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"disqusTitle": "S.F. Police Shooting Raises Questions About City's Response to Psychiatric Crises",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco police officers Kenneth Cha and Colin Patino didn't know what they were walking into when they arrived at 515 Capitol Ave. before dawn on Jan. 6 and attempted to contact Sean Moore about a complaint from his neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The encounter with Moore escalated into the Police Department's first officer-involved shooting of 2017 and the first ever in San Francisco to be captured on police body cameras. It was also the latest example of a tragic trend in San Francisco and across the nation: People in the midst of a psychiatric crisis make up a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/30/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill/\" target=\"_blank\">disproportionate number\u003c/a> of those shot by police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/308089846\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a disparity San Francisco has struggled to reduce for over a decade. That effort involves a police practice called Crisis Intervention Training, or \u003ca href=\"http://sanfranciscopolice.org/crisis-intervention-team\" target=\"_blank\">CIT\u003c/a>, which teaches officers to recognize the signs of mental illness and techniques to de-escalate the heightened emotional state of someone in psychiatric distress.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=\"fSxM0Q4sWIN5IMtm2cfPj0SR8m15iFuZ\"]\u003cbr>\nThe SFPD has made strides in the effort, instituting \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/06/23/s-f-police-commission-approves-new-use-of-force-rules-union-has-sticking-points/\" target=\"_blank\">new use-of-force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://sanfranciscopolice.org/sites/default/files/Documents/PoliceDocuments/DepartmentGeneralOrders/DGO%205.21%20CIT.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">CIT policies\u003c/a> with de-escalation at their core -- and sending over 700 officers, or about half of patrol officers, through the 40-hour training. But the Moore shooting exposed a long-standing problem of identifying people in psychiatric crisis and getting that information to responding officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I saw aspects of our training come through in terms of how the police handled it,\" said David Elliot Lewis, a civilian trainer in SFPD's CIT program and a member of the city's mental health board. \"It wasn’t ideal, no. CIT is a work in progress, and there’s still work to be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Shooting\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is diagnosed with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, according to his brother and his defense attorney. He has a reputation among neighbors for hostility, but not necessarily violence. Police had helped get Moore to the hospital for emergency psychiatric treatment several times in the past, according to his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore's neighbor, Christopher Choy, had recently filed for a restraining order in civil court, describing threats from Moore and repeated banging on a wall the two homes share in the city's Ocean View neighborhood. The complaint notes a criminal conviction against Moore in 2011 and multiple calls to police since, when officers apparently were unable to talk to Moore. The restraining order request was scheduled for a hearing on Jan. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about Moore's psychiatric history doesn't appear to have made it to Cha and Patino, though, neither of whom are trained in crisis intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they contacted Moore, he was angry and said he was going to \"call to remove you,\" then slammed his door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editors note: The following video contains profanity and violence.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\nhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DBb3_WvFtXk\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cha and Patino backed off, but Moore came back out, and they again climbed his staircase. When he opened his gate and moved toward the officers, Cha pepper-sprayed him, also hitting Patino. Moore scrambled back inside his house. Cha called for an ambulance, and when Moore came out again, both officers tried to move in to arrest him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They fought on the narrow staircase. Patino hit Moore with his baton twice, then Moore punched the officer in the face, fracturing his nose and sending him toppling to the street. He kicked Cha, who fired twice as he fell down the stairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore was hit in the groin and abdomen. He retreated inside his house and called 911 to report he'd been shot. Police arrested him over an hour later. He was taken to the hospital and had major surgery. Moore remains in custody and faces felony assault and battery charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Deployment Unclear\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's little agreement on whether the incident that led to Moore's shooting should have elicited a CIT response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11319728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11319728\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Photographs of SFPD officers Kenneth Cha and Colin Patino following their Jan. 6 encounter with Sean Moore as displayed at a Police Department press conference on Jan. 18.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photographs of SFPD officers Kenneth Cha and Colin Patino following their Jan. 6 encounter with Sean Moore as displayed at a Police Department press conference on Jan. 18. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Acting Police Chief Toney Chaplin said in January that officers don't memorize the addresses they're called to, and Cha and Patino had no way of knowing the call about a temporary restraining order would involve mental health issues. He said the department is looking into creating a database of addresses where mental illness has been an issue in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Police Department is trying to develop a database of people who they frequently contact who have mental health crisis issues or behavioral health issues, who have frequent contact with medical authorities and law enforcement,\" Lewis said. \"And once this database is deployed, then when going out on a call, they’ll have more information up front that the person has a history of mental illness that might need a different approach.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Department of Emergency Management, which handles 911 calls and dispatch in San Francisco, already has the ability to search by name and address for past psychiatric emergencies, according to Deputy Director Rob Smuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are mechanisms to do that,\" he said. \"What we are trying to do is make sure that the training is in place so we are consistently doing that. For years and years and years, we do that search if there is a premise record of somebody who had a gun or had a knife or something like that. We also really want to make an emphasis on any information that might inform the police’s interaction when they get there, and that’s the mental health history, and that’s not as long-standing a practice in police dispatch world.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11267862\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11267862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-800x752.jpg\" alt=\"Sean Moore\" width=\"800\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-800x752.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-160x150.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-1020x959.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-1180x1109.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-960x903.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-240x226.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-375x353.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-520x489.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Moore \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kenneth Blackmon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It's unknown whether dispatch ran a search on Moore. The Department of Emergency Management declined to provide that information, citing ongoing investigations into the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the officers didn't know Moore's history, his family and attorneys say the signs were clear, and they should have backed off and waited for things to calm down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Instead, the officers went up the stairs and essentially escalated the situation,\" San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi said at a press conference where he released police body-camera video of the shooting. \"This is a situation that could have and should have been avoided. Mr. Moore did not have to be shot, and the officers, had they properly used de-escalation techniques, would have gone home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Moore's mother, Cleo Moore, spent 40 years as a nurse at San Francisco General Hospital, where her son was treated for gunshot wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has to be done not only to help the mentally ill in this city, and the Police Department needs to be changed to learn how to deal with mentally ill patients,\" she said outside a recent court hearing for her son. \"Back off from the situation, call Crisis Intervention. The city has crisis intervention. They could have come out and helped them to diffuse the situation. Don’t shoot somebody.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11275576\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11275576\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi and Deputy Public Defender Brian Pearlman release SFPD body-camera video on Jan. 18. The video captured the Jan. 6 police shooting of Sean Moore.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi and Deputy Public Defender Brian Pearlman release SFPD body-camera video on Jan. 18. The video captured the Jan. 6 police shooting of Sean Moore. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFPD Lt. Mario Molina, who heads the Police Department's Crisis Intervention Team, said he can't speak in any detail about the incident that remains under investigation. But in general, SFPD's push to train every officer in CIT encourages officers to collect more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The effort is for officers to start thinking the minute they get the call,\" he said. \"Start asking questions, gather more information. And evaluate, reassess, reassess. We continue to emphasize that. Reassess the situation. What do you have? What are you dealing with? What resources will you need?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said even if Moore's psychiatric history was unclear, the need for de-escalation tactics was obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Being that angry and that triggered and that escalated clearly is a mental health issue,\" he said. \"Maybe it doesn’t need to have a diagnostic label, but it does call for de-escalation because somebody that angry isn’t listening.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Crisis Calls Undercounted\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dispatch data show a significant undercount in police incidents involving mental illness. The Department of Emergency Management started cataloging police calls that should get a specialized crisis response in May 2014, according to data provided by the department. Since then, 932 \"CR\" codes have been appended to police incidents, an average of about one per day.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=\"BjdPBFQefSDe9LNSKiTxOabYD2sITV4W\"]\u003cbr>\n\"We average about 13,000 every three months,\" said Molina. That includes attempted suicides, people in general mental distress, children beyond the control of their parents, well-being checks and requests for involuntary mental health detentions, known by the legal code 5150. Molina said officers were dispatched and made contact in a smaller set of those calls, but still averaging at least 30 per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you told me one a day, that's way under-reported,\" he said. \"Cops are going to calls after calls. I've been there. I've done it, and we're dealing with this on a daily basis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the time, those calls end peacefully. When they don't, there's a disproportionate amount of focus, Molina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don’t want to sound defensive here, but you also have to give the benefit to the officer,\" he said. \"You had the benefit to have a video recorder apparatus and then you were able to see it 20,000 times later on, and that officer had one second, or a half a second to make that decision. And they did it because they felt like their life was in danger, or somebody else’s life was in danger.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a new round of changes coming to the Police Department's crisis intervention effort, though, ones that will alter the way teams of four officers with the training are deployed. Molina is also hopeful that police will get some help from city psychologists to prevent psychiatric crises from happening in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Changes Coming\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD is rolling out a 20-hour tactical training for officers on the department's new use-of-force rules. Lewis said it will augment the role-playing segments of crisis intervention training, which never lead to a physical struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the body-camera footage from the Moore shooting could be useful in the training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was a highly volatile encounter, and one that we haven’t been training to but we will be training to,\" Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \"crisis response\" police code is also changing, according to Smuts and Molina, to become a signal to deploy a team of officers prepared to confront a mentally ill suspect with a weapon other than a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach involves teams of four officers in different roles, all assigned at the beginning of the week so it's in place when a crisis begins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contact officer will talk to the suspect while covered by two other officers, one likely armed with a beanbag shotgun or other \"less lethal\" weapon, and the other with a firearm. The fourth officer will keep an eye on any bystanders and reach out to people who may have knowledge of the suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's also a yet-to-launch pilot program that will link five city mental health clinicians with the Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city's Department of Public Health envisions that, with some fill-ins, at least one psychologist or social worker will be available 24 hours a day to consult with police while officers attempt to contact suspects in psychiatric crisis. The clinicians will not make direct contact with people in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our goal is really to support police officers in de-escalating these situations,\" said Angelica Almeida, director of assisted outpatient treatment at DPH. \"They'll also be able to provide that ongoing support because, beyond a critical incident, we want to make sure that we are preventing any future incidents that are happening. So we want to be able to plug individuals into our already robust system of care that they may not otherwise have tapped into.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Molina, making those connections is a huge priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to be proactive,\" he said. \"I don't want the crisis.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco police officers Kenneth Cha and Colin Patino didn't know what they were walking into when they arrived at 515 Capitol Ave. before dawn on Jan. 6 and attempted to contact Sean Moore about a complaint from his neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The encounter with Moore escalated into the Police Department's first officer-involved shooting of 2017 and the first ever in San Francisco to be captured on police body cameras. It was also the latest example of a tragic trend in San Francisco and across the nation: People in the midst of a psychiatric crisis make up a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/09/30/half-of-those-killed-by-san-francisco-police-are-mentally-ill/\" target=\"_blank\">disproportionate number\u003c/a> of those shot by police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/308089846&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/308089846'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a disparity San Francisco has struggled to reduce for over a decade. That effort involves a police practice called Crisis Intervention Training, or \u003ca href=\"http://sanfranciscopolice.org/crisis-intervention-team\" target=\"_blank\">CIT\u003c/a>, which teaches officers to recognize the signs of mental illness and techniques to de-escalate the heightened emotional state of someone in psychiatric distress.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe SFPD has made strides in the effort, instituting \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/06/23/s-f-police-commission-approves-new-use-of-force-rules-union-has-sticking-points/\" target=\"_blank\">new use-of-force\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://sanfranciscopolice.org/sites/default/files/Documents/PoliceDocuments/DepartmentGeneralOrders/DGO%205.21%20CIT.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">CIT policies\u003c/a> with de-escalation at their core -- and sending over 700 officers, or about half of patrol officers, through the 40-hour training. But the Moore shooting exposed a long-standing problem of identifying people in psychiatric crisis and getting that information to responding officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I saw aspects of our training come through in terms of how the police handled it,\" said David Elliot Lewis, a civilian trainer in SFPD's CIT program and a member of the city's mental health board. \"It wasn’t ideal, no. CIT is a work in progress, and there’s still work to be done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Shooting\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is diagnosed with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, according to his brother and his defense attorney. He has a reputation among neighbors for hostility, but not necessarily violence. Police had helped get Moore to the hospital for emergency psychiatric treatment several times in the past, according to his mother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore's neighbor, Christopher Choy, had recently filed for a restraining order in civil court, describing threats from Moore and repeated banging on a wall the two homes share in the city's Ocean View neighborhood. The complaint notes a criminal conviction against Moore in 2011 and multiple calls to police since, when officers apparently were unable to talk to Moore. The restraining order request was scheduled for a hearing on Jan. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about Moore's psychiatric history doesn't appear to have made it to Cha and Patino, though, neither of whom are trained in crisis intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they contacted Moore, he was angry and said he was going to \"call to remove you,\" then slammed his door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editors note: The following video contains profanity and violence.\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/DBb3_WvFtXk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/DBb3_WvFtXk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Cha and Patino backed off, but Moore came back out, and they again climbed his staircase. When he opened his gate and moved toward the officers, Cha pepper-sprayed him, also hitting Patino. Moore scrambled back inside his house. Cha called for an ambulance, and when Moore came out again, both officers tried to move in to arrest him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They fought on the narrow staircase. Patino hit Moore with his baton twice, then Moore punched the officer in the face, fracturing his nose and sending him toppling to the street. He kicked Cha, who fired twice as he fell down the stairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore was hit in the groin and abdomen. He retreated inside his house and called 911 to report he'd been shot. Police arrested him over an hour later. He was taken to the hospital and had major surgery. Moore remains in custody and faces felony assault and battery charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Deployment Unclear\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's little agreement on whether the incident that led to Moore's shooting should have elicited a CIT response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11319728\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11319728\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Photographs of SFPD officers Kenneth Cha and Colin Patino following their Jan. 6 encounter with Sean Moore as displayed at a Police Department press conference on Jan. 18.