in two separate vans, because of conflict between the groups. And, he said, the problems are already spilling into the county juvenile justice system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other real big indicator was, I think for the first time ever, arresting a parent at visiting,” he said. “Someone coming through our visitor center who had in their possession just hundreds of pills … thinking they would have a chance to sort of sit at the table together and might pass on those drugs to the youth.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Those pills, he said, were seized by probation staff, and included more than 90 laced with fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chiefs want to see a state investigation into what’s happened at DJJ in recent months, and possibly criminal investigations by prosecutors. Neal said she’s filed one child abuse report, noting one young person returned to local custody with an untreated ankle injury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been having local discussions because some of the things that have been shared with us, you know, fall under criminal behavior,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a written statement, a spokeswoman for the department that oversees DJJ said that the state takes allegations of staff misconduct seriously but will need “more and detailed information to formally open an investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The health and safety of youth in our care is our top priority,” said Terri Hardy, spokeswoman for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, adding that after hearing concerns about opioid use, DJJ “immediately implemented a wave of testing for every remaining youth and testing prior to transport to counties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that out of more than 100 youth tested, “there was only one ‘refusal to test’ and one medically-related false positive. All other youth tested negative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Yarber and Neal said they are personally appalled and upset by what they’re seeing — and wondering how it’s going to affect the rest of their juvenile system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, we send these youth to DJJ to be held accountable, but also to receive the skills and treatment they need to successfully reintegrate,” said Neal. “And then to know that those kinds of conversations and sessions weren’t happening with the kids and instead they were allowed to do this is just it’s — it’s just hard. It’s crazy … I’ll speak personally, it’s … it’s been heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a defeat for gay rights, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">the Supreme Court’s\u003c/a> conservative majority ruled on Friday that a Christian graphic artist who wants to design wedding websites can refuse to work with same-sex couples. One of the court’s liberal justices wrote in a dissent that the decision’s effect is to “mark gays and lesbians for second-class status” and that it opens the door to other discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23865226-supreme-court-303-creative-opinion\">The court ruled 6-3\u003c/a> for designer Lorie Smith despite a Colorado law that bars discrimination based on sexual orientation, race, gender and other characteristics. Smith \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/us-supreme-court-entertainment-religion-race-and-ethnicity-discrimination-9f2a76e9c72b6e0dc2a513a968328799\">had argued\u003c/a> that the law violates her free speech rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith’s opponents warned that a win for her would allow a range of businesses to discriminate, refusing to serve Black, Jewish or Muslim customers, interracial or interfaith couples or immigrants. But Smith and her supporters had said that a ruling against her would force artists — from painters and photographers to writers and musicians — to do work that is against their beliefs.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Justice Sonia Sotomayor\"]‘Today, the Court, for the first time in its history, grants a business open to the public a constitutional right to refuse to serve members of a protected class.’[/pullquote]Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote for the court’s six conservative justices that the First Amendment “envisions the United States as a rich and complex place where all persons are free to think and speak as they wish, not as the government demands.” Gorsuch said that the court has long held that “the opportunity to think for ourselves and to express those thoughts freely is among our most cherished liberties and part of what keeps our Republic strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote: “Today, the Court, for the first time in its history, grants a business open to the public a constitutional right to refuse to serve members of a protected class.” She was joined by the court’s two other liberals, Justice Elena Kagan and Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sotomayor said that the decision’s logic “cannot be limited to discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.” A website designer could refuse to create a wedding website for an interracial couple, a stationer could refuse to sell a birth announcement for a disabled couple, and a large retail store could limit its portrait services to “traditional” families, she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shannon Minter, who is legal director for the San Francisco-based National Center for Lesbian Rights, said in a statement to KQED that it was the first time in the nation’s history that the Supreme Court has “held that the constitution permits discrimination in the commercial sphere,” calling it a “very sad and disappointing day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The harm caused by today is the symbolic message it sends, at the very time when LGBTQ people are experiencing a backlash and there’s a resurgence of openly expressed bias against that community,” said Minter, who is concerned this will open the door to future decisions that go “farther than the decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Minter doesn’t think the Supreme Court ruling will lead to “sweeping discrimination” by business owners, he thinks there is a danger that the decision will be misinterpreted by some business owners as a greenlight to turn away LGBTQ people if they want to — but adds that that would continue to be unlawful. “LGBTQ people will continue to be protected, but we may need to litigate a bunch of cases to demonstrate that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a win for religious rights and one in a series of cases in recent years in which the justices have sided with religious plaintiffs. Last year, for example, the court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-coach-prayer-2981a8073ea82a1a688c367270c941aa\">ruled along ideological lines for a football coach\u003c/a> who prayed on the field at his public high school after games.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954762\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lorie Smith, the owner of 303 Creative, a website design company in Colorado, speaks with supporters outside of the US Supreme Court Building on Dec. 5, 2022 in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The decision is also a retreat on gay rights for the court. For nearly three decades, the court has expanded the rights of LGBTQ people, most notably giving same-sex couples the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-courts-marriage-supreme-court-of-the-united-states-united-states-government-9e1933cd1e1a4e969ab45f5952bbb45f\">right to marry in 2015\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/courts-supreme-courts-mi-state-wire-neil-gorsuch-ap-top-news-ef3c19a79b65c060fd9e82b9dd87a1d9\">announcing five years later in a decision written by Gorsuch\u003c/a> that a landmark civil rights law also protects gay, lesbian and transgender people from employment discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as it has expanded gay rights, however, the court has been careful to say those with differing religious views needed to be respected. The belief that marriage can only be between one man and one woman is an idea that “long has been held — and continues to be held — in good faith by reasonable and sincere people here and throughout the world,” Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/crt/legacy/2015/06/26/obergefellhodgesopinion.pdf\">the court’s gay marriage decision (PDF)\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11954612,forum_2010101893518,forum_2010101892885\"]The court returned to that idea five years ago when it was confronted with the case of a Christian baker who objected to designing a cake for a same-sex wedding. The court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/north-america-ap-top-news-courts-supreme-courts-politics-459b5e723c4c47ffa40df839097503c9\">issued a limited ruling in favor of the baker\u003c/a>, Jack Phillips, saying there had been impermissible hostility toward his religious views in the consideration of his case. Phillips’ lawyer, Kristen Waggoner, of the Alliance Defending Freedom, also brought the most recent case to the court. On Friday, she said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">the Supreme Court\u003c/a> was right to reaffirm that the government cannot compel people to say things they do not believe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disagreement isn’t discrimination, and the government can’t mislabel speech as discrimination to censor it,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, who owns a Colorado design business called 303 Creative, does not currently create wedding websites. She has said that she wants to but that her Christian faith would prevent her from creating websites celebrating same-sex marriages. And that’s where she runs into conflict with state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado, like most other states, has a law forbidding businesses open to the public from discriminating against customers. Colorado said that under its so-called public accommodations law, if Smith offers wedding websites to the public, she must provide them to all customers, regardless of sexual orientation. Businesses that violate the law can be fined, among other things. Smith argued that applying the law to her violates her First Amendment rights. The state disagreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jessica Gresko of The Associated Press and Alex Hall from KQED contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a defeat for gay rights, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">the Supreme Court’s\u003c/a> conservative majority ruled on Friday that a Christian graphic artist who wants to design wedding websites can refuse to work with same-sex couples. One of the court’s liberal justices wrote in a dissent that the decision’s effect is to “mark gays and lesbians for second-class status” and that it opens the door to other discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23865226-supreme-court-303-creative-opinion\">The court ruled 6-3\u003c/a> for designer Lorie Smith despite a Colorado law that bars discrimination based on sexual orientation, race, gender and other characteristics. Smith \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/us-supreme-court-entertainment-religion-race-and-ethnicity-discrimination-9f2a76e9c72b6e0dc2a513a968328799\">had argued\u003c/a> that the law violates her free speech rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith’s opponents warned that a win for her would allow a range of businesses to discriminate, refusing to serve Black, Jewish or Muslim customers, interracial or interfaith couples or immigrants. But Smith and her supporters had said that a ruling against her would force artists — from painters and photographers to writers and musicians — to do work that is against their beliefs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote for the court’s six conservative justices that the First Amendment “envisions the United States as a rich and complex place where all persons are free to think and speak as they wish, not as the government demands.” Gorsuch said that the court has long held that “the opportunity to think for ourselves and to express those thoughts freely is among our most cherished liberties and part of what keeps our Republic strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote: “Today, the Court, for the first time in its history, grants a business open to the public a constitutional right to refuse to serve members of a protected class.” She was joined by the court’s two other liberals, Justice Elena Kagan and Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sotomayor said that the decision’s logic “cannot be limited to discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.” A website designer could refuse to create a wedding website for an interracial couple, a stationer could refuse to sell a birth announcement for a disabled couple, and a large retail store could limit its portrait services to “traditional” families, she wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shannon Minter, who is legal director for the San Francisco-based National Center for Lesbian Rights, said in a statement to KQED that it was the first time in the nation’s history that the Supreme Court has “held that the constitution permits discrimination in the commercial sphere,” calling it a “very sad and disappointing day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The harm caused by today is the symbolic message it sends, at the very time when LGBTQ people are experiencing a backlash and there’s a resurgence of openly expressed bias against that community,” said Minter, who is concerned this will open the door to future decisions that go “farther than the decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Minter doesn’t think the Supreme Court ruling will lead to “sweeping discrimination” by business owners, he thinks there is a danger that the decision will be misinterpreted by some business owners as a greenlight to turn away LGBTQ people if they want to — but adds that that would continue to be unlawful. “LGBTQ people will continue to be protected, but we may need to litigate a bunch of cases to demonstrate that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a win for religious rights and one in a series of cases in recent years in which the justices have sided with religious plaintiffs. Last year, for example, the court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-coach-prayer-2981a8073ea82a1a688c367270c941aa\">ruled along ideological lines for a football coach\u003c/a> who prayed on the field at his public high school after games.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954762\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/GettyImages-1446991422-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lorie Smith, the owner of 303 Creative, a website design company in Colorado, speaks with supporters outside of the US Supreme Court Building on Dec. 5, 2022 in Washington, DC. \u003ccite>(Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The decision is also a retreat on gay rights for the court. For nearly three decades, the court has expanded the rights of LGBTQ people, most notably giving same-sex couples the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-courts-marriage-supreme-court-of-the-united-states-united-states-government-9e1933cd1e1a4e969ab45f5952bbb45f\">right to marry in 2015\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/courts-supreme-courts-mi-state-wire-neil-gorsuch-ap-top-news-ef3c19a79b65c060fd9e82b9dd87a1d9\">announcing five years later in a decision written by Gorsuch\u003c/a> that a landmark civil rights law also protects gay, lesbian and transgender people from employment discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as it has expanded gay rights, however, the court has been careful to say those with differing religious views needed to be respected. The belief that marriage can only be between one man and one woman is an idea that “long has been held — and continues to be held — in good faith by reasonable and sincere people here and throughout the world,” Justice Anthony Kennedy wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/crt/legacy/2015/06/26/obergefellhodgesopinion.pdf\">the court’s gay marriage decision (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The court returned to that idea five years ago when it was confronted with the case of a Christian baker who objected to designing a cake for a same-sex wedding. The court \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/north-america-ap-top-news-courts-supreme-courts-politics-459b5e723c4c47ffa40df839097503c9\">issued a limited ruling in favor of the baker\u003c/a>, Jack Phillips, saying there had been impermissible hostility toward his religious views in the consideration of his case. Phillips’ lawyer, Kristen Waggoner, of the Alliance Defending Freedom, also brought the most recent case to the court. On Friday, she said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">the Supreme Court\u003c/a> was right to reaffirm that the government cannot compel people to say things they do not believe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disagreement isn’t discrimination, and the government can’t mislabel speech as discrimination to censor it,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith, who owns a Colorado design business called 303 Creative, does not currently create wedding websites. She has said that she wants to but that her Christian faith would prevent her from creating websites celebrating same-sex marriages. And that’s where she runs into conflict with state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado, like most other states, has a law forbidding businesses open to the public from discriminating against customers. Colorado said that under its so-called public accommodations law, if Smith offers wedding websites to the public, she must provide them to all customers, regardless of sexual orientation. Businesses that violate the law can be fined, among other things. Smith argued that applying the law to her violates her First Amendment rights. The state disagreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Jessica Gresko of The Associated Press and Alex Hall from KQED contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Big Delays Hinder Oversight at San Francisco Sheriff's Department",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly three years after its creation by San Francisco voters, the board established to provide civilian oversight of the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department is mired in internal squabbles and has yet to complete its primary task — hiring the person who can investigate misconduct at the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay means that the oversight body cannot probe incidents like the fatal crash on May 23 that occurred as San Francisco police officers and sheriff’s deputies pursued a man accused of stealing a city vehicle. While being chased, the suspect crashed into a bus stop, killing 58-year-old Victor Nguyen and injuring three others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff’s deputies — whose main role in San Francisco is working in the jails and guarding county buildings — don’t usually participate in these types of pursuits. But there can be no investigation or change in department policy until the oversight board hires an inspector general — something they’ve been debating since last August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the board meetings could have been smoother and less contentious,” acknowledged Board president Jayson Wechter, who argued that he’s been the subject of personal attacks by other board members. “People can disagree respectfully, and that would be the best way forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays and disagreements seem to be the result of a split on the board between the three members appointed by Mayor London Breed and the four named by the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. The two sides have butted heads over how to conduct the search for an inspector general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure approved by voters creating the new body did not explicitly address who would handle the logistics of setting up the board and organizing the meetings, so it ended up falling on the body currently handling sheriff oversight, the Department of Police Accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That organization is led by Paul Henderson, who has played a large role in establishing the oversight board. Henderson and DPA staff hired the board’s acting secretary and prepared a proposed budget for the Office of Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson also weighed in on who to hire as the inspector general, approaching the board members with a list of candidates.[aside postID=\"news_11844487,news_11779144,news_11935144\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]But Wechter and other Board of Supervisors’ appointees balked, noting that the norm for civilian oversight bodies’ hiring process is to do a national search with a publicized job listing, typically through the National Association of Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members were in favor of considering Henderson’s picks, including board member Julie Soo, who was appointed by the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wechter said Henderson’s attempt to circumvent that process seemed inappropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s very contrary to the best practice in the oversight field, which is to do a nationwide expansive search,” he said. “I think that’s what almost every other oversight entity in the country has done. People in the oversight field move around. So you don’t want to just look in your backyard. So I was rather concerned about him doing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson defended the move, saying he just wanted to speed up the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never even gave my list, I never even told them who it was, but I was surprised that they received it as I’m trying to put my person in there and control it,” he said. “Like, what are you talking about? I’m telling you good leaders that I know are available around the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board ended up voting in favor of a national search in January 2023, but the hiring process was delayed even further when the city Department of Human Resources hit logistical issues, since they do not typically hire department heads.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Attorney Jerry Threet, former member of the Sonoma County Sheriff Oversight Board\"]‘Putting together a new office like this is a pretty huge undertaking and there’s a lot of different moving parts that have to be addressed all at once. But that being said, in my understanding, most offices are further along in the hiring process at this point in their creation journey than San Francisco is.’[/pullquote]Applications for the job finally opened in March 2023, and closed at the end of June. The goal now, Wechter said, is for the board to narrow down a list of candidates in the coming months and conduct interviews before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays have raised some eyebrows. Jerry Threet is an attorney and former member of the Sonoma County Sheriff Oversight Board. He said it shouldn’t take this long to hire an Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting together a new office like this is a pretty huge undertaking and there’s a lot of different moving parts that have to be addressed all at once,” he said. “But that being said, in my understanding, most offices are further along in the hiring process at this point in their creation journey than San Francisco is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Lomba, who is president of the union representing deputy sheriffs, agreed, saying bickering at board meetings has delayed the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shouldn’t be arguments. It shouldn’t be, you know, anyone being divisive. Everyone should be attempting to work together as a team and communicate professionally,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, San Franciscans will have to wait until at least next year for the office voters approved in 2020 to finally get up and running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly three years after its creation by San Francisco voters, the board established to provide civilian oversight of the San Francisco Sheriff’s Department is mired in internal squabbles and has yet to complete its primary task — hiring the person who can investigate misconduct at the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay means that the oversight body cannot probe incidents like the fatal crash on May 23 that occurred as San Francisco police officers and sheriff’s deputies pursued a man accused of stealing a city vehicle. While being chased, the suspect crashed into a bus stop, killing 58-year-old Victor Nguyen and injuring three others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff’s deputies — whose main role in San Francisco is working in the jails and guarding county buildings — don’t usually participate in these types of pursuits. But there can be no investigation or change in department policy until the oversight board hires an inspector general — something they’ve been debating since last August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the board meetings could have been smoother and less contentious,” acknowledged Board president Jayson Wechter, who argued that he’s been the subject of personal attacks by other board members. “People can disagree respectfully, and that would be the best way forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays and disagreements seem to be the result of a split on the board between the three members appointed by Mayor London Breed and the four named by the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. The two sides have butted heads over how to conduct the search for an inspector general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure approved by voters creating the new body did not explicitly address who would handle the logistics of setting up the board and organizing the meetings, so it ended up falling on the body currently handling sheriff oversight, the Department of Police Accountability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That organization is led by Paul Henderson, who has played a large role in establishing the oversight board. Henderson and DPA staff hired the board’s acting secretary and prepared a proposed budget for the Office of Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson also weighed in on who to hire as the inspector general, approaching the board members with a list of candidates.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But Wechter and other Board of Supervisors’ appointees balked, noting that the norm for civilian oversight bodies’ hiring process is to do a national search with a publicized job listing, typically through the National Association of Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members were in favor of considering Henderson’s picks, including board member Julie Soo, who was appointed by the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wechter said Henderson’s attempt to circumvent that process seemed inappropriate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s very contrary to the best practice in the oversight field, which is to do a nationwide expansive search,” he said. “I think that’s what almost every other oversight entity in the country has done. People in the oversight field move around. So you don’t want to just look in your backyard. So I was rather concerned about him doing that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson defended the move, saying he just wanted to speed up the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never even gave my list, I never even told them who it was, but I was surprised that they received it as I’m trying to put my person in there and control it,” he said. “Like, what are you talking about? I’m telling you good leaders that I know are available around the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board ended up voting in favor of a national search in January 2023, but the hiring process was delayed even further when the city Department of Human Resources hit logistical issues, since they do not typically hire department heads.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Applications for the job finally opened in March 2023, and closed at the end of June. The goal now, Wechter said, is for the board to narrow down a list of candidates in the coming months and conduct interviews before the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delays have raised some eyebrows. Jerry Threet is an attorney and former member of the Sonoma County Sheriff Oversight Board. He said it shouldn’t take this long to hire an Inspector General.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting together a new office like this is a pretty huge undertaking and there’s a lot of different moving parts that have to be addressed all at once,” he said. “But that being said, in my understanding, most offices are further along in the hiring process at this point in their creation journey than San Francisco is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Lomba, who is president of the union representing deputy sheriffs, agreed, saying bickering at board meetings has delayed the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shouldn’t be arguments. It shouldn’t be, you know, anyone being divisive. Everyone should be attempting to work together as a team and communicate professionally,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, San Franciscans will have to wait until at least next year for the office voters approved in 2020 to finally get up and running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Thousands More People in US Prisons Can Soon Go to College for Free",
"headTitle": "Thousands More People in US Prisons Can Soon Go to College for Free | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>The graduates lined up, brushing off their gowns and adjusting each others’ tassels and stoles. As the graduation march played, the 85 men appeared to hoots and cheers from their families. They marched to a stage surrounded by barbed wire fence.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Gerald Massey, college student at Folsom State Prison\"]‘I feel, honestly, that God opened the doors and I just walked through them.’[/pullquote]For these were no ordinary graduates. Their black commencement garb almost hid the aqua and navy-blue prison uniforms they wore as they received college degrees, high school diplomas and vocational certificates earned while they served time at California’s Folsom State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of prisoners throughout the United States get their college degrees behind bars, most of them paid for by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-education-higher-pell-grant-fce8a300f7d7400283891dc223cbc378\">the federal Pell Grant program\u003c/a>, which offers tuition aid to lower-income undergraduates who have persevered through challenging circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program is about to expand exponentially next month, giving about 30,000 more students behind bars some $130 million in financial aid per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A solid investment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new rules, which overturn a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/student-loan-relief-pell-grant-ban-972513f72b873d730b1c0a513b5c5b04\">1994 ban on Pell Grants for prisoners\u003c/a>, begin to address decades of policy during the “tough on crime” 1970s–2000 that brought about mass incarceration and stark racial disparities in the nation’s booming prison system that now holds nearly 2 million people behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people in prison who get their college degrees, including those at Folsom who received grants during an experimental period that started in 2016, it can be the difference between a decent life ahead or ending up back behind bars. Finding a job is difficult with a criminal conviction, and a college degree can be an invaluable advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gerald Massey, one of 11 Folsom students graduating with a degree from the Sacramento State University, has served nine years of a 15-year-to-life sentence for a drunken driving incident that resulted in the death of his close friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last day I talked to him, he was telling me, I should go back to college,” Massey said. “So when I came into prison and I saw an opportunity to go to college, I took it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/EcFLk23792A\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It costs roughly $106,000 per year to incarcerate one adult in California, and about $20,000 to have that person earn a bachelor’s degree through the Transforming Outcomes Project at Sacramento State, or TOPSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a prisoner receives parole with a degree, never reoffends, gets a job earning a good salary and pays taxes, then the expansion of prison education shouldn’t be a hard sell, said David Zuckerman, the project’s interim director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that return on investment is better than anything I’ve ever invested in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Major policy shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean the idea is always popular. Using taxpayer money to give college aid to people who’ve broken the law — especially those convicted of violent crimes — can be controversial. When the Obama administration offered a limited number of Pell Grants to prisoners through executive action in 2015, some prominent Republicans opposed it, arguing in favor of improving the existing federal job training and reentry programs instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban on Pell Grants for prisoners caused the hundreds of college-in-prison programs that existed in the 1970s and 1980s to go almost entirely extinct by the late 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress voted to lift the ban in 2020, and since then, about 200 Pell-eligible college programs — like the one at Folsom — have been running in 48 states, Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico. Under the coming expansion, any college can apply to use Pell Grant funding to serve incarcerated students, and, if approved, launch its own program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since entering the White House, President Joe Biden has strongly supported giving Pell Grants to prisoners. That’s a big turnaround — the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, championed by the former Delaware senator, was what barred prisoners from getting Pell Grants in the first place. Biden has since said that he didn’t agree with that part of the compromise legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954450\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954450\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of men, wearing blue prison shirts, walk out of a fenced yard, past a mural of a person in a gown, that says: 'More than a number.'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From right, Jamal Lewis, Lambert Pabriaga and Sherman Dorsey — all college students in prison, majoring in communications — walk to their class at Folsom State Prison on, May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation had 200 students enrolled in bachelor’s degree programs this spring, and has partnered with eight universities across the state. The goal, says CDCR spokesperson Terri Hardy: transforming prisoners’ lives through education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from students dressed in prisoner blues, classes inside Folsom Prison look and feel like any college class. Instructors give incarcerated students the same assignments as they do to pupils back on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A big accomplishment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The students in the Folsom classes come from many different backgrounds. They are Black, white, Hispanic, young, middle aged and senior. Massey, who got his communications degree, is of South Asian heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born in San Francisco to parents who immigrated to the U.S. from Pakistan, Massey recalls growing up feeling like an outsider. Although most people of his background are Muslim, his family members belonged to a small Christian community in Karachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In primary school, he was a target for bullies. He remembers, as a teen, seeking acceptance from the wrong people. When he completed high school, Massey joined the Air Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After 9/11, I went in and some people thought I was a terrorist trying to infiltrate,” he said. “It really bothered me. So when I got out of the military, I didn’t want anything to do with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massey enrolled in college after one year in the military, but dropped out. Later, he became a certified nursing assistant and held the job for 10 years. He married and had two children.[aside label=\"More on prison education programs\" postID=\"news_11949943,news_11851182,news_11775030\"]But he said his addiction to alcohol and a marijuana habit knocked him off course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was living like a little kid and I had my own little kids,” Massey said. “And I thought if I do the bare minimum, that’s OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said prison forced him to take responsibility for his actions. He got focused, sought rehabilitation for alcoholism and restarted his pursuit of education. He also took up barbering to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On commencement day, Massey was the last of his classmates to put on his cap and gown. He was a member of the ceremony’s honor guard — his prison uniform was decorated with a white aiguillette, the ornamental braided cord denoting his military service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big accomplishment,” Massey said. “I feel, honestly, that God opened the doors and I just walked through them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the ceremony, Massey found his mom, wife and daughter for a long-awaited celebratory embrace. He reserved the longest and tightest embrace for his 9-year-old daughter, Grace. Her small frame collapsed into his outstretched arms, as his wife, Jacq’lene, looked on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so many different facets and things that can happen when you’re incarcerated, but this kept him focused on his goals,” Jacq’lene said. “Having the resources and the ability to participate in programs like that really helped him, but it actually helps us, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s the domino effect — it’s good for our kids to see that. It’s good for me to see that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to his communications degree, Massey earned degrees in theology and biblical studies. His post-release options began to materialize ahead of graduation. State commissioners have deemed him fit for parole, and he expects to be released any day. A nonprofit group that assists incarcerated military veterans met with him in May to set up transitional housing, food, clothing and health care insurance for his eventual reentry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954449\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man in a blue prison shirt sits at a table in front of a laptop in a classroom, while another man, of South Asian descent, also in a prison shirt, looks over his shoulder. \" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gerald Massey, center standing, works with Sherman Dorsey in a classroom at Folsom State Prison on May 3, 2023. Many more prisoners like Massey and Dorsey will have opportunities to leave prison with bachelor’s degrees, when new federal rules on financial aid for higher education take effect in July. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s a radio station I listen to, a Christian radio station, that I’ve been thinking one day I would like to work for,” Massey said. “They are always talking about redemption stories. So I would like to share my redemption story, one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Work in progress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>College-in-prison programs aren’t perfect. Many prisons barely have enough room to accommodate \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prison-pandemic-shutdowns-rehabilitation-education-programs-d0aab915c2cd130543025f5bffeb6672\">the few educational and rehabilitation programs\u003c/a> that already exist. Prisons will have to figure out how to make space and get the technology to help students succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Racial imbalances in prison college enrollment and completion rates are also a growing concern for advocates. People of color make up a disproportionate segment of the U.S. prison population, but have been underrepresented in the college programs, compared to their white peers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">a six-year Vera Institute of Justice study\u003c/a> of Pell Grant experimental programs in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prisoners with a record of good behavior get preference for the rehabilitative and prison college programs. Black and Hispanic prisoners are more likely to face discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re tying discipline to college access, then … those folks are not going to have as much access,” said Margaret diZerega, who directs the Vera Institute’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which is focused on expanding college programs in prison. “Let’s get them into college and set them on a different trajectory.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Margaret diZerega, director of the Vera Institute’s Unlocking Potential initiative\"]‘Let’s get them into college and set them on a different trajectory.’[/pullquote]It’s not yet clear if the Pell Grant expansion will grow or narrow racial disparities. The U.S. Department of Education did not respond to the AP’s inquiry on this issue before publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For America to be a country of second chances, we must uphold education’s promise of a better life for people who’ve been impacted by the criminal justice system,” U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona said in a written statement to the AP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pell Grants will “provide meaningful opportunities for redemption and rehabilitation, reduce recidivism rates, and empower incarcerated people to build brighter futures for themselves, their families, and our communities,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Redemption personified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of the 11 men getting Bachelor’s degrees in the jubilant ceremony at Folsom Prison last month, one was no longer a prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Love, who had paroled from Folsom Prison five months earlier, came back to give the valedictory speech. He wore a suit and tie underneath his cap and gown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To his classmates, Love is a tangible example of what is possible for their own redemption journeys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After serving more than 35 years in prison, the 55-year-old is currently enrolled in a Master’s program at Sacramento State. He’s been hired as a teaching aide and will teach freshmen communications students in the fall, and is also working as a mentor with Project Rebound, an organization that assists formerly incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have just as much value as anyone in the community,” he told the other prisoners in his speech. “You are loved. I love you, that’s why I’m here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954448\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954448\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of men of mixed ages, wearing graduation caps and gowns on top of blue prison gowns, gather in a large room.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated graduates, who finished various educational and vocational programs in prison, wait for the start of their graduation ceremony at Folsom State Prison on May 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many of the prisoners, it was the graduation that their families never imagined they’d get to see. One 28-year-old attendee met his father in person for the first time, as his dad received a GED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ceremony wrapped, Robert Nelsen, the outgoing president of Sacramento State University, choked up with tears. On the cusp of retirement, this was the last ceremony he would preside over as a university president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is one final tradition and that is to move the tassel — not yet, not yet, not yet — from the right to the left,” Nelsen instructed, amid laughter from the audience and graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The left side is where your heart is,” the university president said. “When you move that tassel, you are moving education and the love of education into your heart forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ceremony was done. Many graduates joined their loved ones inside a visitation hall for slices of white and chocolate sheet cake and cups of punch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The graduates walked back to their housing units with more than just hope for what their futures might bring. One day, they’ll walk out of the prison gates with college degrees — ones that don’t bear an asterisk revealing they earned them while in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ll walk toward a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The graduates lined up, brushing off their gowns and adjusting each others’ tassels and stoles. As the graduation march played, the 85 men appeared to hoots and cheers from their families. They marched to a stage surrounded by barbed wire fence.