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/OFC-RS23668_20170118_1552390-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photographs of SFPD officers Kenneth Cha and Colin Patino following their Jan. 6 encounter with Sean Moore as displayed at a Police Department press conference on Jan. 18. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Acting Police Chief Toney Chaplin said in January that officers don't memorize the addresses they're called to, and Cha and Patino had no way of knowing the call about a temporary restraining order would involve mental health issues. He said the department is looking into creating a database of addresses where mental illness has been an issue in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The Police Department is trying to develop a database of people who they frequently contact who have mental health crisis issues or behavioral health issues, who have frequent contact with medical authorities and law enforcement,\" Lewis said. \"And once this database is deployed, then when going out on a call, they’ll have more information up front that the person has a history of mental illness that might need a different approach.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Department of Emergency Management, which handles 911 calls and dispatch in San Francisco, already has the ability to search by name and address for past psychiatric emergencies, according to Deputy Director Rob Smuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are mechanisms to do that,\" he said. \"What we are trying to do is make sure that the training is in place so we are consistently doing that. For years and years and years, we do that search if there is a premise record of somebody who had a gun or had a knife or something like that. We also really want to make an emphasis on any information that might inform the police’s interaction when they get there, and that’s the mental health history, and that’s not as long-standing a practice in police dispatch world.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11267862\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11267862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-800x752.jpg\" alt=\"Sean Moore\" width=\"800\" height=\"752\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-800x752.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-160x150.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-1020x959.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-1180x1109.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-960x903.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-240x226.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-375x353.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23580_1470-qut-520x489.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Moore \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Kenneth Blackmon)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It's unknown whether dispatch ran a search on Moore. The Department of Emergency Management declined to provide that information, citing ongoing investigations into the shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if the officers didn't know Moore's history, his family and attorneys say the signs were clear, and they should have backed off and waited for things to calm down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Instead, the officers went up the stairs and essentially escalated the situation,\" San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi said at a press conference where he released police body-camera video of the shooting. \"This is a situation that could have and should have been avoided. Mr. Moore did not have to be shot, and the officers, had they properly used de-escalation techniques, would have gone home.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sean Moore's mother, Cleo Moore, spent 40 years as a nurse at San Francisco General Hospital, where her son was treated for gunshot wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Something has to be done not only to help the mentally ill in this city, and the Police Department needs to be changed to learn how to deal with mentally ill patients,\" she said outside a recent court hearing for her son. \"Back off from the situation, call Crisis Intervention. The city has crisis intervention. They could have come out and helped them to diffuse the situation. Don’t shoot somebody.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11275576\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11275576\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi and Deputy Public Defender Brian Pearlman release SFPD body-camera video on Jan. 18. The video captured the Jan. 6 police shooting of Sean Moore.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/01/RS23659_20170118_134719-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Public Defender Jeff Adachi and Deputy Public Defender Brian Pearlman release SFPD body-camera video on Jan. 18. The video captured the Jan. 6 police shooting of Sean Moore. \u003ccite>(Alex Emslie/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFPD Lt. Mario Molina, who heads the Police Department's Crisis Intervention Team, said he can't speak in any detail about the incident that remains under investigation. But in general, SFPD's push to train every officer in CIT encourages officers to collect more information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The effort is for officers to start thinking the minute they get the call,\" he said. \"Start asking questions, gather more information. And evaluate, reassess, reassess. We continue to emphasize that. Reassess the situation. What do you have? What are you dealing with? What resources will you need?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis said even if Moore's psychiatric history was unclear, the need for de-escalation tactics was obvious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Being that angry and that triggered and that escalated clearly is a mental health issue,\" he said. \"Maybe it doesn’t need to have a diagnostic label, but it does call for de-escalation because somebody that angry isn’t listening.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Crisis Calls Undercounted\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dispatch data show a significant undercount in police incidents involving mental illness. The Department of Emergency Management started cataloging police calls that should get a specialized crisis response in May 2014, according to data provided by the department. Since then, 932 \"CR\" codes have been appended to police incidents, an average of about one per day.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cbr>\n\"We average about 13,000 every three months,\" said Molina. That includes attempted suicides, people in general mental distress, children beyond the control of their parents, well-being checks and requests for involuntary mental health detentions, known by the legal code 5150. Molina said officers were dispatched and made contact in a smaller set of those calls, but still averaging at least 30 per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you told me one a day, that's way under-reported,\" he said. \"Cops are going to calls after calls. I've been there. I've done it, and we're dealing with this on a daily basis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the time, those calls end peacefully. When they don't, there's a disproportionate amount of focus, Molina said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don’t want to sound defensive here, but you also have to give the benefit to the officer,\" he said. \"You had the benefit to have a video recorder apparatus and then you were able to see it 20,000 times later on, and that officer had one second, or a half a second to make that decision. And they did it because they felt like their life was in danger, or somebody else’s life was in danger.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's a new round of changes coming to the Police Department's crisis intervention effort, though, ones that will alter the way teams of four officers with the training are deployed. Molina is also hopeful that police will get some help from city psychologists to prevent psychiatric crises from happening in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Changes Coming\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFPD is rolling out a 20-hour tactical training for officers on the department's new use-of-force rules. Lewis said it will augment the role-playing segments of crisis intervention training, which never lead to a physical struggle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the body-camera footage from the Moore shooting could be useful in the training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That was a highly volatile encounter, and one that we haven’t been training to but we will be training to,\" Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \"crisis response\" police code is also changing, according to Smuts and Molina, to become a signal to deploy a team of officers prepared to confront a mentally ill suspect with a weapon other than a gun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach involves teams of four officers in different roles, all assigned at the beginning of the week so it's in place when a crisis begins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contact officer will talk to the suspect while covered by two other officers, one likely armed with a beanbag shotgun or other \"less lethal\" weapon, and the other with a firearm. The fourth officer will keep an eye on any bystanders and reach out to people who may have knowledge of the suspect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's also a yet-to-launch pilot program that will link five city mental health clinicians with the Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city's Department of Public Health envisions that, with some fill-ins, at least one psychologist or social worker will be available 24 hours a day to consult with police while officers attempt to contact suspects in psychiatric crisis. The clinicians will not make direct contact with people in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our goal is really to support police officers in de-escalating these situations,\" said Angelica Almeida, director of assisted outpatient treatment at DPH. \"They'll also be able to provide that ongoing support because, beyond a critical incident, we want to make sure that we are preventing any future incidents that are happening. So we want to be able to plug individuals into our already robust system of care that they may not otherwise have tapped into.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Molina, making those connections is a huge priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to be proactive,\" he said. \"I don't want the crisis.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Prisons Fight to Reduce Dangerous 'Valley Fever' Infections Among Inmates",
"title": "California Prisons Fight to Reduce Dangerous 'Valley Fever' Infections Among Inmates",
"headTitle": "Valley Public Radio | State of Health | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/307877957\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\"Just One Breath\"\u003c/strong>: Read More \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/valleyfever\" target=\"_blank\">Investigations\u003c/a> About Valley Fever\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/valleyfever\" target=\"_blank\">“Just One Breath”\u003c/a> project results from an innovative reporting venture, the Center for Health Journalism Collaborative, which currently involves the Bakersfield Californian, Radio Bilingüe in Fresno, Valley Public Radio in Fresno and Bakersfield, Vida en el Valle in Fresno, Hanford Sentinel, the Voice of OC in Santa Ana, the Arizona Daily Star in Tucson and La Estrella de Tucsón. The collaborative is an initiative of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Health Journalism\u003c/a> at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When the wind kicks up in the town of Coalinga, dust devils whirl over almond orchards and pumpjacks. You can even see the narrow brown funnels from the grounds of Pleasant Valley State Prison, on the outskirts of town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the prison itself, there’s hardly any dust. That's evidence of years of work by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to reduce and control the San Joaquin Valley's ubiquitous wind-borne dust. The dust carries the spores of the debilitating fungal disease known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/fungal/diseases/coccidioidomycosis/\" target=\"_blank\">coccidioidomycosis\u003c/a>, or \"valley fever.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As you can see, it’s a slight breeze but there’s nothing blowing around,” says prison spokesman Matt Martin, gesturing toward dirt-packed exercise yards and the unpaved shoulders of nearby roads. \"It’s a dirt spray, it’ll keep the dust down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Inhaling the dust can be deadly. Spores of the dangerous fungus lurk inside the dust, and if prisoners inhale those spores, they can get sick.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 2011, hundreds of state prisoners were falling ill with the disease every year. Annual prisoner deaths from the disease ranged between six to nine. Pleasant Valley had the most cases; in 2011, the prison's diagnosis rate was more than 600 times the general California rate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prisoners are especially vulnerable to valley fever. They can’t install new air filters or double-paned windows. And they obviously can’t leave.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_291432\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-291432\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Pleasant Valley State Prison in western Fresno County has reported the most cases of valley fever of any California state prison.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pleasant Valley State Prison in western Fresno County has reported the most cases of valley fever of any California state prison. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Preventing this disease is challenging because we all breathe, and many of us live in areas where this fungus is found,” says Dr. Tom Chiller, chief of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/ncezid/dfwed/mycotics/\" target=\"_blank\">mycotic diseases branch \u003c/a>of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But in the last few years, California’s state prisons have made progress. They’ve worked to screen out the prisoners most vulnerable to the disease and have taken measures to lower the risk to inmates incarcerated there. Between 2011 and 2015, while background valley fever rates in the southwest dropped by 30 to 50 percent, rates in state prisons fell close to 90 percent overall. Those improvements did not happen quickly or easily, and some required intervention by outsiders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Some prisoners more vulnerable than others\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richard Nuwintore was barely three weeks into his sentence at Taft Correctional Institution when he began to cough and experience chest pain. Within a few days, it was obvious something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I could touch my skin and I was really hot,” Nuwintore recalls. “I had the coughing, the night sweats. My appetite was gone. I couldn't eat. I couldn't swallow, and I was losing weight really, really fast.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Valley fever is endemic to dusty areas of the southwestern United States. Most who inhale the spores overcome the disease without ever knowing it. Some develop symptoms resembling pneumonia or bronchitis. In a small minority, the disease causes severe lung infection or disseminates throughout the body, requiring lifelong treatment. In the worst cases, the infection leads to fatal meningitis. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disease draws its name from the San Joaquin Valley, the agricultural belt in the center of the state where the disease is concentrated. Kern County — where Nuwintore was incarcerated at Taft — has the highest valley fever incidence of any California county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally a refugee from the east African country of Burundi, Nuwintore had never heard of the disease before arriving at Taft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Other inmates were telling me about valley fever, and I was like, ‘What is it? What is it?’ ” he says. “It was something scary, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nuwintore was a victim of confinement in an endemic area, but weather and genetics also played a role. In 2011, when he was diagnosed, valley fever rates in Arizona and California were skyrocketing — a peak experts largely attribute to\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.bakersfield.com/special/just-one-breath/valley-fever-cases-spike-is-it-the-weather/article_7ce6b232-d0a0-5674-bdf6-e512a3d46d42.html\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">weather cycles of rain and drought\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. And research shows that individuals of African-American or African descent, like Nuwintore, are especially prone to the disease.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Taft is a federal prison and its health data have not been made available. But in state prisons all around Taft, the disease simmered. Between 2007 and 2015, almost 3,500 state prisoners in California were diagnosed with valley fever — many of whom, like Nuwintore, still struggle to manage the disease.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Prisons take steps to reduce risk\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation began taking steps to prevent valley fever long before the alarming 2011 spike in cases.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in 2006, prison officials began excluding inmates with weakened immune systems — due to factors such as HIV or chemotherapy — from all eight prisons in the Central Valley. But valley fever rates still rose among prisoners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_291430\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-291430\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Between 2007 and 2015, almost 3,500 state prisoners in California were diagnosed with valley fever.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Between 2007 and 2015, almost 3,500 state prisoners in California were diagnosed with valley fever. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More sweeping interventions arrived in 2013, at the behest of federal officials who by that time had taken over the administration of prison health care in California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The federal oversight officials added a new rule specifically for prisoners who are African-American or Filipino, another group that is especially susceptible to the disease. The rule held that inmates from those two ethnic groups could \u003cem>not\u003c/em> be sent to the two most affected prisons, Pleasant Valley and nearby Avenal State Prison.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At those two prisons, officials have distributed dust masks that inmates can wear outside. Prisoners also have the option to stay indoors when wind speeds are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think [valley fever] is one of the biggest issues that we've had in this system,” says Janet Mohle-Boetani, a health administrator with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. “We're taking precautions for every prison in the Central Valley, and we're taking extra special precautions for the two prisons that have the very high rates of valley fever.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The most significant change, perhaps, arrived in 2015 on the recommendation of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. It’s\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kvpr.org/post/new-valley-fever-skin-test-shows-promise-obstacles-remain\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a skin test called Spherusol\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that can detect valley fever immunity, and it’s offered to every inmate entering the state prison system. An individual who tests positive has already been exposed to the fungus and fought it off successfully, and is henceforth immune. Inmates who test negative are still at risk. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If they inhale the dust with the fungus in it and they've tested negative, they're much more likely to get the disease than someone who has a positive test,” says Mohle-Boetani. “So if someone comes into the reception center and then they test negative, we put a medical restriction on those patients so they are not sent to live in Avenal or Pleasant Valley State Prison.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People gain immunity after successfully fighting off the disease. In a mass screening in early 2015, around 35,000 inmates in the California prison system took the test and roughly 9 percent were shown to be immune.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The CDC recommended Spherusol to the state prison system shortly after the test became commercially available in 2014. The FDA has not actually approved Spherusol for this purpose, but like other medical products, it is being used off-label to sort the prisoners by risk.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Given the fact that they were having such high rates of cocci, we knew that we needed to do whatever we could to try to help them lower the risk,” says the CDC’s Tom Chiller, referring to valley fever by its scientific nickname, cocci. “We immediately thought 'Maybe this could be used to understand which prisoners could exist in an area with the fungal spores but not get infected, or at least have an extremely low risk of getting infected.'”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">John Galgiani, director of the University of Arizona’s Valley Fever Center for Excellence, is optimistic about the decline in valley fever reported in California’s prisons, but he says it’s too early to determine the exact reasons.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think they should be given credit for the drop to some extent,” Galgiani says, “but it'll take time to see if it stays low, to see if it's because of the policies that are now put in place.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Health impacts linger after prison sentence\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, Richard Nuwintore lives on a suburban cul-de-sac outside Sacramento with his mother and girlfriend.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He may be free from prison, but he’s not free of the disease. He’s too sick to work, and he’ll probably be on antifungal medications for the rest of his life. The fat pink and blue pills keep him alive, but their side effects are almost as bad as the disease itself.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You wake up, you have a little bit of energy, but as the day goes by you start to just feel pain in the joints,” he says. “Of course, your stomach is still on fire because the medicine is kind of powerful. And [there's] fatigue, and sometimes you get dizzy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Nuwintore and another inmate won a landmark case that established the right of prisoners to sue the federal government for damages related to the disease, even though Taft is managed by a private contractor. They’ve now filed a second lawsuit to recoup their medical costs and lost earnings — a sum that could reach millions.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Fungal spores swirling within the dust of the San Joaquin Valley have forced state prisons to ramp up prevention efforts.",
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"description": "Fungal spores swirling within the dust of the San Joaquin Valley have forced state prisons to ramp up prevention efforts.",
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"headline": "California Prisons Fight to Reduce Dangerous 'Valley Fever' Infections Among Inmates",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong> \u003ca href=\"http://kvpr.org/people/kerry-klein\" target=\"_blank\">Kerry Klein\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/br>\u003ca href=\"http://kvpr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Valley Public Radio\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/307877957&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/307877957'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\"Just One Breath\"\u003c/strong>: Read More \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/valleyfever\" target=\"_blank\">Investigations\u003c/a> About Valley Fever\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/valleyfever\" target=\"_blank\">“Just One Breath”\u003c/a> project results from an innovative reporting venture, the Center for Health Journalism Collaborative, which currently involves the Bakersfield Californian, Radio Bilingüe in Fresno, Valley Public Radio in Fresno and Bakersfield, Vida en el Valle in Fresno, Hanford Sentinel, the Voice of OC in Santa Ana, the Arizona Daily Star in Tucson and La Estrella de Tucsón. The collaborative is an initiative of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.centerforhealthjournalism.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Center for Health Journalism\u003c/a> at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When the wind kicks up in the town of Coalinga, dust devils whirl over almond orchards and pumpjacks. You can even see the narrow brown funnels from the grounds of Pleasant Valley State Prison, on the outskirts of town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the prison itself, there’s hardly any dust. That's evidence of years of work by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation to reduce and control the San Joaquin Valley's ubiquitous wind-borne dust. The dust carries the spores of the debilitating fungal disease known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/fungal/diseases/coccidioidomycosis/\" target=\"_blank\">coccidioidomycosis\u003c/a>, or \"valley fever.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As you can see, it’s a slight breeze but there’s nothing blowing around,” says prison spokesman Matt Martin, gesturing toward dirt-packed exercise yards and the unpaved shoulders of nearby roads. \"It’s a dirt spray, it’ll keep the dust down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Inhaling the dust can be deadly. Spores of the dangerous fungus lurk inside the dust, and if prisoners inhale those spores, they can get sick.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">By 2011, hundreds of state prisoners were falling ill with the disease every year. Annual prisoner deaths from the disease ranged between six to nine. Pleasant Valley had the most cases; in 2011, the prison's diagnosis rate was more than 600 times the general California rate. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prisoners are especially vulnerable to valley fever. They can’t install new air filters or double-paned windows. And they obviously can’t leave.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_291432\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-291432\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Pleasant Valley State Prison in western Fresno County has reported the most cases of valley fever of any California state prison.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley3-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pleasant Valley State Prison in western Fresno County has reported the most cases of valley fever of any California state prison. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Preventing this disease is challenging because we all breathe, and many of us live in areas where this fungus is found,” says Dr. Tom Chiller, chief of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/ncezid/dfwed/mycotics/\" target=\"_blank\">mycotic diseases branch \u003c/a>of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But in the last few years, California’s state prisons have made progress. They’ve worked to screen out the prisoners most vulnerable to the disease and have taken measures to lower the risk to inmates incarcerated there. Between 2011 and 2015, while background valley fever rates in the southwest dropped by 30 to 50 percent, rates in state prisons fell close to 90 percent overall. Those improvements did not happen quickly or easily, and some required intervention by outsiders.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Some prisoners more vulnerable than others\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Richard Nuwintore was barely three weeks into his sentence at Taft Correctional Institution when he began to cough and experience chest pain. Within a few days, it was obvious something was wrong.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I could touch my skin and I was really hot,” Nuwintore recalls. “I had the coughing, the night sweats. My appetite was gone. I couldn't eat. I couldn't swallow, and I was losing weight really, really fast.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Valley fever is endemic to dusty areas of the southwestern United States. Most who inhale the spores overcome the disease without ever knowing it. Some develop symptoms resembling pneumonia or bronchitis. In a small minority, the disease causes severe lung infection or disseminates throughout the body, requiring lifelong treatment. In the worst cases, the infection leads to fatal meningitis. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disease draws its name from the San Joaquin Valley, the agricultural belt in the center of the state where the disease is concentrated. Kern County — where Nuwintore was incarcerated at Taft — has the highest valley fever incidence of any California county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Originally a refugee from the east African country of Burundi, Nuwintore had never heard of the disease before arriving at Taft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Other inmates were telling me about valley fever, and I was like, ‘What is it? What is it?’ ” he says. “It was something scary, you know?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nuwintore was a victim of confinement in an endemic area, but weather and genetics also played a role. In 2011, when he was diagnosed, valley fever rates in Arizona and California were skyrocketing — a peak experts largely attribute to\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://www.bakersfield.com/special/just-one-breath/valley-fever-cases-spike-is-it-the-weather/article_7ce6b232-d0a0-5674-bdf6-e512a3d46d42.html\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">weather cycles of rain and drought\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. And research shows that individuals of African-American or African descent, like Nuwintore, are especially prone to the disease.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Taft is a federal prison and its health data have not been made available. But in state prisons all around Taft, the disease simmered. Between 2007 and 2015, almost 3,500 state prisoners in California were diagnosed with valley fever — many of whom, like Nuwintore, still struggle to manage the disease.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Prisons take steps to reduce risk\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation began taking steps to prevent valley fever long before the alarming 2011 spike in cases.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning in 2006, prison officials began excluding inmates with weakened immune systems — due to factors such as HIV or chemotherapy — from all eight prisons in the Central Valley. But valley fever rates still rose among prisoners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_291430\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-291430\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Between 2007 and 2015, almost 3,500 state prisoners in California were diagnosed with valley fever.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-768x512.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/27/2017/02/PleasantValley1-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Between 2007 and 2015, almost 3,500 state prisoners in California were diagnosed with valley fever. \u003ccite>(Kerry Klein/Valley Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">More sweeping interventions arrived in 2013, at the behest of federal officials who by that time had taken over the administration of prison health care in California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The federal oversight officials added a new rule specifically for prisoners who are African-American or Filipino, another group that is especially susceptible to the disease. The rule held that inmates from those two ethnic groups could \u003cem>not\u003c/em> be sent to the two most affected prisons, Pleasant Valley and nearby Avenal State Prison.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At those two prisons, officials have distributed dust masks that inmates can wear outside. Prisoners also have the option to stay indoors when wind speeds are high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think [valley fever] is one of the biggest issues that we've had in this system,” says Janet Mohle-Boetani, a health administrator with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. “We're taking precautions for every prison in the Central Valley, and we're taking extra special precautions for the two prisons that have the very high rates of valley fever.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The most significant change, perhaps, arrived in 2015 on the recommendation of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. It’s\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kvpr.org/post/new-valley-fever-skin-test-shows-promise-obstacles-remain\"> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a skin test called Spherusol\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> that can detect valley fever immunity, and it’s offered to every inmate entering the state prison system. An individual who tests positive has already been exposed to the fungus and fought it off successfully, and is henceforth immune. Inmates who test negative are still at risk. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“If they inhale the dust with the fungus in it and they've tested negative, they're much more likely to get the disease than someone who has a positive test,” says Mohle-Boetani. “So if someone comes into the reception center and then they test negative, we put a medical restriction on those patients so they are not sent to live in Avenal or Pleasant Valley State Prison.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">People gain immunity after successfully fighting off the disease. In a mass screening in early 2015, around 35,000 inmates in the California prison system took the test and roughly 9 percent were shown to be immune.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The CDC recommended Spherusol to the state prison system shortly after the test became commercially available in 2014. The FDA has not actually approved Spherusol for this purpose, but like other medical products, it is being used off-label to sort the prisoners by risk.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Given the fact that they were having such high rates of cocci, we knew that we needed to do whatever we could to try to help them lower the risk,” says the CDC’s Tom Chiller, referring to valley fever by its scientific nickname, cocci. “We immediately thought 'Maybe this could be used to understand which prisoners could exist in an area with the fungal spores but not get infected, or at least have an extremely low risk of getting infected.'”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">John Galgiani, director of the University of Arizona’s Valley Fever Center for Excellence, is optimistic about the decline in valley fever reported in California’s prisons, but he says it’s too early to determine the exact reasons.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I think they should be given credit for the drop to some extent,” Galgiani says, “but it'll take time to see if it stays low, to see if it's because of the policies that are now put in place.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Health impacts linger after prison sentence\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Today, Richard Nuwintore lives on a suburban cul-de-sac outside Sacramento with his mother and girlfriend.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">He may be free from prison, but he’s not free of the disease. He’s too sick to work, and he’ll probably be on antifungal medications for the rest of his life. The fat pink and blue pills keep him alive, but their side effects are almost as bad as the disease itself.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You wake up, you have a little bit of energy, but as the day goes by you start to just feel pain in the joints,” he says. “Of course, your stomach is still on fire because the medicine is kind of powerful. And [there's] fatigue, and sometimes you get dizzy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Nuwintore and another inmate won a landmark case that established the right of prisoners to sue the federal government for damages related to the disease, even though Taft is managed by a private contractor. They’ve now filed a second lawsuit to recoup their medical costs and lost earnings — a sum that could reach millions.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The federal judge overseeing the Oakland Police Department is taking over an investigation into how the police leadership initially responded to allegations of sexual exploitation because the city's probe was failing and moving too slowly, according to one of the attorneys who brought the lawsuit leading to court oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Thelton Henderson ordered Oakland officials on Tuesday to provide a court-appointed attorney with records of the internal affairs investigation into charges that several officers sexually exploited Jasmine Abuslin, the teenage daughter of a police dispatcher. The revelations originating in Oakland led to a law enforcement scandal implicating officers in at least six Bay Area agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson's order appears to override a similar investigation initiated by Mayor Libby Schaaf in May when she hired Morin Jacob, a private attorney with the law firm Liebert Cassidy Whitmore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Express, which has broken several major developments in the sexual exploitation case, \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/court-appointed-attorney-taking-over-oakland-mayors-investigation-of-mishandled-opd-sex-scandal-case/Content?oid=5109952\" target=\"_blank\">first reported that a court-appointed attorney was taking over the case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials were most likely not cooperating with Jacob, leading to the slow pace of the investigation, said civil rights attorney Jim Chanin, who along with John Burris brought the Riders civil rights lawsuit that placed the Police Department under federal oversight in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's been almost a year and there's still been nothing,\" Chanin said Wednesday. \"It appears to me that the court is frustrated and wants this to be over and completed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police officials say there's been no stalling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The city has cooperated and will continue to cooperate with the compliance director's review and investigation of IAD case 15-0771,\" OPD spokeswoman Officer Johnna Watson said in an emailed response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson's order directs the Oakland City Attorney's Office to provide privileged or protected information to attorney Edward Swanson, who in the past investigated problems with disciplining officers for misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob was reviewing \"the propriety and integrity\" of the internal affairs investigation and tracking down city employees who may have leaked information about the scandal to the press, a move criticized by free speech advocates, journalists and political experts as a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/07/21/city-leaders-defend-opd-leak-investigation-critics-say-itll-stick-schaaf/\" target=\"_blank\">witch hunt.\u003c/a> It's unclear whether she had the same access to records Swanson now has under the court's order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least five months in, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/28/opd-leak-probe-comes-up-empty-so-far/\" target=\"_blank\">the leak investigation had yielded no results\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob has not filed a report on her work and no city workers were disciplined based on anything she learned, according to Oakland city spokesman Harry Hamilton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A determination has not yet been made by the city on the role of Morin Jacob moving forward,\" Hamilton said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city paid her $11,682.50 so far, according to Hamilton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob has not returned a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There has been enormous progress with OPD,\" Chanin said, adding that the number of complaints and uses-of-force incidents have dropped recently. \"To some degree we've seen the culture change that we all wanted to see.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said court oversight will likely continue until the court is satisfied with the probe into the sexual exploitation case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This investigation and the delays don't help,\" Chanin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city moved in September to fire four officers and discipline another seven for their involvement in the sexual exploitation case. Alameda County prosecutors then charged five current and former OPD officers with crimes stemming from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[scribd id=339350835 key=key-cSQeIR90n0xAsRhs4Pfc mode=scroll]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Alex Emslie of KQED news contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "'It appears to me that the court is frustrated and wants this to be over and completed,' said civil rights attorney Jim Chanin. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The federal judge overseeing the Oakland Police Department is taking over an investigation into how the police leadership initially responded to allegations of sexual exploitation because the city's probe was failing and moving too slowly, according to one of the attorneys who brought the lawsuit leading to court oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Thelton Henderson ordered Oakland officials on Tuesday to provide a court-appointed attorney with records of the internal affairs investigation into charges that several officers sexually exploited Jasmine Abuslin, the teenage daughter of a police dispatcher. The revelations originating in Oakland led to a law enforcement scandal implicating officers in at least six Bay Area agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson's order appears to override a similar investigation initiated by Mayor Libby Schaaf in May when she hired Morin Jacob, a private attorney with the law firm Liebert Cassidy Whitmore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Express, which has broken several major developments in the sexual exploitation case, \u003ca href=\"http://www.eastbayexpress.com/oakland/court-appointed-attorney-taking-over-oakland-mayors-investigation-of-mishandled-opd-sex-scandal-case/Content?oid=5109952\" target=\"_blank\">first reported that a court-appointed attorney was taking over the case\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials were most likely not cooperating with Jacob, leading to the slow pace of the investigation, said civil rights attorney Jim Chanin, who along with John Burris brought the Riders civil rights lawsuit that placed the Police Department under federal oversight in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's been almost a year and there's still been nothing,\" Chanin said Wednesday. \"It appears to me that the court is frustrated and wants this to be over and completed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland police officials say there's been no stalling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The city has cooperated and will continue to cooperate with the compliance director's review and investigation of IAD case 15-0771,\" OPD spokeswoman Officer Johnna Watson said in an emailed response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson's order directs the Oakland City Attorney's Office to provide privileged or protected information to attorney Edward Swanson, who in the past investigated problems with disciplining officers for misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob was reviewing \"the propriety and integrity\" of the internal affairs investigation and tracking down city employees who may have leaked information about the scandal to the press, a move criticized by free speech advocates, journalists and political experts as a \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/07/21/city-leaders-defend-opd-leak-investigation-critics-say-itll-stick-schaaf/\" target=\"_blank\">witch hunt.\u003c/a> It's unclear whether she had the same access to records Swanson now has under the court's order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least five months in, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2016/11/28/opd-leak-probe-comes-up-empty-so-far/\" target=\"_blank\">the leak investigation had yielded no results\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob has not filed a report on her work and no city workers were disciplined based on anything she learned, according to Oakland city spokesman Harry Hamilton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"A determination has not yet been made by the city on the role of Morin Jacob moving forward,\" Hamilton said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city paid her $11,682.50 so far, according to Hamilton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jacob has not returned a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There has been enormous progress with OPD,\" Chanin said, adding that the number of complaints and uses-of-force incidents have dropped recently. \"To some degree we've seen the culture change that we all wanted to see.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said court oversight will likely continue until the court is satisfied with the probe into the sexual exploitation case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This investigation and the delays don't help,\" Chanin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city moved in September to fire four officers and discipline another seven for their involvement in the sexual exploitation case. Alameda County prosecutors then charged five current and former OPD officers with crimes stemming from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ciframe\n class=\"scribd_iframe_embed\"\n src=\"//www.scribd.com/embeds/339350835/content?start_page=1&view_mode=&access_key=key-cSQeIR90n0xAsRhs4Pfc\"\n title=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/339350835\"\n data-auto-height=\"true\" scrolling=\"no\" id=\"scribd_339350835\"\n width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\n \u003ca class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__scribdShortcode__scribd_footer\"\n href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/339350835\"\n target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">View this document on Scribd\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Alex Emslie of KQED news contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trial-begins-for-richmond-man-facing-hate-crime-murder-charges",
"title": "Trial Begins for Richmond Man Facing Hate Crime Murder Charges",
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"content": "\u003cp>Footage from the security video taken inside the Capri Club in El Sobrante early on the morning of Saturday, Nov. 12, 2016, is grainy, and the voices are hard to hear over loud rap music. A 28-year-old African-American man named William Sims walks into the bar and orders a Coors Light. He talks with people at the bar, drinks his beer and goes into the bathroom. After about half an hour, the bartender gives last call, and Sims walks out the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, police found Sims badly beaten and shot to death in the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the Contra Costa County district attorney is seeking to convict three men — Ray Simons, Daniel Ortega and Daniel Porter-Kelly — with robbing, beating and murdering Sims. Prosecutors say the homicide was racially motivated, and they’re charging it as a hate crime. The trial of Richmond resident Porter-Kelly begins this week. He is the first of the three defendants to face a jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/307914921″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the election of President Trump, the Southern Poverty Law Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2016/11/18/update-incidents-hateful-harassment-election-day-now-number-701\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> a spike in alleged hate crimes across the country. The FBI defines a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/investigate/civil-rights/hate-crimes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hate crime\u003c/a> as “a traditional offense like murder, arson, or vandalism with an added element of bias.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are many hate crimes reported each year, hate crime killings are relatively rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“According to the FBI, there were 18 hate homicides in the United States in 2015, which would be the highest number in about 15 years,” said \u003ca href=\"http://criminaljustice.csusb.edu/facultystaff/levin.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brian Levin\u003c/a>, director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism and professor of criminal justice at California State University San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of those were the nine individuals killed in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/15/us/dylann-roof-trial.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Charleston church shooting massacre\u003c/a>. Levin pointed out that the actual number is likely higher, as homicides may in fact be hate killings even if they are not identified or charged as such.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the district attorney announced that he would prosecute this case as a hate crime, William Sims’ fellow musicians, along with various community members, held a vigil in his memory. Friends described him as a gifted artist and a gentle young man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all see what type of person he was. This is not the type of individual that would walk in somewhere and start some problems,” said vigil organizer Kev Choice, who taught piano to Sims at \u003ca href=\"http://oaktownjazz.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Oakland Jazz Workshops\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the DA hasn’t given the public details about his theory of the case. But in a preliminary hearing, Detective William Root of the Contra Costa Sheriff’s Office presented testimony from a witness he interviewed alleging that at least one of the defendants used racial slurs while hitting Sims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For defendants convicted of hate crimes, the hate crime enhancement comes into play during the sentencing phase, where offenders can face heavy additional penalties. However, these cases can be difficult to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One has to prove the specific intent of the defendant in making that decision to select a crime victim because of their status,” Levin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of William Sims, the prosecutor will have to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendants selected Sims to attack because of his race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is a complex case, even apart from the question of racial bias. There are three defendants charged with the murder. But only one man, Ray Simons, is alleged to have shot Sims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a key element in attorney Colin Cooper’s defense of Daniel Porter-Kelly, the defendant whose trial begins this week. Cooper said video surveillance shows his client driving away from the bar before Sims was shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Daniel Porter-Kelly left in his own car, alone, four or five minutes before the shooting took place,” Cooper said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter-Kelly’s long-term girlfriend, Erica Martinez, said the media and the DA have got the father of her 3-year-old son all wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not what they say,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to their mixed-race family and the mostly African-American neighborhood where they live, Martinez said the man she knows and loves isn’t a racist. And she believes Kelly is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not this kind of guy at all,” she said. “Just like I said, wrong place, wrong time, knowing the wrong people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez said she’s also heartbroken for Sims’ parents, who will never get their son back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s heartbreaking, as much as I love my son, you know?” she said. “Never to even think something like that, but you know it’s hard and you think, gosh, you know the kid didn’t deserve this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A jury will hear evidence against Porter-Kelly and in his defense over the coming weeks. Ray Simons and Daniel Ortega will face preliminary hearings later this month. Both have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Thanks to KQED Arts for the use of audio recordings from the William Sims vigil.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Footage from the security video taken inside the Capri Club in El Sobrante early on the morning of Saturday, Nov. 12, 2016, is grainy, and the voices are hard to hear over loud rap music. A 28-year-old African-American man named William Sims walks into the bar and orders a Coors Light. He talks with people at the bar, drinks his beer and goes into the bathroom. After about half an hour, the bartender gives last call, and Sims walks out the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, police found Sims badly beaten and shot to death in the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the Contra Costa County district attorney is seeking to convict three men — Ray Simons, Daniel Ortega and Daniel Porter-Kelly — with robbing, beating and murdering Sims. Prosecutors say the homicide was racially motivated, and they’re charging it as a hate crime. The trial of Richmond resident Porter-Kelly begins this week. He is the first of the three defendants to face a jury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/307914921″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/307914921″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the election of President Trump, the Southern Poverty Law Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.splcenter.org/hatewatch/2016/11/18/update-incidents-hateful-harassment-election-day-now-number-701\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> a spike in alleged hate crimes across the country. The FBI defines a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fbi.gov/investigate/civil-rights/hate-crimes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hate crime\u003c/a> as “a traditional offense like murder, arson, or vandalism with an added element of bias.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are many hate crimes reported each year, hate crime killings are relatively rare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“According to the FBI, there were 18 hate homicides in the United States in 2015, which would be the highest number in about 15 years,” said \u003ca href=\"http://criminaljustice.csusb.edu/facultystaff/levin.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Brian Levin\u003c/a>, director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism and professor of criminal justice at California State University San Bernardino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of those were the nine individuals killed in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/15/us/dylann-roof-trial.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Charleston church shooting massacre\u003c/a>. Levin pointed out that the actual number is likely higher, as homicides may in fact be hate killings even if they are not identified or charged as such.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the district attorney announced that he would prosecute this case as a hate crime, William Sims’ fellow musicians, along with various community members, held a vigil in his memory. Friends described him as a gifted artist and a gentle young man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all see what type of person he was. This is not the type of individual that would walk in somewhere and start some problems,” said vigil organizer Kev Choice, who taught piano to Sims at \u003ca href=\"http://oaktownjazz.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Oakland Jazz Workshops\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the DA hasn’t given the public details about his theory of the case. But in a preliminary hearing, Detective William Root of the Contra Costa Sheriff’s Office presented testimony from a witness he interviewed alleging that at least one of the defendants used racial slurs while hitting Sims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For defendants convicted of hate crimes, the hate crime enhancement comes into play during the sentencing phase, where offenders can face heavy additional penalties. However, these cases can be difficult to prosecute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One has to prove the specific intent of the defendant in making that decision to select a crime victim because of their status,” Levin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of William Sims, the prosecutor will have to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendants selected Sims to attack because of his race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is a complex case, even apart from the question of racial bias. There are three defendants charged with the murder. But only one man, Ray Simons, is alleged to have shot Sims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a key element in attorney Colin Cooper’s defense of Daniel Porter-Kelly, the defendant whose trial begins this week. Cooper said video surveillance shows his client driving away from the bar before Sims was shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Daniel Porter-Kelly left in his own car, alone, four or five minutes before the shooting took place,” Cooper said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter-Kelly’s long-term girlfriend, Erica Martinez, said the media and the DA have got the father of her 3-year-old son all wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not what they say,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointing to their mixed-race family and the mostly African-American neighborhood where they live, Martinez said the man she knows and loves isn’t a racist. And she believes Kelly is innocent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s not this kind of guy at all,” she said. “Just like I said, wrong place, wrong time, knowing the wrong people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez said she’s also heartbroken for Sims’ parents, who will never get their son back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s heartbreaking, as much as I love my son, you know?” she said. “Never to even think something like that, but you know it’s hard and you think, gosh, you know the kid didn’t deserve this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A jury will hear evidence against Porter-Kelly and in his defense over the coming weeks. Ray Simons and Daniel Ortega will face preliminary hearings later this month. Both have pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Thanks to KQED Arts for the use of audio recordings from the William Sims vigil.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "DACA Recipient Sues Government After Being Detained by Immigration Authorities",