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For these were no ordinary graduates. Their black commencement garb almost hid the aqua and navy-blue prison uniforms they wore as they received college degrees, high school diplomas and vocational certificates earned while they served time at California’s Folsom State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thousands of prisoners throughout the United States get their college degrees behind bars, most of them paid for by \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/biden-education-higher-pell-grant-fce8a300f7d7400283891dc223cbc378\">the federal Pell Grant program\u003c/a>, which offers tuition aid to lower-income undergraduates who have persevered through challenging circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program is about to expand exponentially next month, giving about 30,000 more students behind bars some $130 million in financial aid per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A solid investment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new rules, which overturn a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/student-loan-relief-pell-grant-ban-972513f72b873d730b1c0a513b5c5b04\">1994 ban on Pell Grants for prisoners\u003c/a>, begin to address decades of policy during the “tough on crime” 1970s–2000 that brought about mass incarceration and stark racial disparities in the nation’s booming prison system that now holds nearly 2 million people behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For people in prison who get their college degrees, including those at Folsom who received grants during an experimental period that started in 2016, it can be the difference between a decent life ahead or ending up back behind bars. Finding a job is difficult with a criminal conviction, and a college degree can be an invaluable advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gerald Massey, one of 11 Folsom students graduating with a degree from the Sacramento State University, has served nine years of a 15-year-to-life sentence for a drunken driving incident that resulted in the death of his close friend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last day I talked to him, he was telling me, I should go back to college,” Massey said. “So when I came into prison and I saw an opportunity to go to college, I took it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/EcFLk23792A'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/EcFLk23792A'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It costs roughly $106,000 per year to incarcerate one adult in California, and about $20,000 to have that person earn a bachelor’s degree through the Transforming Outcomes Project at Sacramento State, or TOPSS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a prisoner receives parole with a degree, never reoffends, gets a job earning a good salary and pays taxes, then the expansion of prison education shouldn’t be a hard sell, said David Zuckerman, the project’s interim director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that return on investment is better than anything I’ve ever invested in,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Major policy shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean the idea is always popular. Using taxpayer money to give college aid to people who’ve broken the law — especially those convicted of violent crimes — can be controversial. When the Obama administration offered a limited number of Pell Grants to prisoners through executive action in 2015, some prominent Republicans opposed it, arguing in favor of improving the existing federal job training and reentry programs instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban on Pell Grants for prisoners caused the hundreds of college-in-prison programs that existed in the 1970s and 1980s to go almost entirely extinct by the late 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress voted to lift the ban in 2020, and since then, about 200 Pell-eligible college programs — like the one at Folsom — have been running in 48 states, Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico. Under the coming expansion, any college can apply to use Pell Grant funding to serve incarcerated students, and, if approved, launch its own program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since entering the White House, President Joe Biden has strongly supported giving Pell Grants to prisoners. That’s a big turnaround — the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, championed by the former Delaware senator, was what barred prisoners from getting Pell Grants in the first place. Biden has since said that he didn’t agree with that part of the compromise legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954450\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954450\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of men, wearing blue prison shirts, walk out of a fenced yard, past a mural of a person in a gown, that says: 'More than a number.'\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561834858-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From right, Jamal Lewis, Lambert Pabriaga and Sherman Dorsey — all college students in prison, majoring in communications — walk to their class at Folsom State Prison on, May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation had 200 students enrolled in bachelor’s degree programs this spring, and has partnered with eight universities across the state. The goal, says CDCR spokesperson Terri Hardy: transforming prisoners’ lives through education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aside from students dressed in prisoner blues, classes inside Folsom Prison look and feel like any college class. Instructors give incarcerated students the same assignments as they do to pupils back on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A big accomplishment’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The students in the Folsom classes come from many different backgrounds. They are Black, white, Hispanic, young, middle aged and senior. Massey, who got his communications degree, is of South Asian heritage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Born in San Francisco to parents who immigrated to the U.S. from Pakistan, Massey recalls growing up feeling like an outsider. Although most people of his background are Muslim, his family members belonged to a small Christian community in Karachi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In primary school, he was a target for bullies. He remembers, as a teen, seeking acceptance from the wrong people. When he completed high school, Massey joined the Air Force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After 9/11, I went in and some people thought I was a terrorist trying to infiltrate,” he said. “It really bothered me. So when I got out of the military, I didn’t want anything to do with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massey enrolled in college after one year in the military, but dropped out. Later, he became a certified nursing assistant and held the job for 10 years. He married and had two children.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But he said his addiction to alcohol and a marijuana habit knocked him off course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was living like a little kid and I had my own little kids,” Massey said. “And I thought if I do the bare minimum, that’s OK.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said prison forced him to take responsibility for his actions. He got focused, sought rehabilitation for alcoholism and restarted his pursuit of education. He also took up barbering to make money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On commencement day, Massey was the last of his classmates to put on his cap and gown. He was a member of the ceremony’s honor guard — his prison uniform was decorated with a white aiguillette, the ornamental braided cord denoting his military service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big accomplishment,” Massey said. “I feel, honestly, that God opened the doors and I just walked through them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the ceremony, Massey found his mom, wife and daughter for a long-awaited celebratory embrace. He reserved the longest and tightest embrace for his 9-year-old daughter, Grace. Her small frame collapsed into his outstretched arms, as his wife, Jacq’lene, looked on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so many different facets and things that can happen when you’re incarcerated, but this kept him focused on his goals,” Jacq’lene said. “Having the resources and the ability to participate in programs like that really helped him, but it actually helps us, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s the domino effect — it’s good for our kids to see that. It’s good for me to see that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to his communications degree, Massey earned degrees in theology and biblical studies. His post-release options began to materialize ahead of graduation. State commissioners have deemed him fit for parole, and he expects to be released any day. A nonprofit group that assists incarcerated military veterans met with him in May to set up transitional housing, food, clothing and health care insurance for his eventual reentry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954449\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man in a blue prison shirt sits at a table in front of a laptop in a classroom, while another man, of South Asian descent, also in a prison shirt, looks over his shoulder. \" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561715729-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gerald Massey, center standing, works with Sherman Dorsey in a classroom at Folsom State Prison on May 3, 2023. Many more prisoners like Massey and Dorsey will have opportunities to leave prison with bachelor’s degrees, when new federal rules on financial aid for higher education take effect in July. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There’s a radio station I listen to, a Christian radio station, that I’ve been thinking one day I would like to work for,” Massey said. “They are always talking about redemption stories. So I would like to share my redemption story, one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Work in progress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>College-in-prison programs aren’t perfect. Many prisons barely have enough room to accommodate \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prison-pandemic-shutdowns-rehabilitation-education-programs-d0aab915c2cd130543025f5bffeb6672\">the few educational and rehabilitation programs\u003c/a> that already exist. Prisons will have to figure out how to make space and get the technology to help students succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Racial imbalances in prison college enrollment and completion rates are also a growing concern for advocates. People of color make up a disproportionate segment of the U.S. prison population, but have been underrepresented in the college programs, compared to their white peers, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.vera.org/publications/second-chance-pell-six-years-of-expanding-access-to-education-in-prison\">a six-year Vera Institute of Justice study\u003c/a> of Pell Grant experimental programs in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prisoners with a record of good behavior get preference for the rehabilitative and prison college programs. Black and Hispanic prisoners are more likely to face discipline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re tying discipline to college access, then … those folks are not going to have as much access,” said Margaret diZerega, who directs the Vera Institute’s Unlocking Potential initiative, which is focused on expanding college programs in prison. “Let’s get them into college and set them on a different trajectory.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if the Pell Grant expansion will grow or narrow racial disparities. The U.S. Department of Education did not respond to the AP’s inquiry on this issue before publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For America to be a country of second chances, we must uphold education’s promise of a better life for people who’ve been impacted by the criminal justice system,” U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona said in a written statement to the AP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pell Grants will “provide meaningful opportunities for redemption and rehabilitation, reduce recidivism rates, and empower incarcerated people to build brighter futures for themselves, their families, and our communities,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Redemption personified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Of the 11 men getting Bachelor’s degrees in the jubilant ceremony at Folsom Prison last month, one was no longer a prisoner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Love, who had paroled from Folsom Prison five months earlier, came back to give the valedictory speech. He wore a suit and tie underneath his cap and gown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To his classmates, Love is a tangible example of what is possible for their own redemption journeys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After serving more than 35 years in prison, the 55-year-old is currently enrolled in a Master’s program at Sacramento State. He’s been hired as a teaching aide and will teach freshmen communications students in the fall, and is also working as a mentor with Project Rebound, an organization that assists formerly incarcerated people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have just as much value as anyone in the community,” he told the other prisoners in his speech. “You are loved. I love you, that’s why I’m here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954448\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954448\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A group of men of mixed ages, wearing graduation caps and gowns on top of blue prison gowns, gather in a large room.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/AP23175561470530-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Incarcerated graduates, who finished various educational and vocational programs in prison, wait for the start of their graduation ceremony at Folsom State Prison on May 25, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many of the prisoners, it was the graduation that their families never imagined they’d get to see. One 28-year-old attendee met his father in person for the first time, as his dad received a GED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the ceremony wrapped, Robert Nelsen, the outgoing president of Sacramento State University, choked up with tears. On the cusp of retirement, this was the last ceremony he would preside over as a university president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is one final tradition and that is to move the tassel — not yet, not yet, not yet — from the right to the left,” Nelsen instructed, amid laughter from the audience and graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The left side is where your heart is,” the university president said. “When you move that tassel, you are moving education and the love of education into your heart forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ceremony was done. Many graduates joined their loved ones inside a visitation hall for slices of white and chocolate sheet cake and cups of punch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The graduates walked back to their housing units with more than just hope for what their futures might bring. One day, they’ll walk out of the prison gates with college degrees — ones that don’t bear an asterisk revealing they earned them while in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ll walk toward a second chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "More of California's Imprisoned Are Applying for Gender-Affirming Health Care",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this special episode of Ear Hustle in honor of Pride Month.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/1109_PRIDE_FOR_PODCAST_FEED_SEG_A_16.mp3\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the changes took effect, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation found that the number of incarcerated transgender, intersex and nonbinary people consistently grew each year, rising to 1,617 last year. That’s a 234% increase over 2017, according to the documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met,” Trisha Wallis, a department senior psychologist who specializes in gender health care, said during a budget committee hearing in March.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Trisha Wallis, department senior psychologist\"]‘The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met.’[/pullquote]The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”[aside label='More on Transgender Rights' tag='transgender-prisoners']Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jen Orthwein, psychologist\"]‘There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people. They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.’[/pullquote]The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of incarcerated Californians requesting gender-affirming health care more than doubled last year, and the state’s corrections agency expects the trend to continue even as the overall population of imprisoned people in California is projected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimate comes from budget documents detailing the agency’s responsibilities for two groundbreaking policies the state adopted over the last seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, in 2017, made California the first state to set standards that would grant gender-affirmation surgery to incarcerated people in state prison. It followed the state’s approval of surgery for a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/prisons-california-us-news-ca-state-wire-7c3b2f14287849a18e2f9bb27362c05a\">transgender woman\u003c/a> serving a life sentence. She was later transferred to a women’s prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other, a 2021 law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, requires that every person upon entering prison be asked \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/SB132/2019\">gender-specific questions\u003c/a> to determine whether they should be housed in a men’s or women’s facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the changes took effect, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation found that the number of incarcerated transgender, intersex and nonbinary people consistently grew each year, rising to 1,617 last year. That’s a 234% increase over 2017, according to the documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The vulnerable, transgender and transgender diverse population in CDCR has grown and continues to grow and there are enduring needs that need to be met,” Trisha Wallis, a department senior psychologist who specializes in gender health care, said during a budget committee hearing in March.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The agency this year sought a slight boost in funding — $2.2 million — to provide the mandated care. The agency’s request was not controversial and moved through the Legislature without pushback this spring. Budget negotiations between Gov. Newsom and the Legislature are expected to conclude this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wallis at the hearing said the program was originally meant to “address equitable access” to safe and optimal gender-affirming care, but she acknowledged that staff shortages led to treatment backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Backlog grows for gender-affirming care\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As of December, 20 incarcerated people since 2017 had received gender-affirming surgery. Another 150 surgeries had been approved, but not completed, according to the budget documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2021-22 California government budget year, 270 incarcerated people requested gender-affirming surgeries — up from 99 the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state projects 348 incarcerated people will request gender-affirming treatment this year, and 462 next year. The corrections agency says its staff can evaluate no more than three requests each week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also has received over 364 housing transfer requests since 2021. Only 35 of those were approved and sent to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates for transgender and nonbinary incarcerated people have urged the state to move faster in providing the surgeries and evaluating other incarcerated people’s requests to transfer to facilities that better suit their needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of them criticized the agency’s budget request, arguing the state’s $15 billion-a-year prison system already had plenty of money to carry out the policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s ridiculous. Two million dollars for stuff they should already be doing?” said Alex Binsfield, a policy analyst with TGI Justice Project, a San Francisco nonprofit that \u003ca href=\"https://tgijp.org/\">advocates for incarcerated transgender people\u003c/a>. “I don’t think pumping any more money into CDCR is going to fix health care there.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Transgender advocates also are on guard for signs that the state is refusing transfers for incarcerated people who identify as transgender but who have not received gender-affirming medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately the housing question should not be a medical question,” said Jen Orthwein, a psychologist who previously provided treatment to transgender incarcerated people in prisons across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terri Hardy, spokesperson for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, said those fears are unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Incarcerated people are not required to have gender-affirming surgery in order to transfer to an institution consistent with their gender identity,” Hardy wrote in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lawsuit challenges California prison transfers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Capitol, some conservative-leaning and feminist groups have opposed the prison agency’s gender-affirming policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://womensliberationfront.org/chandler-v-cdcr\">Women’s Liberation Front\u003c/a>, a feminist advocacy group based in Washington, D.C., sued the state in 2021 to halt \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/540465542/Women-s-Liberation-Front-Lawsuit-against-the-California-Department-of-Corrections-and-Rehabilitation\">certain transfers to the state’s women’s prison\u003c/a> in Chowchilla. It argued the transfers put incarcerated females at greater risk of violence and sexual assault. The lawsuit is playing out in the U.S. Eastern District Court of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality that men and women are factually, materially, immutably different, in ways that disadvantage women and necessitate attention to women’s unique needs, supports protection of incarcerated women by providing women-only correctional facilities,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people. They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Transgender Law Center and the American Civil Liberties Union filed a brief challenging that suit. The two liberal organizations contend the 2021 law allowing prison transfers protects vulnerable incarcerated transgender people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several states have followed California in adopting gender-affirming policies for incarcerated people. Massachusetts and Connecticut allow incarcerated people to be transferred to facilities according to their chosen gender identity. New Jersey, New York City and Rhode Island also require that incarcerated people be housed at facilities appropriate to their gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orthwein, the psychologist, urged the state to accommodate more care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no difference to their treatment than that of cisgender people,” Orthwein said. “They shouldn’t have to jump through a number of barriers and be poked and prodded for housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>They stood on the steps of the state Capitol, in white bridal gowns and veils, their wrists chained together and their mouths taped shut.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are survivors of forced and child marriages — and they want California to finally outlaw child brides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was 14 years old, my parents coerced me into marrying the 27-year-old pedophile who had been abusing me for two years because I became pregnant and it brought ‘shame’ to the family,” said Pat Abatemarco, who said she eventually escaped the marriage, with her daughter, with the help of a social worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday, she and others shared their stories of enduring gender-based violence, being forced to abandon their education, and becoming estranged from their families during the “chain-in” protest organized by \u003ca href=\"https://www.unchainedatlast.org/\">Unchained At Last\u003c/a>, a national advocacy nonprofit, to launch a campaign for the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are here in gowns and chains to demand an end to a human rights abuse and nightmarish legal trap that gives get-out-of-jail-free cards to child rapists,” said Fraidy Reiss, a forced marriage survivor who founded Unchained At Last. “What better way to urge legislators to take action than to show them what life looks like for those who are forced into marriage?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris (D-Irvine)\"]‘We like to think that here in California … we are ahead of the curve. But when it comes to child marriage, we aren’t leading, we aren’t even following. We are failing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, you must be 18 to get a divorce. But there is no minimum age to get married, as long as a parent or guardian consent and a court gives permission. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unchainedatlast.org/child-marriage-progress/\">California is among just seven states, including New Mexico and Oklahoma, that does not have a minimum age for marriage.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/cottie-petrie-norris-1975/\">Cottie Petrie-Norris\u003c/a>, an Irvine Democrat, plans to introduce legislation next year to end child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We like to think that here in California … we are ahead of the curve,” she said. “But when it comes to child marriage, we aren’t leading, we aren’t even following. We are failing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A false start\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2017, California was on track to be the first state to pass an absolute ban on marriages for those younger than 18. However, due to opposition from the American Civil Liberties Union, the Children’s Law Center and Planned Parenthood, the bill proposed by then-Sen. Jerry Hill was watered down to add some safeguards\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>for child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an opposition letter, the ACLU said that the bill “unnecessarily and unduly intrudes on the fundamental rights of marriage without sufficient cause,” while the Children’s Law Center said that “ … for some minors, the decision to marry is based on positive, pro-social factors and the marriage furthers their personal, short and long-term goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg\" alt=\"Many women wearing wedding dresses and veils are seen on the steps of California's Capitol Building. One older woman with gray hair and glasses, is speaking from a podium. All the individuals in the photo wear a red stop sign on their chest that reads, "Stop Child Marriage in CA."\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pat Abatemarco, a child marriage survivor, speaks during a press conference at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most research disputes the claims made by the Children’s Law Center. A review by the International Center for Research on Women found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/child-marriage-in-the-US-prevalence-impact_8-2020_ICRW.pdf\">married girls are more likely to drop out of school (PDF)\u003c/a> and less likely to complete college, more likely to live in poverty, and at greater risk of diabetes and cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not at all about maturity,” Reiss said. “But what you wake up with on your 18th birthday, which is crucial, is the rights of adulthood,” she continued, including leaving home, renting an apartment, getting into a domestic violence shelter, or taking legal action.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris (D-Irvine)\"]‘I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.’[/pullquote]The U.S. State Department classifies forced marriage \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/international-travel/emergencies/forced-marriage.html\">as a human rights abuse\u003c/a>, while the International Labor Organization has called it \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_575479.pdf\">a form of modern slavery (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government considers marriage under the age of 18 in foreign countries a human rights abuse, yet it still remains legal right here in our own backyards,” Petrie-Norris said at the protest. “I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, it’s statutory rape when an adult has sex with someone younger than 18 if they are not married. The crime is a misdemeanor or a felony, depending on the age difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB273\">The law that eventually passed\u003c/a> in 2018 required a judge and Family Court Services to interview both parties to the marriage and a guardian to determine that coercion, child abuse and trafficking were not taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14225893/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:600px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also required local registrars to begin reporting the number of marriage certificates issued to minors. Since 2019, the state has reported fewer than 20 child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, about 8,800 15- to 17-year-olds in California reported being married in the previous 12 months to the U.S. Census, according to an analysis by Unchained At Last. The vast majority, but not all, are girls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group says that the huge difference in the numbers is because many registrars are not keeping track of child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other states are doing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the limited 2018 law took effect in California, nine states have made the marriage age 18 with no exceptions: Connecticut, Delaware, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. This week, Michigan’s Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://wwmt.com/news/local/michigan-child-marriage-ban-laws-legislation-house-senate-vote-approval-consent-18-age-minimum-license-bills-government-governor-gretchen-whitmer-policy-lansing-ingham-county\">voted to ban child marriage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors and advocates hope that California will be the eleventh state to ban child marriage with no exceptions. But a bill to do that has already been \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVersionsCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404&cversion=20230SB40499INT\">weakened in the current session\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of setting a minimum marriage age, the bill now addresses some underage marriages that are done through spiritual ceremonies that are not legally recognized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some — myself included — have concerns with minors getting married under any circumstances, California does have some guardrails to protect children,” the bill’s author, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, a Fremont Democrat, said in a statement to CalMatters. “However, current law does not account for instances in which a third party arranges or officiates an underground marriage between a minor and another person, and that is what we are targeting with this bill.”[aside label='More Stories on California Law' tag='california-law']In May, the state Senate unanimously passed the amended \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404\">Senate Bill 404\u003c/a>, which would make it a misdemeanor for any person to knowingly sanction a religious union or unauthorized secular union between a minor and another person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While supporters say this proposal would strengthen California’s ability to protect children, some backers of the original bill said the current version could further harm children by criminalizing their families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The survivors of forced marriage that we serve often have complicated relationships with the parents or communities who pressure them to marry,” the Tahirih Justice Center says in the bill analysis. “In many cases, even after facing significant abuse, they still love and value these social bonds and hope for reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unchained At Last also says the amended bill doesn’t address the real problem; it wants a minimum marriage age of 18. Thursday’s protest, similar to those held in other states, is the beginning of building a coalition in California, said Reiss. The group plans to sit down individually with legislators, to make the case for a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some human rights abuses we all agree are terrible, but we might not be able to eliminate them in our lifetime,” Reiss said. “But child marriage in California, we can end it, not only in our lifetime … [but] this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, you must be 18 to get a divorce. But there is no minimum age to get married, as long as a parent or guardian consent and a court gives permission. \u003ca href=\"https://www.unchainedatlast.org/child-marriage-progress/\">California is among just seven states, including New Mexico and Oklahoma, that does not have a minimum age for marriage.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/cottie-petrie-norris-1975/\">Cottie Petrie-Norris\u003c/a>, an Irvine Democrat, plans to introduce legislation next year to end child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We like to think that here in California … we are ahead of the curve,” she said. “But when it comes to child marriage, we aren’t leading, we aren’t even following. We are failing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A false start\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2017, California was on track to be the first state to pass an absolute ban on marriages for those younger than 18. However, due to opposition from the American Civil Liberties Union, the Children’s Law Center and Planned Parenthood, the bill proposed by then-Sen. Jerry Hill was watered down to add some safeguards\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>for child marriage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an opposition letter, the ACLU said that the bill “unnecessarily and unduly intrudes on the fundamental rights of marriage without sufficient cause,” while the Children’s Law Center said that “ … for some minors, the decision to marry is based on positive, pro-social factors and the marriage furthers their personal, short and long-term goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953901\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11953901\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg\" alt=\"Many women wearing wedding dresses and veils are seen on the steps of California's Capitol Building. One older woman with gray hair and glasses, is speaking from a podium. All the individuals in the photo wear a red stop sign on their chest that reads, "Stop Child Marriage in CA."\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/ChildBridesCM02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pat Abatemarco, a child marriage survivor, speaks during a press conference at the state Capitol in Sacramento on June 22, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most research disputes the claims made by the Children’s Law Center. A review by the International Center for Research on Women found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.icrw.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/child-marriage-in-the-US-prevalence-impact_8-2020_ICRW.pdf\">married girls are more likely to drop out of school (PDF)\u003c/a> and less likely to complete college, more likely to live in poverty, and at greater risk of diabetes and cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not at all about maturity,” Reiss said. “But what you wake up with on your 18th birthday, which is crucial, is the rights of adulthood,” she continued, including leaving home, renting an apartment, getting into a domestic violence shelter, or taking legal action.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The U.S. State Department classifies forced marriage \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/international-travel/emergencies/forced-marriage.html\">as a human rights abuse\u003c/a>, while the International Labor Organization has called it \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---dgreports/---dcomm/documents/publication/wcms_575479.pdf\">a form of modern slavery (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government considers marriage under the age of 18 in foreign countries a human rights abuse, yet it still remains legal right here in our own backyards,” Petrie-Norris said at the protest. “I am committed to ending this human rights abuse in California. One child forced into marriage is one too many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under California law, it’s statutory rape when an adult has sex with someone younger than 18 if they are not married. The crime is a misdemeanor or a felony, depending on the age difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB273\">The law that eventually passed\u003c/a> in 2018 required a judge and Family Court Services to interview both parties to the marriage and a guardian to determine that coercion, child abuse and trafficking were not taking place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14225893/embed\" title=\"Interactive or visual content\" class=\"flourish-embed-iframe\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" style=\"width:100%;height:600px;\" sandbox=\"allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law also required local registrars to begin reporting the number of marriage certificates issued to minors. Since 2019, the state has reported fewer than 20 child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, about 8,800 15- to 17-year-olds in California reported being married in the previous 12 months to the U.S. Census, according to an analysis by Unchained At Last. The vast majority, but not all, are girls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group says that the huge difference in the numbers is because many registrars are not keeping track of child marriages.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other states are doing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the limited 2018 law took effect in California, nine states have made the marriage age 18 with no exceptions: Connecticut, Delaware, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Vermont. This week, Michigan’s Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://wwmt.com/news/local/michigan-child-marriage-ban-laws-legislation-house-senate-vote-approval-consent-18-age-minimum-license-bills-government-governor-gretchen-whitmer-policy-lansing-ingham-county\">voted to ban child marriage\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protestors and advocates hope that California will be the eleventh state to ban child marriage with no exceptions. But a bill to do that has already been \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVersionsCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404&cversion=20230SB40499INT\">weakened in the current session\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of setting a minimum marriage age, the bill now addresses some underage marriages that are done through spiritual ceremonies that are not legally recognized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While some — myself included — have concerns with minors getting married under any circumstances, California does have some guardrails to protect children,” the bill’s author, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, a Fremont Democrat, said in a statement to CalMatters. “However, current law does not account for instances in which a third party arranges or officiates an underground marriage between a minor and another person, and that is what we are targeting with this bill.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In May, the state Senate unanimously passed the amended \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB404\">Senate Bill 404\u003c/a>, which would make it a misdemeanor for any person to knowingly sanction a religious union or unauthorized secular union between a minor and another person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While supporters say this proposal would strengthen California’s ability to protect children, some backers of the original bill said the current version could further harm children by criminalizing their families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The survivors of forced marriage that we serve often have complicated relationships with the parents or communities who pressure them to marry,” the Tahirih Justice Center says in the bill analysis. “In many cases, even after facing significant abuse, they still love and value these social bonds and hope for reconciliation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unchained At Last also says the amended bill doesn’t address the real problem; it wants a minimum marriage age of 18. Thursday’s protest, similar to those held in other states, is the beginning of building a coalition in California, said Reiss. The group plans to sit down individually with legislators, to make the case for a law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are some human rights abuses we all agree are terrible, but we might not be able to eliminate them in our lifetime,” Reiss said. “But child marriage in California, we can end it, not only in our lifetime … [but] this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>KQED Newsroom\u003cbr>\nFriday, June 23, 2023\u003cbr>\n7 p.m. on Channel 9\u003cbr>\nHost: Priya David Clemens\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>KQED Newsroom Celebrates 55 Years\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For 55 years, KQED Newsroom has covered the Bay Area’s defining moments and hosted in-depth discussions with major newsmakers, including elected officials, politicians, artists, scientists and entrepreneurs.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED Newsroom journalists have always strived to give our audience trustworthy news coverage and deliver the important news of our times from here in the Bay Area, across California and from the nation’s capital. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Looking Back (1990s\u003c/b>\u003cb>–\u003c/b>\u003cb>Now)\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In our final episode, we journey through news highlights from the past four decades with the stories that shaped the Bay Area we live in today. We start with the 1990s, a decade defined by the explosion of the internet and the radical transformation of every aspect of our lives.