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"content": "\u003cp>A 23-year-old man who was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in Seattle on Feb. 10 says his constitutional rights have been violated and is suing the U.S. government for his release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Ramirez Medina, who is currently being held by immigration authorities in Tacoma, Washington, is registered with the U.S. government under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His appears to be the first arrest by ICE of a DACA recipient. A federal judge in Seattle has scheduled \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3462085-2016-02-14-30-Order-Setting-Briefing-Schedule.html\">a hearing\u003c/a> in the case for Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court documents, Ramirez was born in Mexico and brought to the U.S. when he was about 7 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Ramirez was approved to stay in the U.S. under DACA. He paid a fee to register with the government, underwent an extensive background check and was granted a work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"dvbj0C7aLAzvSgzWXHiSGJNVcRwbiqFK\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 5, 2016, his DACA status was renewed a second time. The renewal stated, \"Unless terminated, this decision to defer removal action will remain in effect for 2 years from the date of this notice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez's lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security, of which ICE is a part, was filed on Monday. The complaint alleges Ramirez was asleep at his father's home in Seattle when agents arrived with an arrest warrant for the father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3462084-Ramirez-Complaint.html\">the complaint\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Following his arrest, Mr. Ramirez's father granted the ICE officers permission to enter his home so that he could inform his two sons about his arrest. When the ICE agents entered the home, they asked Mr. Ramirez, 'Are you legally here?' Mr. Ramirez replied, 'Yes, I have a work permit.' On the recommendation of his brother (a DACA recipient who was also then present), Mr. Ramirez declined to answer additional questions at that time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"...The ICE agents then took Mr. Ramirez to a processing center in Seattle, Washington. When he again informed them about his work permit, one of the ICE agents stated: 'It doesn't matter, because you weren't born in this country.' At this point, the ICE agents had Mr. Ramirez's wallet, which contained his work permit, which clearly identified him as a DACA recipient with a 'C-33' code, which reflects a work authorization issued pursuant to DACA. Despite this fact, Mr. Ramirez was questioned further, fingerprinted, booked, and taken to a detention center in Tacoma, Washington.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Ramirez, whose own child is an American citizen, claim his detention without probable cause violates his Fourth and Fifth Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE spokeswoman Rose Richeson said Ramirez is a \"self-admitted gang member,\" NPR's Hansi Lo Wang reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez's attorney, Ethan Dettmer, said his client \"unequivocally denies\" that assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While in custody, he was repeatedly pressured by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to falsely admit gang affiliation. The statement issued tonight by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement is not accurate,\" Dettmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"z3KSUhd1pcXhkdfvOKtxvntyW0yv2XaX\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court complaint also addresses the seeming failure of a stopgap measure — a 24/7 law enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/lesc\">hotline\u003c/a> that DACA recipients are instructed to call if they find themselves incorrectly detained by immigration authorities, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-process/frequently-asked-questions#mscellaneous\">U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services website explains\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \"when Mr. Ramirez's counsel called the hotline, he was provided no assistance in remedying the mistake that had been made by the arresting ICE agents,\" the complaint states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez's arrest comes three weeks after President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2017/01/30/2017-02102/enhancing-public-safety-in-the-interior-of-the-united-states\">signed an order\u003c/a> regarding the enforcement of immigration laws inside the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One section of that order addressed how federal agencies collect and share information about people in the U.S. under the Privacy Act:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Agencies shall, to the extent consistent with applicable law, ensure that their privacy policies exclude persons who are not United States citizens or lawful permanent residents from the protections of the Privacy Act regarding personally identifiable information.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Advocates for DACA recipients say they would be troubled if data collected by the Obama administration through the program could now be used to deport people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A 23-year-old man who was detained by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents in Seattle on Feb. 10 says his constitutional rights have been violated and is suing the U.S. government for his release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Ramirez Medina, who is currently being held by immigration authorities in Tacoma, Washington, is registered with the U.S. government under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His appears to be the first arrest by ICE of a DACA recipient. A federal judge in Seattle has scheduled \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3462085-2016-02-14-30-Order-Setting-Briefing-Schedule.html\">a hearing\u003c/a> in the case for Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to court documents, Ramirez was born in Mexico and brought to the U.S. when he was about 7 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Ramirez was approved to stay in the U.S. under DACA. He paid a fee to register with the government, underwent an extensive background check and was granted a work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 5, 2016, his DACA status was renewed a second time. The renewal stated, \"Unless terminated, this decision to defer removal action will remain in effect for 2 years from the date of this notice.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez's lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security, of which ICE is a part, was filed on Monday. The complaint alleges Ramirez was asleep at his father's home in Seattle when agents arrived with an arrest warrant for the father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3462084-Ramirez-Complaint.html\">the complaint\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Following his arrest, Mr. Ramirez's father granted the ICE officers permission to enter his home so that he could inform his two sons about his arrest. When the ICE agents entered the home, they asked Mr. Ramirez, 'Are you legally here?' Mr. Ramirez replied, 'Yes, I have a work permit.' On the recommendation of his brother (a DACA recipient who was also then present), Mr. Ramirez declined to answer additional questions at that time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"...The ICE agents then took Mr. Ramirez to a processing center in Seattle, Washington. When he again informed them about his work permit, one of the ICE agents stated: 'It doesn't matter, because you weren't born in this country.' At this point, the ICE agents had Mr. Ramirez's wallet, which contained his work permit, which clearly identified him as a DACA recipient with a 'C-33' code, which reflects a work authorization issued pursuant to DACA. Despite this fact, Mr. Ramirez was questioned further, fingerprinted, booked, and taken to a detention center in Tacoma, Washington.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for Ramirez, whose own child is an American citizen, claim his detention without probable cause violates his Fourth and Fifth Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE spokeswoman Rose Richeson said Ramirez is a \"self-admitted gang member,\" NPR's Hansi Lo Wang reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez's attorney, Ethan Dettmer, said his client \"unequivocally denies\" that assertion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While in custody, he was repeatedly pressured by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents to falsely admit gang affiliation. The statement issued tonight by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement is not accurate,\" Dettmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court complaint also addresses the seeming failure of a stopgap measure — a 24/7 law enforcement \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/lesc\">hotline\u003c/a> that DACA recipients are instructed to call if they find themselves incorrectly detained by immigration authorities, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/consideration-deferred-action-childhood-arrivals-process/frequently-asked-questions#mscellaneous\">U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services website explains\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \"when Mr. Ramirez's counsel called the hotline, he was provided no assistance in remedying the mistake that had been made by the arresting ICE agents,\" the complaint states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramirez's arrest comes three weeks after President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2017/01/30/2017-02102/enhancing-public-safety-in-the-interior-of-the-united-states\">signed an order\u003c/a> regarding the enforcement of immigration laws inside the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One section of that order addressed how federal agencies collect and share information about people in the U.S. under the Privacy Act:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Agencies shall, to the extent consistent with applicable law, ensure that their privacy policies exclude persons who are not United States citizens or lawful permanent residents from the protections of the Privacy Act regarding personally identifiable information.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Advocates for DACA recipients say they would be troubled if data collected by the Obama administration through the program could now be used to deport people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco granted initial approval Tuesday to a deal worth at least $1.2 billion that aims to compensate the owners of roughly 78,000 Volkswagens with 3-liter engines that were rigged to cheat on emissions tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company previously agreed to spend up to $10 billion compensating owners of roughly 475,000 Volkswagens and Audi vehicles with 2-liter diesel engines — the bulk of the vehicles caught up in Volkswagen’s emissions cheating scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer congratulated attorneys for Volkswagen and car owners before granting preliminary approval to the smaller deal involving Volkswagens, Audis and Porsches. He said the settlement was complicated and motivated by economic and environmental concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal offers thousands of dollars in compensation to individual car owners on top of buybacks or repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This settlement marks an important milestone in Volkswagen’s efforts to make things right in the United States,” said Robert Giuffra, an attorney representing the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of 20,000 3-liter models dating back to 2009-2012 that cannot be fixed to meet pollution standards will be offered buybacks or trade-ins. They also will receive compensation ranging from $7,755 to $13,880, according to attorneys representing car owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who bought 58,000 newer cars will get compensation of $7,039 to $16,114. If VW can’t fix the newer cars to regulators’ satisfaction, then the owners’ attorneys are expected to go back to court to seek buybacks. That could push the value of the deal for the 3-liter engines up to $4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preliminary approval allows consumers to weigh in on the deal and learn online whether they have an eligible vehicle and how much compensation to expect. Breyer set May 11 for a hearing on final approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volkswagen has now settled most U.S. consumer claims stemming from the emissions scandal and agreed to pay $4.3 billion to settle a U.S. criminal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has acknowledged that the cars were programmed to turn on emissions controls during government lab tests and turn off the controls while on the road.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco granted initial approval Tuesday to a deal worth at least $1.2 billion that aims to compensate the owners of roughly 78,000 Volkswagens with 3-liter engines that were rigged to cheat on emissions tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company previously agreed to spend up to $10 billion compensating owners of roughly 475,000 Volkswagens and Audi vehicles with 2-liter diesel engines — the bulk of the vehicles caught up in Volkswagen’s emissions cheating scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer congratulated attorneys for Volkswagen and car owners before granting preliminary approval to the smaller deal involving Volkswagens, Audis and Porsches. He said the settlement was complicated and motivated by economic and environmental concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal offers thousands of dollars in compensation to individual car owners on top of buybacks or repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This settlement marks an important milestone in Volkswagen’s efforts to make things right in the United States,” said Robert Giuffra, an attorney representing the company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owners of 20,000 3-liter models dating back to 2009-2012 that cannot be fixed to meet pollution standards will be offered buybacks or trade-ins. They also will receive compensation ranging from $7,755 to $13,880, according to attorneys representing car owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who bought 58,000 newer cars will get compensation of $7,039 to $16,114. If VW can’t fix the newer cars to regulators’ satisfaction, then the owners’ attorneys are expected to go back to court to seek buybacks. That could push the value of the deal for the 3-liter engines up to $4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preliminary approval allows consumers to weigh in on the deal and learn online whether they have an eligible vehicle and how much compensation to expect. Breyer set May 11 for a hearing on final approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volkswagen has now settled most U.S. consumer claims stemming from the emissions scandal and agreed to pay $4.3 billion to settle a U.S. criminal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company has acknowledged that the cars were programmed to turn on emissions controls during government lab tests and turn off the controls while on the road.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrested 680 people in raids across the U.S. last week, approximately three-fourths of whom had prior criminal convictions, according to Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The convictions were for offenses “including, but not limited to, homicide, aggravated sexual abuse, sexual assault of a minor, lewd and lascivious acts with a child, indecent liberties with a minor, drug trafficking, battery, assault, DUI and weapons charges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security did not specify how many of the convictions were for the most serious crimes, like homicide and sexual assault; in regional fact sheets, ICE provided more detailed information on only 15 arrested individuals. It’s also unclear whether the 75 percent statistic includes more minor crimes than the examples listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The raids prompted an outcry from immigrant rights advocates, concerned about the scale and synchronization of the raids — which they described as unusual, despite ICE’s characterizations of the operations as “routine” — and by shifts in practice compared with previous ICE operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, last week’s ICE arrests included “collateral damage,” or people who were picked up despite not being targeted in the operations — for instance, because they were in the same place as a person who \u003cem>was \u003c/em>targeted, and did not have documentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individuals swept up in this way are presumably among the quarter of those arrested that Kelly did not identify as having a criminal conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration activists had also expressed concern over what kinds of crimes could lead a person to be a target for deportation. Kelly’s statement notes that some of the people arrested had convictions for serious crimes such as homicide and sexual assault, but it’s not clear how many of the arrests were for those crimes and how many for crimes such as drunken driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/25/presidential-executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united\">executive order\u003c/a> on the deportation of “criminal aliens” allows a person to be targeted for deportation over \u003cem>any \u003c/em>crime. It’s unclear from Kelly’s statement whether any lower-level crimes, like immigration offenses, are included in the 75 percent tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph Villela, the director of policy at the immigrant rights group CHIRLA, told NPR on Sunday night that his organization had reports of people being arrested in the raids who would not have been prioritized for deportation before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were individuals that had, first, no criminal conviction — second, maybe a minor conviction — but third, some of them had a previous deportation order and that was what made them a priority,” he said. “This is a shift that reflected [President Trump’s] executive order.”‘\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villela said there was a lack of transparency from ICE officials about how many people were affected by the raids, and that at one point CHIRLA’s legal team received false information about a client’s whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described a “deficit of trust” between advocacy groups and the enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Forgive us for not believing 100 percent of what [ICE] are saying when in the field … they were not forthcoming in regards to the real numbers of individuals that were affected,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While President Trump has characterized the raids as fulfilling a campaign pledge to deport “criminals” in the country illegally, immigration officials have maintained the series of actions were just business as usual — in some cases, saying the operations were planned months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy continued on Monday. During a joint news conference with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Trump praised Kelly and said the raids were fulfilling a campaign promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Kelly characterized the raids as “consistent with the routine, targeted arrests carried out by ICE’s Fugitive Operations teams on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also said that in deporting people in the country illegally, the focus is on threats to “national security and public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement from Kelly characterized recent arrests using slightly different terms. The 680 individuals arrested “pose a threat to public safety, border security or the integrity of our nation’s immigration system,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/.\">www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigration and Customs Enforcement arrested 680 people in raids across the U.S. last week, approximately three-fourths of whom had prior criminal convictions, according to Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The convictions were for offenses “including, but not limited to, homicide, aggravated sexual abuse, sexual assault of a minor, lewd and lascivious acts with a child, indecent liberties with a minor, drug trafficking, battery, assault, DUI and weapons charges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homeland Security did not specify how many of the convictions were for the most serious crimes, like homicide and sexual assault; in regional fact sheets, ICE provided more detailed information on only 15 arrested individuals. It’s also unclear whether the 75 percent statistic includes more minor crimes than the examples listed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The raids prompted an outcry from immigrant rights advocates, concerned about the scale and synchronization of the raids — which they described as unusual, despite ICE’s characterizations of the operations as “routine” — and by shifts in practice compared with previous ICE operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For instance, last week’s ICE arrests included “collateral damage,” or people who were picked up despite not being targeted in the operations — for instance, because they were in the same place as a person who \u003cem>was \u003c/em>targeted, and did not have documentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individuals swept up in this way are presumably among the quarter of those arrested that Kelly did not identify as having a criminal conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration activists had also expressed concern over what kinds of crimes could lead a person to be a target for deportation. Kelly’s statement notes that some of the people arrested had convictions for serious crimes such as homicide and sexual assault, but it’s not clear how many of the arrests were for those crimes and how many for crimes such as drunken driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/25/presidential-executive-order-enhancing-public-safety-interior-united\">executive order\u003c/a> on the deportation of “criminal aliens” allows a person to be targeted for deportation over \u003cem>any \u003c/em>crime. It’s unclear from Kelly’s statement whether any lower-level crimes, like immigration offenses, are included in the 75 percent tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joseph Villela, the director of policy at the immigrant rights group CHIRLA, told NPR on Sunday night that his organization had reports of people being arrested in the raids who would not have been prioritized for deportation before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were individuals that had, first, no criminal conviction — second, maybe a minor conviction — but third, some of them had a previous deportation order and that was what made them a priority,” he said. “This is a shift that reflected [President Trump’s] executive order.”