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>In California, less than two-thirds of counties have an abortion clinic. But nearly 80% have at least one “crisis pregnancy center,” according to a database compiled by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates and lawmakers have long accused these centers — also known as anti-abortion centers — of coercing vulnerable people into remaining pregnant by misleading them about abortion procedures and contraceptive methods. In rural areas with acute primary care shortages, “crisis pregnancy centers” outnumber abortion clinics 11 to 2, a CalMatters analysis shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While center supporters vehemently deny the accusations about misleading pregnant people, they’ve become the next battleground for California lawmakers bent on protecting abortion rights and offering services for people who live in states where abortion is banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here,” said Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon and member of the Women’s Legislative Caucus, which has spearheaded the state’s legislative push for enhanced abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulating “crisis pregnancy centers,” however, has proven to be exceptionally challenging even in the nation’s self-proclaimed “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">abortion safe haven\u003c/a>.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-San Ramon)\"]‘They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here.’[/pullquote]This legislative session, two bills attempting to regulate the centers died quietly in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, including one authored by Bauer-Kahan. Officially, no one knows why the bills were killed in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-bills-suspense-file-2/\">the Legislature’s opaque suspense file maneuvers\u003c/a>, in which votes are not public, but it’s no secret that Democratic lawmakers are fearful of passing laws that might spur litigation from abortion opponents. Even before the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-abortion-roe-ruling/\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>, abortion opponents had used the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/issues/423\">courts\u003c/a> to steadily chip away at abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a state like California is treading very carefully,” said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/russell-margaret/\">Margaret Russell\u003c/a>, an associate constitutional law professor at Santa Clara University. “Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Snyder, CEO of Life Legal Defense Foundation and former director of a pregnancy center in Santa Clarita, said the bills had clear “legal problems (and) constitutional problems” and would be “tied up in the courts at tremendous expense for the next five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘chilling effect’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-health-committee-20230425\">an Assembly Health Committee hearing in April\u003c/a>, staff from the Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento dressed in hot pink — a color also frequently donned by the state’s abortion rights advocates — and lined up in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB710\">a bill requiring the state Public Health Department to conduct an “awareness campaign” about reproductive health and abortion options\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure made no mention of pregnancy centers opposed to abortion, but public testimony accused them of manipulating women by advertising “abortion education” or counseling services that are a means to scare them away from abortion and of falsely claiming “abortion pill reversal” is scientifically tested. Abortion pill reversal — which involves giving patients high doses of the pregnancy hormone progesterone — is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/03/22/688783130/controversial-abortion-reversal-regimen-is-put-to-the-test\">not supported by most doctors\u003c/a>, including the nation’s leading association of pregnancy and women’s health specialists. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states the procedure is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/advocacy/facts-are-important/medication-abortion-reversal-is-not-supported-by-science\">unproven and unethical\u003c/a>” because it has not been backed by \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">clinical studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks later the measure was dead — a rare win for the anti-abortion movement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t go there to necessarily stop the bill. We live in California, we know that. We didn’t think that was possible, but it’s clearly possible,” said Heidi Matzke, executive director of Alternatives Pregnancy Center.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11937191,news_11934819\"]Even the measure’s author, Santa Clarita Democrat Pilar Schiavo, was surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed,” Schiavo said. “It literally didn’t say anything about crisis pregnancy centers. That’s as safe a bill as you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have struggled to regulate these centers since 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/us-supreme-court-strikes-down-california-fact-act\">the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state law\u003c/a> known as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2018/03/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them/\">FACT Act\u003c/a>, which required reproductive health centers to notify clients about abortion and birth control options. It also required unlicensed centers to tell clients they were not medical facilities. Anti-abortion groups opposed it, arguing “crisis pregnancy centers” should not be compelled to say something that conflicts with their religious beliefs. The justices agreed in a 5–4 vote, dealing a bruising blow to abortion rights nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s use of a “government-drafted script” violated the First Amendment’s freedom of speech protections, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1140_5368.pdf\">Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in the majority opinion (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring petitioners to inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions — at the same time petitioners try to dissuade women from choosing that option — the licensed notice plainly ‘alters the content’ of petitioners’ speech,” Thomas wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we have this history of the reproductive FACT Act, I think people are really worried about creating bad precedent,” said Cathren Cohen, a staff attorney at the Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy at UCLA. “The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has resulted is a “chilling effect,” even in states like California, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one lawsuit has been filed in reaction to the flurry of abortion protections California passed last year. \u003ca href=\"https://nimbus.kern.courts.ca.gov/case-file/Complaint?documentId=kRzQGE\">The claim, filed “on behalf of pro-life pregnancy care centers”\u003c/a> by the Life Legal Defense Foundation, seeks to block the state’s requirement that health insurers cover abortion services with no out-of-pocket charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen testified in support of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB315\">Bauer-Kahan’s “crisis pregnancy center” bill\u003c/a> during an \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-judiciary-committee-20230321\">Assembly Judiciary Committee hearing in March\u003c/a>. That measure would have reinforced the state’s false advertising law to prevent facilities that provide pregnancy-related services from making false or misleading claims about abortion. It also allowed people who sought services and were harmed to later sue for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was carefully crafted to avoid the previous issue of compelled speech that prompted the Supreme Court to rebuke California, Cohen said, “but that doesn’t mean that it wouldn’t be challenged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan, who successfully passed two abortion protection bills last session, told CalMatters it’s unlikely she’ll reintroduce this measure but remains committed to exploring future options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we get our arms around it,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conflicting narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what happens inside a “crisis pregnancy center”? It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, abortion opponents don’t mince words when it comes to the goals of the centers: They exist to stop women from getting abortions. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a38642/heartbeat-international-conference-crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion/\">Convention trainings\u003c/a>, e-books, and online courses from the largest anti-abortion center networks in the country offer strategies on how to talk to women who call asking about abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three-fourths of California centers are affiliated with national organizations.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Margaret Russell, associate constitutional law professor, Santa Clara University\"]‘Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?’[/pullquote]Proponents of the primarily faith-based nonprofits disagree with the characterization that their work is underhanded. Training materials from one of the largest networks in the country, Care Net, specifically say “manipulation is never an option,” though it recommends “speaking persuasively” as a “life advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers say they give women with unplanned pregnancies alternatives to abortion by providing material support: free diapers, parenting classes and sometimes housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a safety net for women that want to carry,” said Marie Leatherby, president of the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care and executive director of Sacramento Life Center. “(For) most women, it’s just a great place to start your pregnancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leatherby said after the Supreme Court’s ruling, the organization worked hard to root out any “bad actors” that used deceptive practices. It requires members to state whether they are medically licensed facilities, and many disclose online that they do not provide or refer for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set the bar so high because we’re always scrutinized,” Leatherby said. “If they want to have the abortion, they are free to come and go. We let people know we don’t do that here but they can come in and sit and figure out what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite safeguards that Leatherby and other California center proponents say are in place to ensure women aren’t misled, it still sometimes happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous journalism investigations across the country have detailed instances in other states in which women were \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-can-claim-to-be-medical-clinics/\">tricked into walking into a center\u003c/a> rather than a Planned Parenthood site, shown an altered ultrasound image, or more recently \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6189528/anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-collect-data-investigation/\">had their data tracked\u003c/a>. Many make assertions about the risks of abortion, side effects of contraceptives, and efficacy of “abortion pill reversal” that may be grounded in research but are taken out of context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, many centers’ websites say emergency contraceptives like Plan B or ella cause early abortions of a fertilized egg, which has been debunked by \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-abortion-medications-differ-from-plan-b-and-other-emergency-contraceptives/\">multiple research studies\u003c/a>. They also emphasize the potential for abortion to cause depression or other negative mental health impacts when decades of research indicate a wanted abortion “does not cause significant psychological problems,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">according to the American Psychological Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel, a Sacramento-area resident, said she visited a pregnancy center in 2016 seeking an abortion. She was about six weeks pregnant with a minimum-wage job and no health insurance. She and her boyfriend struggled to provide for their toddler and knew they weren’t ready for a second kid, Gabriel said. She had already visited a Planned Parenthood but couldn’t afford its $450 out-of-pocket fee. Her boyfriend saw a pregnancy center advertisement and hoped it could do the procedure for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters agreed to use only Gabriel’s middle name to protect her privacy. Her family doesn’t know she sought an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center worker promised to help over the phone and never indicated that it did not perform abortions, she said. Gabriel didn’t realize it was a religious organization until halfway through the 45-minute appointment, she said. The staff member gave her “random scary statistics like 80% of couples who go through abortion together break up” and told stories of people who regretted the decision — and waited until the end of the appointment to tell her the center did not do abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel was so uncomfortable with her experience that she left a review on Yelp warning other women to be cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was definitely stressed and embarrassed. The rational part of my brain told me this was part of their fear tactic, but at the same time he and I were only like 22 or something still trying to figure our lives out,” Gabriel said. “Naturally part of me was wondering if they were right about everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center “was kind of our last resort … and them not being able to help us in the way we needed, and on top of that being talked into something I know I didn’t want, was a lot of emotional pressure,” Gabriel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reproductive health deserts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/8/29/20828866/obria-medical-clinics-birth-control-planned-parenthood\">“crisis pregnancy centers” across the country are seeking to be licensed by state health departments\u003c/a>. Approximately half of the centers in California are medically licensed facilities, according to the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care. Proponents say it helps fill a community need, while opponents say it gives women in reproductive health deserts even fewer choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a looming primary care provider shortage in California,” Cohen said. “It’s apt to note that they’re filling a gap because we do need more reproductive health care providers, particularly in rural areas, low income areas, (and for) people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953211\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953211 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a one-story brick building with white columns holding up a front awning, taken from behind bushes, which are blurry in the foreground.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento on June 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The breadth of medical services offered at centers opposed to abortion varies widely, with most performing only pregnancy testing and ultrasounds. The state does not set a minimum service requirement for licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/download/cwlc-report-designed-to-deceive-a-study-of-the-crisis-pregnancy-center-industry-in-nine-states-2021/?wpdmdl=9854&refresh=647e0e89bd7b81685982857&ind=1666832971487&filename=CA-Alliance_CPC_Report_California-Oct-2022.pdf\">Only 10% of the California centers provide prenatal care and none offer contraceptives (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to a 2022 report by The Alliance, a national coalition of organizations supporting abortion rights. Last year, State Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Crisis%20Pregnancy%20Center%20Bulletin.pdf\">a consumer alert warning that the centers do not offer comprehensive reproductive health care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 176 “crisis pregnancy centers” in California, according to a CalMatters analysis. That compares to 166 abortion clinics, according to state data. At face value, the difference of 10 seems negligible, but pregnancy centers are more likely to be located in areas where there are primary care shortages. Abortion clinics, on the other hand, tend to be located in urban areas where primary care shortages are less likely. Clinics like Planned Parenthood also offer services like cervical cancer screenings, HIV treatment, gynecological care and annual exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural areas of the state where primary care is insufficient, people have a 25% chance of living near a “crisis pregnancy center” compared to a less than 5% chance of living near an abortion clinic, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 13.1 million state residents — roughly one third-of the state’s population — live in a primary care shortage area, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzke, with Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento, takes particular issue with the claim that she runs a fake medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the moment they walk in the door, I want them met with medical professionals,” Matzke said. “The moment they leave, I want them being walked out by medical professionals. And that’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alternatives is licensed as a free clinic by the California Department of Public Health. The staff includes three doctors, five nurses, a nurse practitioner, a phlebotomist to draw blood and several medical assistants, Matzke said. In addition to pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, Alternatives offers sexually transmitted disease tests, gynecological care and prenatal care up to 25 weeks. The clinic does not conduct or refer for abortion: It says so on the front door.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Cathren Cohen, staff attorney, Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy, UCLA\"]‘The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.’[/pullquote]“Every woman knows where to go to get an abortion. You know, you can go to Planned Parenthood … but most women don’t know that free resources like ours exist,” Matzke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways Alternatives is an outlier among centers in California, offering more medical services than most. In other ways, it’s not. It does not provide contraceptives. It also advertises “abortion pill reversal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most doctors reject abortion reversal, plenty of pregnancy center advocates claim it worked for them. Atoria Foley, a patient of Alternatives who testified against Assemblymember Schiavo’s bill, took the abortion pill mifepristone, which blocks absorption of progesterone, on two separate occasions, she said. She felt pressured into getting an abortion by her child’s father, she said, and immediately regretted it. The clinic staff got her a prescription for progesterone, she said, and her daughter was born roughly seven months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not any sort of condemnation or shame around that. It’s just, let’s take care of you and love on you and guide you through this,” Foley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a scientific review, \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">between 8% and 46% of medication abortions are unsuccessful if the pregnant person does not take the second pill\u003c/a>, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents, similar to a miscarriage. The first randomized \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31809439/\">control study of abortion pill reversal in the U.S. was stopped in 2020 after several participants were hospitalized for uncontrolled bleeding\u003c/a>, according to study authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates are adamant: Pregnancy centers have no place in California. They are a “physical manifestation of the anti-abortion movement,” Schiavo said. Betsy Butler, a former state senator and executive director of the Women’s Law Center at UCLA, which contributed to The Alliance report, agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we reign them in? Why are they allowed to impact women like this? What can the state do about that? We have to answer this question,” Butler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California legislators have passed a slew of laws to protect abortion rights. But after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, many fear attempting to regulate 'crisis pregnancy centers' is legally risky.",