‘\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villela said there was a lack of transparency from ICE officials about how many people were affected by the raids, and that at one point CHIRLA’s legal team received false information about a client’s whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described a “deficit of trust” between advocacy groups and the enforcement agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Forgive us for not believing 100 percent of what [ICE] are saying when in the field … they were not forthcoming in regards to the real numbers of individuals that were affected,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While President Trump has characterized the raids as fulfilling a campaign pledge to deport “criminals” in the country illegally, immigration officials have maintained the series of actions were just business as usual — in some cases, saying the operations were planned months in advance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy continued on Monday. During a joint news conference with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Trump praised Kelly and said the raids were fulfilling a campaign promise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Kelly characterized the raids as “consistent with the routine, targeted arrests carried out by ICE’s Fugitive Operations teams on a daily basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has also said that in deporting people in the country illegally, the focus is on threats to “national security and public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement from Kelly characterized recent arrests using slightly different terms. The 680 individuals arrested “pose a threat to public safety, border security or the integrity of our nation’s immigration system,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">\u003cem>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/.\">www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Protesters opposed to — and in support of — abortion clashed outside the Planned Parenthood clinic in San Francisco on Saturday, arguing over whether taxpayer money should go to a women’s health organization that provides abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that the other side has some valid concerns about women’s health,” said Terrisa Bukovinac, president of Pro-Life Future of San Francisco. “However, we are absolutely not OK with federal funds going to an organization that profits from human demise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally was one of 200 organized across the country — about 30 of them in California — by anti-abortion activists, urging Congress to cut federal funding to Planned Parenthood. In several locations, including Denver and St. Paul, Minnesota, demonstrators were outnumbered by counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Planned Parenthood clinics receive $260 million per year in federal funds, though that money is restricted to providing birth control counseling, STD testing and cervical cancer screening — not abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the San Francisco clinic on Valencia Street, about 40 anti-abortion protesters prayed and sang “Ave Maria,” while more than 200 counterprotesters gathered on the other side of the sidewalk, shouting slogans like, “Pro-life, that’s a lie! You don’t care if women die!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n\u003cp lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Protestors on both sides of the abortion debate protest in front of the San Francisco Planned Parenthood clinic (via \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/adembosky?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@adembosky\u003c/a>) \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/vTOy1XbE3W\">pic.twitter.com/vTOy1XbE3W\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— KQED News (@KQEDnews) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/KQEDnews/status/830548075282247680?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">February 11, 2017\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async src=\"https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women on both sides wore T-shirts that said, “This is what a feminist looks like,” including Bukovinac. She said even though the back and forth got tense at times, she welcomed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rarely do we see a significant counterprotest. It’s almost always just us talking to ourselves, which is kind of pointless because we want to be having this national discussion,” she said. “It’s exciting to see people coming out who are also passionate about what they believe in, just like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few Planned Parenthood supporters walked down the sidewalk waving $20 bills at the protesters, then went into the clinic to make a donation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Planned Parenthood was definitely there for me as a young woman and I believe it should be there for all women anywhere,” said pro-abortion rights protester Marian Doub. “I watch the anti-choice people out here periodically and don’t feel like we’ve done enough to counter their movement. We need to step it up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police were careful to keep protesters on either side of the sidewalk away from each other. But one anti-abortion demonstrator, Eva Muntean, broke away at the request of two young women on the pro-abortion rights side. They talked for 20 minutes, sharing their views and personal stories, debating policy and statistics. In the end, no minds were changed, no opinions swayed. But they thanked each other for the civil conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I totally respect their right to be here,” Muntean said. “I wouldn’t want it any other way.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Protesters opposed to — and in support of — abortion clashed outside the Planned Parenthood clinic in San Francisco on Saturday, arguing over whether taxpayer money should go to a women’s health organization that provides abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that the other side has some valid concerns about women’s health,” said Terrisa Bukovinac, president of Pro-Life Future of San Francisco. “However, we are absolutely not OK with federal funds going to an organization that profits from human demise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rally was one of 200 organized across the country — about 30 of them in California — by anti-abortion activists, urging Congress to cut federal funding to Planned Parenthood. In several locations, including Denver and St. Paul, Minnesota, demonstrators were outnumbered by counterprotesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Planned Parenthood clinics receive $260 million per year in federal funds, though that money is restricted to providing birth control counseling, STD testing and cervical cancer screening — not abortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside the San Francisco clinic on Valencia Street, about 40 anti-abortion protesters prayed and sang “Ave Maria,” while more than 200 counterprotesters gathered on the other side of the sidewalk, shouting slogans like, “Pro-life, that’s a lie! You don’t care if women die!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" data-width=\"550\" data-dnt=\"true\">\n\u003cp lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Protestors on both sides of the abortion debate protest in front of the San Francisco Planned Parenthood clinic (via \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/adembosky?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@adembosky\u003c/a>) \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/vTOy1XbE3W\">pic.twitter.com/vTOy1XbE3W\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— KQED News (@KQEDnews) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/KQEDnews/status/830548075282247680?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">February 11, 2017\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript async src=\"https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Women on both sides wore T-shirts that said, “This is what a feminist looks like,” including Bukovinac. She said even though the back and forth got tense at times, she welcomed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rarely do we see a significant counterprotest. It’s almost always just us talking to ourselves, which is kind of pointless because we want to be having this national discussion,” she said. “It’s exciting to see people coming out who are also passionate about what they believe in, just like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few Planned Parenthood supporters walked down the sidewalk waving $20 bills at the protesters, then went into the clinic to make a donation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This Planned Parenthood was definitely there for me as a young woman and I believe it should be there for all women anywhere,” said pro-abortion rights protester Marian Doub. “I watch the anti-choice people out here periodically and don’t feel like we’ve done enough to counter their movement. We need to step it up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police were careful to keep protesters on either side of the sidewalk away from each other. But one anti-abortion demonstrator, Eva Muntean, broke away at the request of two young women on the pro-abortion rights side. They talked for 20 minutes, sharing their views and personal stories, debating policy and statistics. In the end, no minds were changed, no opinions swayed. But they thanked each other for the civil conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I totally respect their right to be here,” Muntean said. “I wouldn’t want it any other way.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "75 Years Later, Japanese-Americans Recall Incarceration, Forced Farm Labor",
"title": "75 Years Later, Japanese-Americans Recall Incarceration, Forced Farm Labor",
"headTitle": "California Foodways | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>When President Trump signed an executive order last month banning people from seven predominantly Muslim countries from entering the U.S. and advocated for a Muslim registry, some of the loudest opponents were Japanese-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have long memories of another executive order, No. 9066, that forced all Japanese-Americans on the West Coast from their homes and businesses during World War II. In 1942, almost 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry, most of them American citizens and farmers, were incarcerated in what were euphemistically called “relocation” or “\u003ca href=\"http://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/sjsj/vol14/iss3/12/\">internment\u003c/a>” camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'You were more number than name.'\u003ccite>Riichi Fuwa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Last summer, I got on a bus in San Francisco’s Japantown, joining a four-day \u003ca href=\"http://www.tulelake.org/\">pilgrimage \u003c/a>to one of these camps -- the former \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/tule/index.htm\">Tule Lake Segregation Center\u003c/a>, just south of the Oregon border in Modoc County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out the bus window, I saw the sparsely populated Tule Lake Basin, alternating between well-irrigated farm fields, dusty land and the occasional dramatic rock outcropping. On the bus, survivors of camps like Tule Lake and their children and grandchildren passed a microphone around. They introduced themselves and shared why they were making the trip: trying to make sense of an experience their families rarely talk about, making connections with others with a common history, visiting the place of their birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310862\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Segregation Center was located in the Tule Lake Basin, where irrigated fields still butt up against dusty land, interrupted by scrub brush and dramatic outcroppings.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Segregation Center was located in the Tule Lake Basin, where irrigated fields still butt up against dusty land, interrupted by scrub brush and dramatic outcroppings. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gen Fujitani)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These kinds of introductions were taking place on other buses, too, traveling from San Jose, Union City, Seattle and Portland. Over 450 people converged for this pilgrimage that takes place every other year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When we arrived at the nearby Oregon Institute of Technology that would be our base for the visit, one of the first people I met was Sacramento resident Riichi Fuwa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wanted to see the place for the last time,\" he told me. Fuwa, 98, doesn’t think he'll make this trip again, but his memories of being imprisoned at Tule Lake are crystal clear. At his age he doesn’t remember his Social Security number, but he remembers this: “19949. That was my number the government gave me,” he said. “19949. You were more number than name.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camp administrators assigned Fuwa that number when he was 24, soon after he was forced off his family’s farm in Bellingham, Washington. Before the war, nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/files/research/japanese-americans/justice-denied/chapter-4.pdf\">two-thirds\u003c/a> of West Coast Japanese-Americans worked in agriculture, people like 93-year-old Jim Tanimoto, from the Sacramento Valley town of Gridley. His father grew rice, then cultivated peaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11310866 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-800x579.jpg\" alt=\"Riichi Fuwa, 98, drove a tractor on the farm at the Tule Lake Segregation Center. Of his time there, he recalls 'You were more number than name.'\" width=\"800\" height=\"579\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-800x579.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-1020x738.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-1180x854.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-960x695.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-240x174.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-375x271.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-520x376.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riichi Fuwa, 98, drove a tractor on the farm at the Tule Lake Segregation Center. Of his time there, he recalls, \"You were more number than name.\" \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanimoto and Fuwa’s immigrant parents faced \u003ca href=\"http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3652&context=californialawreview\">laws\u003c/a> barring them from owning or holding long-term leases on land. Despite that, by 1940 they and their American-born children grew almost 40 percent of the produce in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, on Dec. 7, 1941, the Japanese military bombed Pearl Harbor. Resentment and hysteria grew about anyone of Japanese origin, even those born in the United States. Tanimoto remembered, “Then Executive Order 9066 was signed. Things changed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 19, 1942, when President Franklin Roosevelt signed the executive order authorizing the removal of anyone of Japanese ancestry from military areas, Japanese-Americans could read between the lines. Soon, the commanding general determined that all people of Japanese origin -- whether immigrant or U.S.-born citizen -- in coastal areas had to move inland onto so-called relocation camps. Many had to abandon their orchards and fields, with crops ready to harvest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I stepped out of the train, the terrain was not a big shock,” Tanimoto said. “I knew what the terrain looked like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, when he was younger, Tanimoto had hunted deer up in the Tule Lake Basin, where all he could see was dusty land and scrub brush. In 1942, when Tanimoto and the 15,000 other forcibly evacuated Japanese-Americans arrived at Tule Lake, they saw a landscape dominated by barracks covered in black tar paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rows and rows and rows of these buildings,” said Tanimoto. “We were inside the barbed wire fence, the armed guard towers. We couldn’t walk out of the enclosure. I might get shot.” He remembered thinking, “Hey, I’m an American citizen! Now I’m the one being hunted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tanimoto and many other once-successful farm owners were about to become field workers for the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Government Farmworkers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The guard towers and rows of barracks have long since been torn down or moved. Our guide on the pilgrimage points out the few remaining buildings, and the huge swaths of farmland once worked by Tule Lake prisoners. Over 1,000 Japanese-Americans worked in the fields, most earning just $12 a month, a quarter of what farmworkers made at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310868\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-800x667.jpg\" alt=\"Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for just $12 a month.\" width=\"800\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-800x667.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-160x133.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-1020x851.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-1180x984.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-960x801.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-240x200.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-375x313.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-520x434.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for just $12 a month. \u003ccite>(Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project via National Archives and Records Administration Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Agriculture wasn’t incidental at any of the incarceration camps. Many of the new War Relocation Authority administrators came right from the Department of Agriculture. Camp locations, though usually in deserts and other inhospitable places, were often chosen for their existing government irrigation projects or agricultural potential. The government’s intention was to improve the land for after the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each of the 10 incarceration camps nationwide had working farms, but Tule Lake was different. The land was on a former lakebed, so despite a dusty, snowy and windy climate and a short growing season, it produced enough food for its own mess halls and those at other camps. That production was so essential that when the Tule Lake camp opened, eligible men who refused to work were fined $20 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers at Tule Lake harvested almost 30 crops, including potatoes, rutabagas and daikon radishes. They also grew grain and hay for animal feed, and kept hogs and chickens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11310871 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-800x731.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese-Americans cut seed potatoes at the Tule Lake farm. The original War Relocation Authority caption for this May, 1943 image read, '7,500 sacks of potatoes will be cut by 48 workers in 2-1/2 weeks. This will be enough seeds to plant the 600 acres.'\" width=\"800\" height=\"731\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-800x731.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-160x146.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-1020x932.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-1180x1079.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-960x878.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-240x219.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-375x343.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-520x475.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese-Americans cut seed potatoes at the Tule Lake farm. The original War Relocation Authority caption for this May, 1943, image read, \"7,500 sacks of potatoes will be cut by 48 workers in 2-1/2 weeks. This will be enough seeds to plant the 600 acres.