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"title": "Why 'Crisis Pregnancy Centers' Will Be California's Next Abortion Battleground | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In California, less than two-thirds of counties have an abortion clinic. But nearly 80% have at least one “crisis pregnancy center,” according to a database compiled by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates and lawmakers have long accused these centers — also known as anti-abortion centers — of coercing vulnerable people into remaining pregnant by misleading them about abortion procedures and contraceptive methods. In rural areas with acute primary care shortages, “crisis pregnancy centers” outnumber abortion clinics 11 to 2, a CalMatters analysis shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While center supporters vehemently deny the accusations about misleading pregnant people, they’ve become the next battleground for California lawmakers bent on protecting abortion rights and offering services for people who live in states where abortion is banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the next way in which the anti-abortion movement will try to stop people from getting access to abortion here,” said Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan, a Democrat from San Ramon and member of the Women’s Legislative Caucus, which has spearheaded the state’s legislative push for enhanced abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulating “crisis pregnancy centers,” however, has proven to be exceptionally challenging even in the nation’s self-proclaimed “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/abortion-in-california-laws/\">abortion safe haven\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>This legislative session, two bills attempting to regulate the centers died quietly in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, including one authored by Bauer-Kahan. Officially, no one knows why the bills were killed in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-bills-suspense-file-2/\">the Legislature’s opaque suspense file maneuvers\u003c/a>, in which votes are not public, but it’s no secret that Democratic lawmakers are fearful of passing laws that might spur litigation from abortion opponents. Even before the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative majority \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/06/california-abortion-roe-ruling/\">overturned Roe v. Wade\u003c/a>, abortion opponents had used the \u003ca href=\"https://www.oyez.org/issues/423\">courts\u003c/a> to steadily chip away at abortion protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even a state like California is treading very carefully,” said \u003ca href=\"https://law.scu.edu/faculty/profile/russell-margaret/\">Margaret Russell\u003c/a>, an associate constitutional law professor at Santa Clara University. “Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexandra Snyder, CEO of Life Legal Defense Foundation and former director of a pregnancy center in Santa Clarita, said the bills had clear “legal problems (and) constitutional problems” and would be “tied up in the courts at tremendous expense for the next five years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A ‘chilling effect’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-health-committee-20230425\">an Assembly Health Committee hearing in April\u003c/a>, staff from the Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento dressed in hot pink — a color also frequently donned by the state’s abortion rights advocates — and lined up in opposition to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB710\">a bill requiring the state Public Health Department to conduct an “awareness campaign” about reproductive health and abortion options\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure made no mention of pregnancy centers opposed to abortion, but public testimony accused them of manipulating women by advertising “abortion education” or counseling services that are a means to scare them away from abortion and of falsely claiming “abortion pill reversal” is scientifically tested. Abortion pill reversal — which involves giving patients high doses of the pregnancy hormone progesterone — is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2019/03/22/688783130/controversial-abortion-reversal-regimen-is-put-to-the-test\">not supported by most doctors\u003c/a>, including the nation’s leading association of pregnancy and women’s health specialists. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists states the procedure is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.acog.org/advocacy/facts-are-important/medication-abortion-reversal-is-not-supported-by-science\">unproven and unethical\u003c/a>” because it has not been backed by \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">clinical studies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three weeks later the measure was dead — a rare win for the anti-abortion movement in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t go there to necessarily stop the bill. We live in California, we know that. We didn’t think that was possible, but it’s clearly possible,” said Heidi Matzke, executive director of Alternatives Pregnancy Center.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even the measure’s author, Santa Clarita Democrat Pilar Schiavo, was surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed,” Schiavo said. “It literally didn’t say anything about crisis pregnancy centers. That’s as safe a bill as you can get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California legislators have struggled to regulate these centers since 2018, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/content/forefront/us-supreme-court-strikes-down-california-fact-act\">the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a state law\u003c/a> known as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2018/03/supreme-court-challenge-to-california-law-could-hand-abortion-foes-a-victory-or-backfire-on-them/\">FACT Act\u003c/a>, which required reproductive health centers to notify clients about abortion and birth control options. It also required unlicensed centers to tell clients they were not medical facilities. Anti-abortion groups opposed it, arguing “crisis pregnancy centers” should not be compelled to say something that conflicts with their religious beliefs. The justices agreed in a 5–4 vote, dealing a bruising blow to abortion rights nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s use of a “government-drafted script” violated the First Amendment’s freedom of speech protections, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1140_5368.pdf\">Justice Clarence Thomas wrote in the majority opinion (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By requiring petitioners to inform women how they can obtain state-subsidized abortions — at the same time petitioners try to dissuade women from choosing that option — the licensed notice plainly ‘alters the content’ of petitioners’ speech,” Thomas wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because we have this history of the reproductive FACT Act, I think people are really worried about creating bad precedent,” said Cathren Cohen, a staff attorney at the Williams Institute and the Center on Reproductive Health, Law and Policy at UCLA. “The anti-choice movement is very litigious. They know the federal courts are on their side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has resulted is a “chilling effect,” even in states like California, Cohen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one lawsuit has been filed in reaction to the flurry of abortion protections California passed last year. \u003ca href=\"https://nimbus.kern.courts.ca.gov/case-file/Complaint?documentId=kRzQGE\">The claim, filed “on behalf of pro-life pregnancy care centers”\u003c/a> by the Life Legal Defense Foundation, seeks to block the state’s requirement that health insurers cover abortion services with no out-of-pocket charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen testified in support of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB315\">Bauer-Kahan’s “crisis pregnancy center” bill\u003c/a> during an \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-judiciary-committee-20230321\">Assembly Judiciary Committee hearing in March\u003c/a>. That measure would have reinforced the state’s false advertising law to prevent facilities that provide pregnancy-related services from making false or misleading claims about abortion. It also allowed people who sought services and were harmed to later sue for damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was carefully crafted to avoid the previous issue of compelled speech that prompted the Supreme Court to rebuke California, Cohen said, “but that doesn’t mean that it wouldn’t be challenged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bauer-Kahan, who successfully passed two abortion protection bills last session, told CalMatters it’s unlikely she’ll reintroduce this measure but remains committed to exploring future options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important that we get our arms around it,” Bauer-Kahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conflicting narratives\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So what happens inside a “crisis pregnancy center”? It depends on who you ask.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the national level, abortion opponents don’t mince words when it comes to the goals of the centers: They exist to stop women from getting abortions. \u003ca href=\"https://www.cosmopolitan.com/politics/a38642/heartbeat-international-conference-crisis-pregnancy-centers-abortion/\">Convention trainings\u003c/a>, e-books, and online courses from the largest anti-abortion center networks in the country offer strategies on how to talk to women who call asking about abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least three-fourths of California centers are affiliated with national organizations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Who wants to waste public resources on a lawsuit going up to the Supreme Court with the risk that the law would become even worse?’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Proponents of the primarily faith-based nonprofits disagree with the characterization that their work is underhanded. Training materials from one of the largest networks in the country, Care Net, specifically say “manipulation is never an option,” though it recommends “speaking persuasively” as a “life advocate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers say they give women with unplanned pregnancies alternatives to abortion by providing material support: free diapers, parenting classes and sometimes housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a safety net for women that want to carry,” said Marie Leatherby, president of the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care and executive director of Sacramento Life Center. “(For) most women, it’s just a great place to start your pregnancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leatherby said after the Supreme Court’s ruling, the organization worked hard to root out any “bad actors” that used deceptive practices. It requires members to state whether they are medically licensed facilities, and many disclose online that they do not provide or refer for abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We set the bar so high because we’re always scrutinized,” Leatherby said. “If they want to have the abortion, they are free to come and go. We let people know we don’t do that here but they can come in and sit and figure out what they want to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite safeguards that Leatherby and other California center proponents say are in place to ensure women aren’t misled, it still sometimes happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Numerous journalism investigations across the country have detailed instances in other states in which women were \u003ca href=\"https://revealnews.org/article/how-anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-can-claim-to-be-medical-clinics/\">tricked into walking into a center\u003c/a> rather than a Planned Parenthood site, shown an altered ultrasound image, or more recently \u003ca href=\"https://time.com/6189528/anti-abortion-pregnancy-centers-collect-data-investigation/\">had their data tracked\u003c/a>. Many make assertions about the risks of abortion, side effects of contraceptives, and efficacy of “abortion pill reversal” that may be grounded in research but are taken out of context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, many centers’ websites say emergency contraceptives like Plan B or ella cause early abortions of a fertilized egg, which has been debunked by \u003ca href=\"https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/how-abortion-medications-differ-from-plan-b-and-other-emergency-contraceptives/\">multiple research studies\u003c/a>. They also emphasize the potential for abortion to cause depression or other negative mental health impacts when decades of research indicate a wanted abortion “does not cause significant psychological problems,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.apa.org/monitor/2022/09/news-facts-abortion-mental-health\">according to the American Psychological Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel, a Sacramento-area resident, said she visited a pregnancy center in 2016 seeking an abortion. She was about six weeks pregnant with a minimum-wage job and no health insurance. She and her boyfriend struggled to provide for their toddler and knew they weren’t ready for a second kid, Gabriel said. She had already visited a Planned Parenthood but couldn’t afford its $450 out-of-pocket fee. Her boyfriend saw a pregnancy center advertisement and hoped it could do the procedure for free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters agreed to use only Gabriel’s middle name to protect her privacy. Her family doesn’t know she sought an abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center worker promised to help over the phone and never indicated that it did not perform abortions, she said. Gabriel didn’t realize it was a religious organization until halfway through the 45-minute appointment, she said. The staff member gave her “random scary statistics like 80% of couples who go through abortion together break up” and told stories of people who regretted the decision — and waited until the end of the appointment to tell her the center did not do abortions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gabriel was so uncomfortable with her experience that she left a review on Yelp warning other women to be cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was definitely stressed and embarrassed. The rational part of my brain told me this was part of their fear tactic, but at the same time he and I were only like 22 or something still trying to figure our lives out,” Gabriel said. “Naturally part of me was wondering if they were right about everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center “was kind of our last resort … and them not being able to help us in the way we needed, and on top of that being talked into something I know I didn’t want, was a lot of emotional pressure,” Gabriel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reproductive health deserts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/8/29/20828866/obria-medical-clinics-birth-control-planned-parenthood\">“crisis pregnancy centers” across the country are seeking to be licensed by state health departments\u003c/a>. Approximately half of the centers in California are medically licensed facilities, according to the California Alliance of Pregnancy Care. Proponents say it helps fill a community need, while opponents say it gives women in reproductive health deserts even fewer choices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a looming primary care provider shortage in California,” Cohen said. “It’s apt to note that they’re filling a gap because we do need more reproductive health care providers, particularly in rural areas, low income areas, (and for) people of color.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953211\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953211 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"A view of a one-story brick building with white columns holding up a front awning, taken from behind bushes, which are blurry in the foreground.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/060123-Alternatives-Pregnancy-Center-MG-CM-11-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento on June 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The breadth of medical services offered at centers opposed to abortion varies widely, with most performing only pregnancy testing and ultrasounds. The state does not set a minimum service requirement for licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cwlc.org/download/cwlc-report-designed-to-deceive-a-study-of-the-crisis-pregnancy-center-industry-in-nine-states-2021/?wpdmdl=9854&refresh=647e0e89bd7b81685982857&ind=1666832971487&filename=CA-Alliance_CPC_Report_California-Oct-2022.pdf\">Only 10% of the California centers provide prenatal care and none offer contraceptives (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to a 2022 report by The Alliance, a national coalition of organizations supporting abortion rights. Last year, State Attorney General Rob Bonta issued \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press-docs/Crisis%20Pregnancy%20Center%20Bulletin.pdf\">a consumer alert warning that the centers do not offer comprehensive reproductive health care (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 176 “crisis pregnancy centers” in California, according to a CalMatters analysis. That compares to 166 abortion clinics, according to state data. At face value, the difference of 10 seems negligible, but pregnancy centers are more likely to be located in areas where there are primary care shortages. Abortion clinics, on the other hand, tend to be located in urban areas where primary care shortages are less likely. Clinics like Planned Parenthood also offer services like cervical cancer screenings, HIV treatment, gynecological care and annual exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In rural areas of the state where primary care is insufficient, people have a 25% chance of living near a “crisis pregnancy center” compared to a less than 5% chance of living near an abortion clinic, according to a CalMatters analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 13.1 million state residents — roughly one third-of the state’s population — live in a primary care shortage area, according to the federal Health Resources and Services Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matzke, with Alternatives Pregnancy Center in Sacramento, takes particular issue with the claim that she runs a fake medical clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From the moment they walk in the door, I want them met with medical professionals,” Matzke said. “The moment they leave, I want them being walked out by medical professionals. And that’s who we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alternatives is licensed as a free clinic by the California Department of Public Health. The staff includes three doctors, five nurses, a nurse practitioner, a phlebotomist to draw blood and several medical assistants, Matzke said. In addition to pregnancy tests and ultrasounds, Alternatives offers sexually transmitted disease tests, gynecological care and prenatal care up to 25 weeks. The clinic does not conduct or refer for abortion: It says so on the front door.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Every woman knows where to go to get an abortion. You know, you can go to Planned Parenthood … but most women don’t know that free resources like ours exist,” Matzke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some ways Alternatives is an outlier among centers in California, offering more medical services than most. In other ways, it’s not. It does not provide contraceptives. It also advertises “abortion pill reversal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although most doctors reject abortion reversal, plenty of pregnancy center advocates claim it worked for them. Atoria Foley, a patient of Alternatives who testified against Assemblymember Schiavo’s bill, took the abortion pill mifepristone, which blocks absorption of progesterone, on two separate occasions, she said. She felt pressured into getting an abortion by her child’s father, she said, and immediately regretted it. The clinic staff got her a prescription for progesterone, she said, and her daughter was born roughly seven months later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not any sort of condemnation or shame around that. It’s just, let’s take care of you and love on you and guide you through this,” Foley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a scientific review, \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26057457/\">between 8% and 46% of medication abortions are unsuccessful if the pregnant person does not take the second pill\u003c/a>, which causes the uterus to contract and expel its contents, similar to a miscarriage. The first randomized \u003ca href=\"https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31809439/\">control study of abortion pill reversal in the U.S. was stopped in 2020 after several participants were hospitalized for uncontrolled bleeding\u003c/a>, according to study authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abortion rights advocates are adamant: Pregnancy centers have no place in California. They are a “physical manifestation of the anti-abortion movement,” Schiavo said. Betsy Butler, a former state senator and executive director of the Women’s Law Center at UCLA, which contributed to The Alliance report, agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we reign them in? Why are they allowed to impact women like this? What can the state do about that? We have to answer this question,” Butler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "'We Still Are Lacking True Allies': California Sen. Steven Bradford on the Challenges Reparations Face in the Legislature",