\" \u003ccite>(Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project via National Archives and Records Administration Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the war, Lucille Hitomi’s father ran a commercial flower business in Mountain View. At Tule Lake, he worked the fields, under white supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember my dad saying, ‘I don’t know if they were good farmers,’ ” she said, but those bosses relied on the expertise of the Japanese-American laborers to develop a productive farm. To keep some semblance of normalcy, families like Hitomi’s tried to create special meals. It helped that her brother worked at the camp slaughterhouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if this was legal,” Hitomi remembered, “but sometimes he would bring bits of meat home. My mother brought to camp a hot plate and a frying pan, and she’d cook the meat in the barrack,” instead of joining hundreds of others in the mess hall. “I guess it was more like home,” Hitomi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stated purpose of these farms was to feed incarcerees, but camp administrators took produce, grain and hay grown by these imprisoned Japanese-American workers and sold it on the\u003ca href=\"http://archive.densho.org/Resource/popupenlarged.aspx?i=denshopd-i65-00334\"> open market\u003c/a> -- over 2 million pounds of it from Tule Lake alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Loyalty Questioned\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One year after ordering Japanese-Americans out of their homes, the government made every adult in every camp fill out a questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This outrageous questionnaire was used to separate the so-called loyal people from the disloyal,” said writer and historian Barbara Takei, who also attended the pilgrimage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Tanimoto remembers that two questions caused the most confusion and anger: number 27 asked a person’s willingness to join the armed forces -- this, after being incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And number 28 was sort of like a trick question, 'Would you cut your ties with Japan and the emperor?' \" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Well, I’m an American citizen and a Gridley farmboy. I have no ties with Japan or the emperor, so how was I supposed to answer this question?” If he had no ties to begin with, he couldn’t answer “yes” and cut them, but if he answered “no,” the U.S. government would assume he was disloyal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310858\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-800x488.jpg\" alt=\"Jim Tanimoto worked on the freight crew, packing and shipping out produce from the Tule Lake farm. Along with many others, he refused to sign the infamous “loyalty questionnaire.” He was jailed in a nearby town, and at this former Civilian Conservation Corps camp. He says, “I stood on my constitutional rights. You can’t do this to American citizens.”\" width=\"800\" height=\"488\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-800x488.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-160x98.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-1020x622.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-1180x720.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-960x586.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-240x146.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-375x229.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-520x317.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim Tanimoto worked on the freight crew, packing and shipping out produce from the Tule Lake farm. Along with many others, he refused to sign the infamous “loyalty questionnaire.” He was jailed in a nearby town, and at this former Civilian Conservation Corps camp. He says, “I stood on my constitutional rights. You can’t do this to American citizens.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gen Fujitani)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanimoto and all of the other young men in Block 42, his area of the Tule Lake camp, refused to answer. They were arrested and jailed in nearby towns, then at a former Civilian Conservation Corps camp nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stood on my constitutional rights” Tanimoto said. “You can’t do this to American citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More people at Tule Lake refused to answer these questions, or answered \"no\" to one or both, than at any other camp. Additional fences and guard towers went up, and anyone in the whole camp system who didn’t answer \"yes\" to both questions was labeled “disloyal” and was sent to the renamed Tule Lake Segregation Center. This was in the 1940s, two decades before the civil rights movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, post-civil rights movement, we realize that the right to protest is a precious American right,” Takei said. “It was something that the people who were imprisoned in Tule Lake exercised, and because of that they were punished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Largest ‘City’ in Region\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By fall 1943, the Tule Lake Segregation Center became the largest “city” in California north of Sacramento, ballooning to nearly 19,000 people, most of them labeled \"troublemakers.\" Camp got tense. With a larger workforce, the administrators expanded the farm and expected a huge harvest -- but laborers complained of poor food rations and major safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, a truck carrying Japanese-American laborers from the farm had an accident. Nearly 30 workers were injured. One died. Farmworkers refused to go back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They recognized that they had leverage by having the strike right when the crops are ready to pick,” Takei explained. The camp director turned around and brought in Japanese-Americans from other incarceration camps to break the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These strikebreakers were also paid $1 an hour, so in two days they could make more than a farmworker at Tule Lake would make in a month,” Takei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310951\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for $12 a month. Here, incarcerees work in a carrot field.\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-800x549.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-1180x809.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-960x659.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-240x165.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-375x257.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-520x357.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for $12 a month. Here, incarcerees work in a carrot field. \u003ccite>(National Archives and Records Administration Collection/Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Camp administrators would simply not let the fields go unharvested. A few days later, Takei explained, the Tule Lake laborers became even angrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers saw a truck leaving the warehouse area filled with food,” ostensibly to feed the strikebreakers. About 200 people surrounded the truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that's what caused the camp director to call in a battalion, with the tanks rolling in, and the camp was shut down,” said Takei.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Japanese-American leaders were thrown in a stockade, with no legal recourse. Within days, martial law was declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This marked the end of large-scale farming, and the beginning of two tumultuous years at Tule Lake. The military raided barracks, and hundreds of people ended up in the stockade, then a jail, for months. There were more protests. A radical faction grew in camp, and eventually thousands of angry, scared or confused Japanese-Americans imprisoned at Tule Lake renounced their U.S. citizenship -- actions many felt were made under duress, and which took 20 years to reverse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"yNayDmmS2vP0klPq3nGpyhkInMNtuYii\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tule Lake Segregation Center closed in the spring of 1946, six months after the war ended. What remained were empty barracks that once housed families, and thousands of acres of rich farmland. Ninety-eight-year-old Riichi Fuwa remembered that the land he and other Japanese-Americans improved got parceled off to veterans returning from war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the soldiers came back and they wanted to farm, they could homestead that place,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him, jokingly, if he was offered that land. Fuwa just laughed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some former incarcerees returned home and eventually rebuilt successful farm businesses. Not Fuwa. His farm was overgrown, all the equipment stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way to express that feeling when you see the place like that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He soon left farming forever. By 1960, the number of Japanese-American farmers dropped to a quarter of their prewar presence. With lost farms, homes and businesses, it’s estimated that wartime incarceration cost Japanese-Americans up to $4 billion in today’s values. Some of those losses were compensated in 1988, when President Ronald Reagan signed redress legislation offering a formal apology and giving $20,000 to each survivor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The non-economic losses -- to Japanese-Americans, to California, to the whole country -- are impossible to measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Especially now, Takei said, we must remember “how easily people -- because of fear and anger -- lose sight of our important national values of justice and rule of law.\" She drew parallels with Muslim Americans, refugees and immigrants, \"as though demonizing other people is going to solve our problems.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All we have to do, she said, is look at the World War II incarceration of Japanese-Americans to see that’s not true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor's Note: This story has been updated to reflect the accurate amount of produce grown at Tule Lake that was sold on the open market. It was over 2 million pounds, not 2 million tons as previously stated.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>This story was produced in collaboration with the \u003ca href=\"https://thefern.org/\">Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit investigative news organization. Meradith Hoddinott helped with research.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>For more on the Tule Lake story, please visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.tulelake.org/\">Tule Lake Committee\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.lifeorliberty.org/tule-lake-documentary\">Resistance at Tule Lake\u003c/a>,\u003ca href=\"http://janmstore.com/products/tule-lake-revisited\"> Tule Lake Revisited\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.densho.org/\">Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project\u003c/a>, and the work of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cwu.edu/geography/geography-japanese-american-relocation-centers\">Dr. Karl Lillquist\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2934/\">Michael David Schmidli\u003c/a>. For more stories in the series, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When President Trump signed an executive order last month banning people from seven predominantly Muslim countries from entering the U.S. and advocated for a Muslim registry, some of the loudest opponents were Japanese-Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have long memories of another executive order, No. 9066, that forced all Japanese-Americans on the West Coast from their homes and businesses during World War II. In 1942, almost 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry, most of them American citizens and farmers, were incarcerated in what were euphemistically called “relocation” or “\u003ca href=\"http://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu/sjsj/vol14/iss3/12/\">internment\u003c/a>” camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'You were more number than name.'\u003ccite>Riichi Fuwa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Last summer, I got on a bus in San Francisco’s Japantown, joining a four-day \u003ca href=\"http://www.tulelake.org/\">pilgrimage \u003c/a>to one of these camps -- the former \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/tule/index.htm\">Tule Lake Segregation Center\u003c/a>, just south of the Oregon border in Modoc County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out the bus window, I saw the sparsely populated Tule Lake Basin, alternating between well-irrigated farm fields, dusty land and the occasional dramatic rock outcropping. On the bus, survivors of camps like Tule Lake and their children and grandchildren passed a microphone around. They introduced themselves and shared why they were making the trip: trying to make sense of an experience their families rarely talk about, making connections with others with a common history, visiting the place of their birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310862\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"The Segregation Center was located in the Tule Lake Basin, where irrigated fields still butt up against dusty land, interrupted by scrub brush and dramatic outcroppings.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/TuleBasin-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Segregation Center was located in the Tule Lake Basin, where irrigated fields still butt up against dusty land, interrupted by scrub brush and dramatic outcroppings. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gen Fujitani)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>These kinds of introductions were taking place on other buses, too, traveling from San Jose, Union City, Seattle and Portland. Over 450 people converged for this pilgrimage that takes place every other year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When we arrived at the nearby Oregon Institute of Technology that would be our base for the visit, one of the first people I met was Sacramento resident Riichi Fuwa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I wanted to see the place for the last time,\" he told me. Fuwa, 98, doesn’t think he'll make this trip again, but his memories of being imprisoned at Tule Lake are crystal clear. At his age he doesn’t remember his Social Security number, but he remembers this: “19949. That was my number the government gave me,” he said. “19949. You were more number than name.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camp administrators assigned Fuwa that number when he was 24, soon after he was forced off his family’s farm in Bellingham, Washington. Before the war, nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/files/research/japanese-americans/justice-denied/chapter-4.pdf\">two-thirds\u003c/a> of West Coast Japanese-Americans worked in agriculture, people like 93-year-old Jim Tanimoto, from the Sacramento Valley town of Gridley. His father grew rice, then cultivated peaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11310866 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-800x579.jpg\" alt=\"Riichi Fuwa, 98, drove a tractor on the farm at the Tule Lake Segregation Center. Of his time there, he recalls 'You were more number than name.'\" width=\"800\" height=\"579\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-800x579.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-160x116.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-1020x738.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-1180x854.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-960x695.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-240x174.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-375x271.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Fuwa-520x376.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Riichi Fuwa, 98, drove a tractor on the farm at the Tule Lake Segregation Center. Of his time there, he recalls, \"You were more number than name.\" \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanimoto and Fuwa’s immigrant parents faced \u003ca href=\"http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3652&context=californialawreview\">laws\u003c/a> barring them from owning or holding long-term leases on land. Despite that, by 1940 they and their American-born children grew almost 40 percent of the produce in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, on Dec. 7, 1941, the Japanese military bombed Pearl Harbor. Resentment and hysteria grew about anyone of Japanese origin, even those born in the United States. Tanimoto remembered, “Then Executive Order 9066 was signed. Things changed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On February 19, 1942, when President Franklin Roosevelt signed the executive order authorizing the removal of anyone of Japanese ancestry from military areas, Japanese-Americans could read between the lines. Soon, the commanding general determined that all people of Japanese origin -- whether immigrant or U.S.-born citizen -- in coastal areas had to move inland onto so-called relocation camps. Many had to abandon their orchards and fields, with crops ready to harvest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I stepped out of the train, the terrain was not a big shock,” Tanimoto said. “I knew what the terrain looked like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because, when he was younger, Tanimoto had hunted deer up in the Tule Lake Basin, where all he could see was dusty land and scrub brush. In 1942, when Tanimoto and the 15,000 other forcibly evacuated Japanese-Americans arrived at Tule Lake, they saw a landscape dominated by barracks covered in black tar paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rows and rows and rows of these buildings,” said Tanimoto. “We were inside the barbed wire fence, the armed guard towers. We couldn’t walk out of the enclosure. I might get shot.” He remembered thinking, “Hey, I’m an American citizen! Now I’m the one being hunted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tanimoto and many other once-successful farm owners were about to become field workers for the U.S. government.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Government Farmworkers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The guard towers and rows of barracks have long since been torn down or moved. Our guide on the pilgrimage points out the few remaining buildings, and the huge swaths of farmland once worked by Tule Lake prisoners. Over 1,000 Japanese-Americans worked in the fields, most earning just $12 a month, a quarter of what farmworkers made at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310868\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310868\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-800x667.jpg\" alt=\"Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for just $12 a month.\" width=\"800\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-800x667.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-160x133.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-1020x851.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-1180x984.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-960x801.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-240x200.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-375x313.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/WomenFarmworkers-520x434.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for just $12 a month. \u003ccite>(Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project via National Archives and Records Administration Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Agriculture wasn’t incidental at any of the incarceration camps. Many of the new War Relocation Authority administrators came right from the Department of Agriculture. Camp locations, though usually in deserts and other inhospitable places, were often chosen for their existing government irrigation projects or agricultural potential. The government’s intention was to improve the land for after the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each of the 10 incarceration camps nationwide had working farms, but Tule Lake was different. The land was on a former lakebed, so despite a dusty, snowy and windy climate and a short growing season, it produced enough food for its own mess halls and those at other camps. That production was so essential that when the Tule Lake camp opened, eligible men who refused to work were fined $20 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers at Tule Lake harvested almost 30 crops, including potatoes, rutabagas and daikon radishes. They also grew grain and hay for animal feed, and kept hogs and chickens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-11310871 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-800x731.jpg\" alt=\"Japanese-Americans cut seed potatoes at the Tule Lake farm. The original War Relocation Authority caption for this May, 1943 image read, '7,500 sacks of potatoes will be cut by 48 workers in 2-1/2 weeks. This will be enough seeds to plant the 600 acres.'\" width=\"800\" height=\"731\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-800x731.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-160x146.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-1020x932.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-1180x1079.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-960x878.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-240x219.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-375x343.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/IncarcPotatos-520x475.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Japanese-Americans cut seed potatoes at the Tule Lake farm. The original War Relocation Authority caption for this May, 1943, image read, \"7,500 sacks of potatoes will be cut by 48 workers in 2-1/2 weeks. This will be enough seeds to plant the 600 acres.