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"headTitle": "‘We Still Are Lacking True Allies’: California Sen. Steven Bradford on the Challenges Reparations Face in the Legislature | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As one of nine people appointed to design the nation’s first statewide reparations plan for Black people, state Sen. Steven Bradford’s work is visionary. But he’ll be the first to tell you he is a realist. The task force studying reparations for Black residents with enslaved ancestors will submit its final report to the Legislature at the end of this month. Early drafts detail a comprehensive plan to compensate Black residents for discriminatory state policies and to prevent discrimination moving forward.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]The Los Angeles Democrat and 14-year veteran of the Legislature says the plan is overdue, but emphasizes that it doesn’t mean the changes the report proposes — a formal apology, dozens of policies, direct payments to descendants and a new state agency to manage those payments — will become a reality overnight. To make it happen, he wants to see more lawmakers take the initiative to educate themselves about the state’s history. He urges lawmakers who say they support racial justice to walk the walk for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I sat down with Bradford to talk about what awaits the reparations proposal when it reaches the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: The state decided to study reparations back in 2020 in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd and at a moment when there was a lot of energy behind calls for racial justice. It’s now three years later. How would you characterize the appetite for reparations in the Legislature today? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sen. Steven Bradford: \u003c/strong>I would say it’s the same that it was a couple of years ago. I don’t think there was ever a strong appetite for reparations here in California or anywhere else in this nation. But the climate was right to move it forward. I’m a realist and I believe that we still have major hurdles. We still are lacking true allies on this issue. I mean, it’s easy to take a knee, as we did three years ago, almost 80 members at the west steps of the Capitol in solidarity for George Floyd and police reform. But that same year, we couldn’t get a police decertification bill out of the Legislature. So it’s one thing to have optics and [another to have] a real movement. Only time will tell how far we can move with this package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the need for allies in this fight. What would allyship in the Legislature look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Folks standing up and embracing and having a clear understanding that reparations is not charity, it’s not a handout, it’s not a gift. It’s something that is owed and due to those descendants of slavery here in this country. We had over 250 years of free labor. What built this nation was agriculture and the cotton industry. That’s what made America the wealthy country that it is today, and that was done on the backs of African descendants. People need to understand that. But it’s a lot of folks here in California that still have their head in the sand as to the reality of what slavery meant to this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can legislators like yourself pick and choose parts of the report, or do they have to adopt the entire thing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s probably going to be a selection of things. I think it’s going to be far too detailed for us to do everything in this report. I’m just being realistic here. There’s a lot of detail. And my first challenge is hoping that the Legislature will read the report — first the interim report and then the final report that gives a clear validation and road map as to why these recommendations are being made and why they should be implemented into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you get more legislators to read the report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If I could answer that, I’d be a rich man. I would hope they want to educate themselves and understand how we got here as a state and how we got here as a nation and the impact that slavery has had and continues to have on this county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the legislative timeline here? How long might this all take and what’s the earliest we might see legislation from the report put into practice? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest you’re going to probably see legislation is December of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you expect to be part of what’s introduced this December? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t speak to that. It’s going to be a working group of the Legislative Black Caucus. We will dissect and determine what we can move forward in a comprehensive manner. So I can’t speak to that until we see the final report and we all come together and collaborate and decide how we move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The two legislators that helped develop the state’s reparations plan — you and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer — both term out of the Legislature next year. Do you think your departure will impact the push for reparations in California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope not, because if we’re succeeded by more African Americans, it will be at least 12 members of the Legislature who are part of the Black Caucus who have the same commitment and passion for bringing reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And is the Legislative Black Caucus united in its support of the reparations report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a doubt. Many that were there when [Secretary of State] Dr. [Shirley] Weber passed the legislation [to create the reparations task force] are still here. So, yes, we’re in full support of moving a package of bills based on what that final report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Got it. And when you and Assemblymember Jones-Sawyer leave the Legislature, is there anybody in particular you expect to take up the mantle in leading this push?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would hope all the members who are left behind would take up the mantle. It’s not up to one or two individuals to fight for reparations. I would hope our non-African American allies will pick up the mantle, too, and be vocal and courageous in fighting to make sure that we have a substantive reparations package here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A lot of work has gone into the process of creating this reparations plan. How are you feeling right now about the possibility of enacting these ideas into law? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that, at the end of the day, if California is the progressive leading state that we claim to be, then we should want to take the mantle, lead and show the rest of the nation what reparations looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As one of nine people appointed to design the nation’s first statewide reparations plan for Black people, state Sen. Steven Bradford’s work is visionary. But he’ll be the first to tell you he is a realist. The task force studying reparations for Black residents with enslaved ancestors will submit its final report to the Legislature at the end of this month. Early drafts detail a comprehensive plan to compensate Black residents for discriminatory state policies and to prevent discrimination moving forward.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Los Angeles Democrat and 14-year veteran of the Legislature says the plan is overdue, but emphasizes that it doesn’t mean the changes the report proposes — a formal apology, dozens of policies, direct payments to descendants and a new state agency to manage those payments — will become a reality overnight. To make it happen, he wants to see more lawmakers take the initiative to educate themselves about the state’s history. He urges lawmakers who say they support racial justice to walk the walk for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I sat down with Bradford to talk about what awaits the reparations proposal when it reaches the Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: The state decided to study reparations back in 2020 in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd and at a moment when there was a lot of energy behind calls for racial justice. It’s now three years later. How would you characterize the appetite for reparations in the Legislature today? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sen. Steven Bradford: \u003c/strong>I would say it’s the same that it was a couple of years ago. I don’t think there was ever a strong appetite for reparations here in California or anywhere else in this nation. But the climate was right to move it forward. I’m a realist and I believe that we still have major hurdles. We still are lacking true allies on this issue. I mean, it’s easy to take a knee, as we did three years ago, almost 80 members at the west steps of the Capitol in solidarity for George Floyd and police reform. But that same year, we couldn’t get a police decertification bill out of the Legislature. So it’s one thing to have optics and [another to have] a real movement. Only time will tell how far we can move with this package of bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You mentioned the need for allies in this fight. What would allyship in the Legislature look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Folks standing up and embracing and having a clear understanding that reparations is not charity, it’s not a handout, it’s not a gift. It’s something that is owed and due to those descendants of slavery here in this country. We had over 250 years of free labor. What built this nation was agriculture and the cotton industry. That’s what made America the wealthy country that it is today, and that was done on the backs of African descendants. People need to understand that. But it’s a lot of folks here in California that still have their head in the sand as to the reality of what slavery meant to this country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Can legislators like yourself pick and choose parts of the report, or do they have to adopt the entire thing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s probably going to be a selection of things. I think it’s going to be far too detailed for us to do everything in this report. I’m just being realistic here. There’s a lot of detail. And my first challenge is hoping that the Legislature will read the report — first the interim report and then the final report that gives a clear validation and road map as to why these recommendations are being made and why they should be implemented into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you get more legislators to read the report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If I could answer that, I’d be a rich man. I would hope they want to educate themselves and understand how we got here as a state and how we got here as a nation and the impact that slavery has had and continues to have on this county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s the legislative timeline here? How long might this all take and what’s the earliest we might see legislation from the report put into practice? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The earliest you’re going to probably see legislation is December of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you expect to be part of what’s introduced this December? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I can’t speak to that. It’s going to be a working group of the Legislative Black Caucus. We will dissect and determine what we can move forward in a comprehensive manner. So I can’t speak to that until we see the final report and we all come together and collaborate and decide how we move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The two legislators that helped develop the state’s reparations plan — you and Assemblymember Reginald Jones-Sawyer — both term out of the Legislature next year. Do you think your departure will impact the push for reparations in California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I hope not, because if we’re succeeded by more African Americans, it will be at least 12 members of the Legislature who are part of the Black Caucus who have the same commitment and passion for bringing reparations forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And is the Legislative Black Caucus united in its support of the reparations report? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without a doubt. Many that were there when [Secretary of State] Dr. [Shirley] Weber passed the legislation [to create the reparations task force] are still here. So, yes, we’re in full support of moving a package of bills based on what that final report recommends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Got it. And when you and Assemblymember Jones-Sawyer leave the Legislature, is there anybody in particular you expect to take up the mantle in leading this push?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I would hope all the members who are left behind would take up the mantle. It’s not up to one or two individuals to fight for reparations. I would hope our non-African American allies will pick up the mantle, too, and be vocal and courageous in fighting to make sure that we have a substantive reparations package here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A lot of work has gone into the process of creating this reparations plan. How are you feeling right now about the possibility of enacting these ideas into law? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m hopeful that, at the end of the day, if California is the progressive leading state that we claim to be, then we should want to take the mantle, lead and show the rest of the nation what reparations looks like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>The statewide task force studying reparations for Black Californians will submit its final report to the Legislature on June 29. This conversation was produced as part of KQED’s Juneteenth reparations radio special that aired on June 17. For more on reparations in California, visit \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">\u003cem>kqed.org/reparations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento State professor Mark Brown cut a striking figure at the California Reparations Task Force meetings. The professor of political science is a tall, thin white man who could often be seen sitting quietly in the audience, taking notes for the classes he teaches on reparations and critical whiteness in Germany and the United States.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]At the task force meetings over the last two years, non-Black audience members have been rare, but Brown argues that non-Black Californians should be paying attention. According to the 2020 census, Black residents make up less than 6% of the state’s population. If the task force’s expansive proposals are to become law after they arrive in the Legislature, they will require broad-based support from California residents across racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says providing reparations to communities can restore some legitimacy to democratic governments in places where inequity has caused disillusionment and distrust. In doing so, he suggests, reparations can strengthen democracies, offering a potential benefit to all Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I spoke with Brown about the role of reparations in democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: In \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article275034421.html\">\u003cstrong>a recent op-ed in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, you wrote that paying reparations to the descendants of American slavery is a question of political responsibility. Can you explain what you mean by that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Brown:\u003c/strong> It’s a way of saying that reparations is not about individual guilt. You can only be guilty for things you have done yourself, and nobody alive today is personally guilty of enslaving anyone [as part of American chattel slavery]. So talking about reparations as a matter of political responsibility is a way of saying that it’s a shared, collective responsibility. And it’s a way of talking about taking responsibility for the wrongs committed by the government that represents us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s useful to see reparations as part of democratic citizenship, similar to paying taxes or voting and so on. We get various benefits from being citizens — we have roads, bridges, the sewage system, schools, parks and so on — and so we need to also accept the shared burdens that come with those benefits. It would be unfair to only take the benefits and refuse the burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you understand the role of paying reparations to harmed groups in democracies generally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a democracy, it’s important for governments to take account of public opinion, and that’s one of the biggest challenges for reparations at the moment. A survey last fall found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">public support for reparations is about 30% nationwide\u003c/a>, which is actually more than double what it was two decades ago. But it’s still far from a majority. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">more recent poll in California\u003c/a> finds that it’s somewhat higher, perhaps even a lot higher. But in any case, it’s important for, on the one hand, politicians to engage with the public and take seriously public concerns about reparations and public skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But also democracy does not mean that governments do exactly what the people want. It’s very common for political representatives to attempt to persuade their constituents and make attempts to change public opinion on issues that matter. A really good example of this is the history of reparations in Germany, when Germany paid reparations for the Holocaust to the state of Israel and to individual Jewish survivors. The majority of the public was actually opposed and it took a long time and a lot of work by political leaders and activists to change public opinion. Thirty years later, Germany was widely seen as a real model for developing a culture of memory and for really integrating efforts to remember the Holocaust and teach about it into German culture and German national identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The recommendations that the state task force has made don’t specify how they would be paid for, but presumably it includes some amount of taxpayer dollars, including the taxes paid by Black residents of California. How does that fit into your understanding of political responsibility and the state’s role here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, my understanding is that it’s not quite clear yet exactly how reparations will be funded. I do think funding that through taxpayer dollars is the most democratic, and that does mean that potentially recipients would also pay into the fund that pays for reparations. But that should really be seen as a form of inclusion and of citizenship. And we have a progressive tax system, and those who are more wealthy pay more taxes. And so I think that could be a way to increase public support for reparations, to make clear it’s not about white people being asked to give something to Black people. It’s about all of us, as democratic citizens, trying to take account of the wrongs committed by our government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If the state does create reparations programs, how do you think that might impact political divisions in California and across the country? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People often say that reparations are going to be divisive. It certainly is a controversial topic and there are huge differences among different groups in public opinion. But our country is already strongly divided on a whole range of issues, and public opinion on questions of racial disparity and racial justice is one of the most significant areas of division. And I think there’s actually a good case to be made that reparations can help to reduce division and to provide a certain kind of reconciliation. That’s often been the role of reparations and in other countries as part of a peace process. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) was recently quoted as saying, “Reparations are ultimately about respect, reconciliation and healing.” And I think there’s at least the potential that it could play that role in helping to overcome some of our political divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At the task force meetings over the last two years, non-Black audience members have been rare, but Brown argues that non-Black Californians should be paying attention. According to the 2020 census, Black residents make up less than 6% of the state’s population. If the task force’s expansive proposals are to become law after they arrive in the Legislature, they will require broad-based support from California residents across racial groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown says providing reparations to communities can restore some legitimacy to democratic governments in places where inequity has caused disillusionment and distrust. In doing so, he suggests, reparations can strengthen democracies, offering a potential benefit to all Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our Juneteenth reparations radio takeover, I spoke with Brown about the role of reparations in democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney: In \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/article275034421.html\">\u003cstrong>a recent op-ed in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>, you wrote that paying reparations to the descendants of American slavery is a question of political responsibility. Can you explain what you mean by that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mark Brown:\u003c/strong> It’s a way of saying that reparations is not about individual guilt. You can only be guilty for things you have done yourself, and nobody alive today is personally guilty of enslaving anyone [as part of American chattel slavery]. So talking about reparations as a matter of political responsibility is a way of saying that it’s a shared, collective responsibility. And it’s a way of talking about taking responsibility for the wrongs committed by the government that represents us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think it’s useful to see reparations as part of democratic citizenship, similar to paying taxes or voting and so on. We get various benefits from being citizens — we have roads, bridges, the sewage system, schools, parks and so on — and so we need to also accept the shared burdens that come with those benefits. It would be unfair to only take the benefits and refuse the burdens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you understand the role of paying reparations to harmed groups in democracies generally?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a democracy, it’s important for governments to take account of public opinion, and that’s one of the biggest challenges for reparations at the moment. A survey last fall found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/11/28/black-and-white-americans-are-far-apart-in-their-views-of-reparations-for-slavery/\">public support for reparations is about 30% nationwide\u003c/a>, which is actually more than double what it was two decades ago. But it’s still far from a majority. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-racial-attitudes-and-the-reparations-task-force/\">more recent poll in California\u003c/a> finds that it’s somewhat higher, perhaps even a lot higher. But in any case, it’s important for, on the one hand, politicians to engage with the public and take seriously public concerns about reparations and public skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But also democracy does not mean that governments do exactly what the people want. It’s very common for political representatives to attempt to persuade their constituents and make attempts to change public opinion on issues that matter. A really good example of this is the history of reparations in Germany, when Germany paid reparations for the Holocaust to the state of Israel and to individual Jewish survivors. The majority of the public was actually opposed and it took a long time and a lot of work by political leaders and activists to change public opinion. Thirty years later, Germany was widely seen as a real model for developing a culture of memory and for really integrating efforts to remember the Holocaust and teach about it into German culture and German national identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The recommendations that the state task force has made don’t specify how they would be paid for, but presumably it includes some amount of taxpayer dollars, including the taxes paid by Black residents of California. How does that fit into your understanding of political responsibility and the state’s role here? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, my understanding is that it’s not quite clear yet exactly how reparations will be funded. I do think funding that through taxpayer dollars is the most democratic, and that does mean that potentially recipients would also pay into the fund that pays for reparations. But that should really be seen as a form of inclusion and of citizenship. And we have a progressive tax system, and those who are more wealthy pay more taxes. And so I think that could be a way to increase public support for reparations, to make clear it’s not about white people being asked to give something to Black people. It’s about all of us, as democratic citizens, trying to take account of the wrongs committed by our government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If the state does create reparations programs, how do you think that might impact political divisions in California and across the country? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People often say that reparations are going to be divisive. It certainly is a controversial topic and there are huge differences among different groups in public opinion. But our country is already strongly divided on a whole range of issues, and public opinion on questions of racial disparity and racial justice is one of the most significant areas of division. And I think there’s actually a good case to be made that reparations can help to reduce division and to provide a certain kind of reconciliation. That’s often been the role of reparations and in other countries as part of a peace process. Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Texas) was recently quoted as saying, “Reparations are ultimately about respect, reconciliation and healing.” And I think there’s at least the potential that it could play that role in helping to overcome some of our political divisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2004, when California first started regulating security-guard licenses more extensively, the nation was at war and the memory of 9/11 was fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It made sense, then, that state leaders decided to dedicate four hours of the 40-hour course to handling threats related to weapons of mass destruction and other forms of terrorism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 20 years later, some in the industry say that part of the training is looking outdated — especially as businesses around the state increasingly rely on private security guards to protect their stores not from terror threats, but from shoplifters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, that reliance came to a tragic end when a security guard at a San Francisco Walgreens store near Union Square \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">shot and killed Banko Brown\u003c/a>, a man accused of shoplifting about $14 worth of merchandise, including a box of cereal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the rest of the more than 301,000 licensed security guards in California, Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony, the guard at Walgreens, had been required to watch four hours of training videos focused on WMDs — but not a single minute on appropriate use of force and deescalation techniques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Chris Holden (D-Pasadena)\"]‘We realized that these private security guards … are not taught deescalation techniques. They are not taught how to use objectively reasonable force or understand implicit and explicit cultural training.’[/pullquote]“To be honest with you, from 2004 to now, there’s not been a security officer in the state of California that’s found any weapons of mass destruction,” said David Chandler, president of the California Association of Licensed Security Agencies, Guards and Associates, or CALSAGA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re teaching the wrong subject for four hours and not teaching the security guards how to get along with people and how to protect people’s rights,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walgreens killing of Banko Brown isn’t the first time in recent years that an altercation with a security guard in California has resulted in someone’s death. In 2019, a man caught trespassing in the Golden 1 Center in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-07-08/a-man-died-after-sacramento-police-kneeled-on-his-neck-for-four-minutes-lawsuit-alleges-police-kneeled-on-a-mans-neck-for-four-minutes-resulting-in-his-death\">ended up on life support and later died\u003c/a> after a security guard allegedly kneeled on his neck for more than four minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That incident took on new significance after George Floyd was murdered in a similar manner the following year by a Minneapolis police officer, said Democratic state Assemblymember Chris Holden, from Pasadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed to be so senseless,” Holden said of the death of Mario Matthews, who was found to have had methamphetamine in his system when he entered the arena around 3:30 a.m. and ran around the court pretending to dribble a basketball.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized that these private security guards, who also carry a baton and a gun, are not trained to intervene in those kinds of situations at all,” he said. “They are not taught deescalation techniques. They are not taught how to use objectively reasonable force or understand implicit and explicit cultural training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews’ death prompted Holden to introduce \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB229\">legislation\u003c/a> in 2021 updating the training requirements for security guards. The law, which took effect in January, mandates eight hours of training in “the exercise of the appropriate use of force.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency overseeing security guards, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsis.ca.gov/\">Bureau of Security and Investigative Services\u003c/a>, is currently drafting regulations for the new training, which likely won’t be implemented until October at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real emphasis is making sure that these private security officers are getting the appropriate training that they need to hopefully put them in a better position to use better judgment in how to address members of the public,” Holden said. “Obviously there’s a responsibility to address criminal behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when $14 leads to a loss of life, he said, “we’ve got to do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"flowers and a memorial are tied to a fence with a Walgreens store in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past a memorial for Banko Brown outside a Walgreens in San Francisco, where Brown was shot to death by a store security guard on April 27. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Holden’s bill also requires security companies to report within seven days any physical altercation between their guards and the public that results in an injury requiring medical attention, and any force used by a guard while on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But implementing the law’s training requirement is what’s needed most urgently, said policing expert LaDoris Cordell, a retired judge who worked as San José’s independent police auditor for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d made certain assumptions about private security guards, because they are basically doing police work — and I was stunned to find out that there is no requirement that they be trained in the use of force,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell praised the specificity of Holden’s legislation for spelling out in detail what the training needs to cover — including the limitations, responsibilities and ethics involved in making a citizen’s arrest, restrictions on searches and seizures, and criminal and civil liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Bay Area security guard said the lack of any current use-of-force training — combined with evolving guidance from the security companies themselves — leaves both the public and security guards at greater risk of unnecessary altercations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make it very clear to people: ‘No, I’m security, I’m not police.’ I don’t want to be police. But, we do need more training because a lot of people look at us as police,” said the guard, who has worked in the field for two years, and didn’t want to use his name because his employer doesn’t allow their guards to speak to the press. “You have to have training, you have to have accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also noted that guards, who typically start out making less than $25 an hour, are putting themselves at personal legal risk when they engage physically with someone, regardless of what their employer has advised them to do. For example, even though the district attorney is not filing criminal charges against Anthony, the guard at Walgreens who shot Brown, he is still being sued by Brown’s family. A police officer in a similar situation generally couldn’t be sued as an individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Banko Brown Coverage' tag='banko-brown']Chandler, of CALSAGA, agreed. He said his group supported Holden’s legislation in part because security guards are now being asked to do more than ever before — and are encountering far different responses from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unhoused community — they’re pushing back now,” he said. “Years ago, they would find somebody who’s unhoused, they would say you need to move along. … Now, these guys are fighting back. They’re attacking guards. They’re getting into physical altercations with guards. So the guards really need training on deescalation tactics and getting along with people, especially people with mental issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandler said responsibility also lies with the security firms that hire the guards, to make clear that human life is more important than property. The security firm that employed Anthony, Kingdom Group Protective Services, had \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/05.15.23-Banko-Brown-Report-.pdf\">changed its policies (PDF)\u003c/a> just weeks before Brown’s shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/walgrreens-shooting-banko-brown-security-18100148.php\">instructing its guards to be more hands-on\u003c/a> when witnessing someone trying to steal merchandise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that kind of policy, said Chandler, “you’re asking for a fight. You’re looking for a fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these major companies have insurance,” he added. “You know, if you’re losing so much money that you can’t afford to be in business, well, then guess what? You can’t be in business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell, the retired judge, agreed, noting that huge companies like Walgreens and the security firms are asking low-paid workers to take the risk — and fall — for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re living in a society where the distance between the haves and the have-nots is getting wider and wider and wider and greater and greater,” she said. “We have this big corporation that nobody’s really looking at and saying, ‘What are you doing about this issue?’ [They know] full well that the folks that they’re bringing in are not well-trained. They’re not well-paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Cordell said, two lives are ruined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This security guard — he’s going to be messed up for the rest of his life. The family of this young man [Brown], I mean, he’s gone,” she said. “Everybody’s messed up. And yet you have the company sitting back and nobody’s kind of saying, ‘Well, wait a minute, what’s your responsibility in all of this stuff?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2004, when California first started regulating security-guard licenses more extensively, the nation was at war and the memory of 9/11 was fresh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It made sense, then, that state leaders decided to dedicate four hours of the 40-hour course to handling threats related to weapons of mass destruction and other forms of terrorism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 20 years later, some in the industry say that part of the training is looking outdated — especially as businesses around the state increasingly rely on private security guards to protect their stores not from terror threats, but from shoplifters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In late April, that reliance came to a tragic end when a security guard at a San Francisco Walgreens store near Union Square \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">shot and killed Banko Brown\u003c/a>, a man accused of shoplifting about $14 worth of merchandise, including a box of cereal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the rest of the more than 301,000 licensed security guards in California, Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony, the guard at Walgreens, had been required to watch four hours of training videos focused on WMDs — but not a single minute on appropriate use of force and deescalation techniques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“To be honest with you, from 2004 to now, there’s not been a security officer in the state of California that’s found any weapons of mass destruction,” said David Chandler, president of the California Association of Licensed Security Agencies, Guards and Associates, or CALSAGA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we’re teaching the wrong subject for four hours and not teaching the security guards how to get along with people and how to protect people’s rights,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walgreens killing of Banko Brown isn’t the first time in recent years that an altercation with a security guard in California has resulted in someone’s death. In 2019, a man caught trespassing in the Golden 1 Center in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-07-08/a-man-died-after-sacramento-police-kneeled-on-his-neck-for-four-minutes-lawsuit-alleges-police-kneeled-on-a-mans-neck-for-four-minutes-resulting-in-his-death\">ended up on life support and later died\u003c/a> after a security guard allegedly kneeled on his neck for more than four minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That incident took on new significance after George Floyd was murdered in a similar manner the following year by a Minneapolis police officer, said Democratic state Assemblymember Chris Holden, from Pasadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed to be so senseless,” Holden said of the death of Mario Matthews, who was found to have had methamphetamine in his system when he entered the arena around 3:30 a.m. and ran around the court pretending to dribble a basketball.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized that these private security guards, who also carry a baton and a gun, are not trained to intervene in those kinds of situations at all,” he said. “They are not taught deescalation techniques. They are not taught how to use objectively reasonable force or understand implicit and explicit cultural training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthews’ death prompted Holden to introduce \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB229\">legislation\u003c/a> in 2021 updating the training requirements for security guards. The law, which took effect in January, mandates eight hours of training in “the exercise of the appropriate use of force.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency overseeing security guards, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bsis.ca.gov/\">Bureau of Security and Investigative Services\u003c/a>, is currently drafting regulations for the new training, which likely won’t be implemented until October at the earliest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real emphasis is making sure that these private security officers are getting the appropriate training that they need to hopefully put them in a better position to use better judgment in how to address members of the public,” Holden said. “Obviously there’s a responsibility to address criminal behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when $14 leads to a loss of life, he said, “we’ve got to do better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11950897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11950897\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg\" alt=\"flowers and a memorial are tied to a fence with a Walgreens store in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS65175_013_KQED_WalgreensBankoBrown_05092023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk past a memorial for Banko Brown outside a Walgreens in San Francisco, where Brown was shot to death by a store security guard on April 27. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Holden’s bill also requires security companies to report within seven days any physical altercation between their guards and the public that results in an injury requiring medical attention, and any force used by a guard while on duty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But implementing the law’s training requirement is what’s needed most urgently, said policing expert LaDoris Cordell, a retired judge who worked as San José’s independent police auditor for five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d made certain assumptions about private security guards, because they are basically doing police work — and I was stunned to find out that there is no requirement that they be trained in the use of force,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell praised the specificity of Holden’s legislation for spelling out in detail what the training needs to cover — including the limitations, responsibilities and ethics involved in making a citizen’s arrest, restrictions on searches and seizures, and criminal and civil liabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Bay Area security guard said the lack of any current use-of-force training — combined with evolving guidance from the security companies themselves — leaves both the public and security guards at greater risk of unnecessary altercations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I make it very clear to people: ‘No, I’m security, I’m not police.’ I don’t want to be police. But, we do need more training because a lot of people look at us as police,” said the guard, who has worked in the field for two years, and didn’t want to use his name because his employer doesn’t allow their guards to speak to the press. “You have to have training, you have to have accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also noted that guards, who typically start out making less than $25 an hour, are putting themselves at personal legal risk when they engage physically with someone, regardless of what their employer has advised them to do. For example, even though the district attorney is not filing criminal charges against Anthony, the guard at Walgreens who shot Brown, he is still being sued by Brown’s family. A police officer in a similar situation generally couldn’t be sued as an individual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chandler, of CALSAGA, agreed. He said his group supported Holden’s legislation in part because security guards are now being asked to do more than ever before — and are encountering far different responses from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unhoused community — they’re pushing back now,” he said. “Years ago, they would find somebody who’s unhoused, they would say you need to move along. … Now, these guys are fighting back. They’re attacking guards. They’re getting into physical altercations with guards. So the guards really need training on deescalation tactics and getting along with people, especially people with mental issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chandler said responsibility also lies with the security firms that hire the guards, to make clear that human life is more important than property. The security firm that employed Anthony, Kingdom Group Protective Services, had \u003ca href=\"https://sfdistrictattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/05.15.23-Banko-Brown-Report-.pdf\">changed its policies (PDF)\u003c/a> just weeks before Brown’s shooting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/crime/article/walgrreens-shooting-banko-brown-security-18100148.php\">instructing its guards to be more hands-on\u003c/a> when witnessing someone trying to steal merchandise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that kind of policy, said Chandler, “you’re asking for a fight. You’re looking for a fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these major companies have insurance,” he added. “You know, if you’re losing so much money that you can’t afford to be in business, well, then guess what? You can’t be in business.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordell, the retired judge, agreed, noting that huge companies like Walgreens and the security firms are asking low-paid workers to take the risk — and fall — for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re living in a society where the distance between the haves and the have-nots is getting wider and wider and wider and greater and greater,” she said. “We have this big corporation that nobody’s really looking at and saying, ‘What are you doing about this issue?’ [They know] full well that the folks that they’re bringing in are not well-trained. They’re not well-paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And now, Cordell said, two lives are ruined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This security guard — he’s going to be messed up for the rest of his life. The family of this young man [Brown], I mean, he’s gone,” she said. “Everybody’s messed up. And yet you have the company sitting back and nobody’s kind of saying, ‘Well, wait a minute, what’s your responsibility in all of this stuff?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"id": "baycurious",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
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