\" \u003ccite>(Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project via National Archives and Records Administration Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Before the war, Lucille Hitomi’s father ran a commercial flower business in Mountain View. At Tule Lake, he worked the fields, under white supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember my dad saying, ‘I don’t know if they were good farmers,’ ” she said, but those bosses relied on the expertise of the Japanese-American laborers to develop a productive farm. To keep some semblance of normalcy, families like Hitomi’s tried to create special meals. It helped that her brother worked at the camp slaughterhouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if this was legal,” Hitomi remembered, “but sometimes he would bring bits of meat home. My mother brought to camp a hot plate and a frying pan, and she’d cook the meat in the barrack,” instead of joining hundreds of others in the mess hall. “I guess it was more like home,” Hitomi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stated purpose of these farms was to feed incarcerees, but camp administrators took produce, grain and hay grown by these imprisoned Japanese-American workers and sold it on the\u003ca href=\"http://archive.densho.org/Resource/popupenlarged.aspx?i=denshopd-i65-00334\"> open market\u003c/a> -- over 2 million pounds of it from Tule Lake alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Loyalty Questioned\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One year after ordering Japanese-Americans out of their homes, the government made every adult in every camp fill out a questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This outrageous questionnaire was used to separate the so-called loyal people from the disloyal,” said writer and historian Barbara Takei, who also attended the pilgrimage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Tanimoto remembers that two questions caused the most confusion and anger: number 27 asked a person’s willingness to join the armed forces -- this, after being incarcerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And number 28 was sort of like a trick question, 'Would you cut your ties with Japan and the emperor?' \" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Well, I’m an American citizen and a Gridley farmboy. I have no ties with Japan or the emperor, so how was I supposed to answer this question?” If he had no ties to begin with, he couldn’t answer “yes” and cut them, but if he answered “no,” the U.S. government would assume he was disloyal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310858\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-800x488.jpg\" alt=\"Jim Tanimoto worked on the freight crew, packing and shipping out produce from the Tule Lake farm. Along with many others, he refused to sign the infamous “loyalty questionnaire.” He was jailed in a nearby town, and at this former Civilian Conservation Corps camp. He says, “I stood on my constitutional rights. You can’t do this to American citizens.”\" width=\"800\" height=\"488\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-800x488.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-160x98.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-1020x622.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-1180x720.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-960x586.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-240x146.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-375x229.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Tanimoto-520x317.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jim Tanimoto worked on the freight crew, packing and shipping out produce from the Tule Lake farm. Along with many others, he refused to sign the infamous “loyalty questionnaire.” He was jailed in a nearby town, and at this former Civilian Conservation Corps camp. He says, “I stood on my constitutional rights. You can’t do this to American citizens.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy Gen Fujitani)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tanimoto and all of the other young men in Block 42, his area of the Tule Lake camp, refused to answer. They were arrested and jailed in nearby towns, then at a former Civilian Conservation Corps camp nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stood on my constitutional rights” Tanimoto said. “You can’t do this to American citizens.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More people at Tule Lake refused to answer these questions, or answered \"no\" to one or both, than at any other camp. Additional fences and guard towers went up, and anyone in the whole camp system who didn’t answer \"yes\" to both questions was labeled “disloyal” and was sent to the renamed Tule Lake Segregation Center. This was in the 1940s, two decades before the civil rights movement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, post-civil rights movement, we realize that the right to protest is a precious American right,” Takei said. “It was something that the people who were imprisoned in Tule Lake exercised, and because of that they were punished.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Largest ‘City’ in Region\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By fall 1943, the Tule Lake Segregation Center became the largest “city” in California north of Sacramento, ballooning to nearly 19,000 people, most of them labeled \"troublemakers.\" Camp got tense. With a larger workforce, the administrators expanded the farm and expected a huge harvest -- but laborers complained of poor food rations and major safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, a truck carrying Japanese-American laborers from the farm had an accident. Nearly 30 workers were injured. One died. Farmworkers refused to go back to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They recognized that they had leverage by having the strike right when the crops are ready to pick,” Takei explained. The camp director turned around and brought in Japanese-Americans from other incarceration camps to break the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These strikebreakers were also paid $1 an hour, so in two days they could make more than a farmworker at Tule Lake would make in a month,” Takei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11310951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11310951\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-800x549.jpg\" alt=\"Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for $12 a month. Here, incarcerees work in a carrot field.\" width=\"800\" height=\"549\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-800x549.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-1180x809.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-960x659.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-240x165.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-375x257.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/FieldworkTule-520x357.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many of the Japanese-Americans incarcerated at Tule Lake had been farmers before the war. At camp, they were employed as field workers, often for $12 a month. Here, incarcerees work in a carrot field. \u003ccite>(National Archives and Records Administration Collection/Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Camp administrators would simply not let the fields go unharvested. A few days later, Takei explained, the Tule Lake laborers became even angrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers saw a truck leaving the warehouse area filled with food,” ostensibly to feed the strikebreakers. About 200 people surrounded the truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that's what caused the camp director to call in a battalion, with the tanks rolling in, and the camp was shut down,” said Takei.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Japanese-American leaders were thrown in a stockade, with no legal recourse. Within days, martial law was declared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This marked the end of large-scale farming, and the beginning of two tumultuous years at Tule Lake. The military raided barracks, and hundreds of people ended up in the stockade, then a jail, for months. There were more protests. A radical faction grew in camp, and eventually thousands of angry, scared or confused Japanese-Americans imprisoned at Tule Lake renounced their U.S. citizenship -- actions many felt were made under duress, and which took 20 years to reverse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tule Lake Segregation Center closed in the spring of 1946, six months after the war ended. What remained were empty barracks that once housed families, and thousands of acres of rich farmland. Ninety-eight-year-old Riichi Fuwa remembered that the land he and other Japanese-Americans improved got parceled off to veterans returning from war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the soldiers came back and they wanted to farm, they could homestead that place,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I asked him, jokingly, if he was offered that land. Fuwa just laughed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some former incarcerees returned home and eventually rebuilt successful farm businesses. Not Fuwa. His farm was overgrown, all the equipment stolen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no way to express that feeling when you see the place like that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He soon left farming forever. By 1960, the number of Japanese-American farmers dropped to a quarter of their prewar presence. With lost farms, homes and businesses, it’s estimated that wartime incarceration cost Japanese-Americans up to $4 billion in today’s values. Some of those losses were compensated in 1988, when President Ronald Reagan signed redress legislation offering a formal apology and giving $20,000 to each survivor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The non-economic losses -- to Japanese-Americans, to California, to the whole country -- are impossible to measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Especially now, Takei said, we must remember “how easily people -- because of fear and anger -- lose sight of our important national values of justice and rule of law.\" She drew parallels with Muslim Americans, refugees and immigrants, \"as though demonizing other people is going to solve our problems.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All we have to do, she said, is look at the World War II incarceration of Japanese-Americans to see that’s not true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor's Note: This story has been updated to reflect the accurate amount of produce grown at Tule Lake that was sold on the open market. It was over 2 million pounds, not 2 million tons as previously stated.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>This story was produced in collaboration with the \u003ca href=\"https://thefern.org/\">Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/a>, a nonprofit investigative news organization. Meradith Hoddinott helped with research.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>For more on the Tule Lake story, please visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.tulelake.org/\">Tule Lake Committee\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.lifeorliberty.org/tule-lake-documentary\">Resistance at Tule Lake\u003c/a>,\u003ca href=\"http://janmstore.com/products/tule-lake-revisited\"> Tule Lake Revisited\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.densho.org/\">Densho: The Japanese American Legacy Project\u003c/a>, and the work of \u003ca href=\"https://www.cwu.edu/geography/geography-japanese-american-relocation-centers\">Dr. Karl Lillquist\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2934/\">Michael David Schmidli\u003c/a>. For more stories in the series, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiafoodways.com/\">California Foodways\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Fight Over Immigration Ban Continues\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a three-judge panel of the 9\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals unanimously refused to reinstate President Trump’s executive order to restrict travel from seven predominantly Muslim countries, the president vowed he would take other actions to increase national security – as soon as next week, he suggested at a press conference Friday. UC Berkeley Law School interim dean Melissa Murray and KQED California Politics and Government senior editor Scott Shafer join Thuy Vu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Public School Policy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confirmation of Betsy DeVos, a staunch supporter of so-called school choice, as secretary of the U.S. Department of Education raises questions about the impact of federal policy on California’s public schools and their roughly 6 million students. Also this week, San Francisco led the nation in making City College tuition free for all residents of the city. Learning Policy Institute President Linda Darling-Hammond and UC Berkeley education professor Janelle Scott join Thuy Vu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>National Security Analysis\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NPR correspondent David Welna describes his recent visit to Guantanamo Bay prison and discusses recent national security developments, including the impact of President Trump’s executive order on foreign relations.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Seeking to regroup after a stinging legal defeat, President Donald Trump said Friday he is considering signing a \"brand-new order\" after his refugee and immigration travel ban was halted in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump, speaking to reporters on Air Force One as he flew to Florida for the weekend, said he expected his administration to win the legal battle over his original directive. But he said the White House was also weighing other alternatives, including making changes to the order, which suspended the nation's refugee program and barred all entries from seven Muslim-majority countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president said a new executive order would likely change \"very little\" from the first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's comments came a day after the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld a restraining order on the original travel ban. While a White House official initially suggested the administration would not ask the Supreme Court to overturn that order, chief of staff Reince Priebus later said \"every single court option is on the table,\" including a high court appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Priebus said the administration was also considering \"fighting out this case on the merits\" in a lower court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's executive order was hastily unveiled at the end of his first week in office. It caused chaos at airports in the U.S. and sparked protests across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president has cast the order as crucial for national security. Earlier Friday, he promised to take action \"very rapidly\" to protect the U.S. and its citizens in the wake of the appeals court decision, but he did not specify what steps he planned to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll be doing things to continue to make our country safe,\" Trump pledged at a news conference with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. \"It will happen rapidly. We will not allow people into our country who are looking to do harm to our people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president's comments were far more restrained than his angry reaction to last week's initial court ruling blocking the travel ban. Trump took aim at both the \"so-called judge\" in that case and the ruling, which he called \"ridiculous.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump continued to conjure images of unspecified danger Friday, saying he had \"learned tremendous things that you could only learn, frankly, if you were in a certain position, namely president. And there are tremendous threats to our country. We will not allow that to happen, I can tell you that. We will not allow that to happen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit ruling represented a significant setback for Trump in just his third week in office. The appellate decision brushed aside arguments by the Justice Department that the president has the constitutional power to restrict entry to the United States and that the courts cannot second-guess his determination that such a step was needed to prevent terrorism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer tweeted that Trump \"ought to see the writing on the wall\" and abandon the proposal. The New York Democrat called on the president to \"roll up his sleeves\" and come up with \"a real, bipartisan plan to keep us safe.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi of California promised, \"Democrats will continue to press for President Trump's dangerous and unconstitutional ban to be withdrawn.\" And Trump's former presidential rival Hillary Clinton offered a terse response on Twitter, noting the unanimous vote: \"3-0.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress' Republican leaders, House Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge James Robart in Seattle issued the temporary restraining order halting the ban after Washington state and Minnesota sued, leading to the federal government's appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has said the seven nations — Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen — have raised terrorism concerns. The states have argued that the executive order unconstitutionally blocked entry based on religion and the travel ban harmed individuals, businesses and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and his aides frequently refer to a ruling by a federal judge in Boston who declined last week to extend a temporary injunction against Trump's travel ban. In a separate federal ruling in Seattle, a different federal judge put the ban on hold nationwide; it is that judge's decision that the White House has challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a decision that we'll win, in my opinion, very easily. And, by the way, we won that decision in Boston,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump's executive order was hastily unveiled at the end of his first week in office. It caused chaos at airports in the U.S. and sparked protests across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president has cast the order as crucial for national security. Earlier Friday, he promised to take action \"very rapidly\" to protect the U.S. and its citizens in the wake of the appeals court decision, but he did not specify what steps he planned to take.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll be doing things to continue to make our country safe,\" Trump pledged at a news conference with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. \"It will happen rapidly. We will not allow people into our country who are looking to do harm to our people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president's comments were far more restrained than his angry reaction to last week's initial court ruling blocking the travel ban. Trump took aim at both the \"so-called judge\" in that case and the ruling, which he called \"ridiculous.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump continued to conjure images of unspecified danger Friday, saying he had \"learned tremendous things that you could only learn, frankly, if you were in a certain position, namely president. And there are tremendous threats to our country. We will not allow that to happen, I can tell you that. We will not allow that to happen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit ruling represented a significant setback for Trump in just his third week in office. The appellate decision brushed aside arguments by the Justice Department that the president has the constitutional power to restrict entry to the United States and that the courts cannot second-guess his determination that such a step was needed to prevent terrorism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer tweeted that Trump \"ought to see the writing on the wall\" and abandon the proposal. The New York Democrat called on the president to \"roll up his sleeves\" and come up with \"a real, bipartisan plan to keep us safe.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi of California promised, \"Democrats will continue to press for President Trump's dangerous and unconstitutional ban to be withdrawn.\" And Trump's former presidential rival Hillary Clinton offered a terse response on Twitter, noting the unanimous vote: \"3-0.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress' Republican leaders, House Speaker Paul Ryan and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge James Robart in Seattle issued the temporary restraining order halting the ban after Washington state and Minnesota sued, leading to the federal government's appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has said the seven nations — Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen — have raised terrorism concerns. The states have argued that the executive order unconstitutionally blocked entry based on religion and the travel ban harmed individuals, businesses and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump and his aides frequently refer to a ruling by a federal judge in Boston who declined last week to extend a temporary injunction against Trump's travel ban. In a separate federal ruling in Seattle, a different federal judge put the ban on hold nationwide; it is that judge's decision that the White House has challenged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a decision that we'll win, in my opinion, very easily. And, by the way, we won that decision in Boston,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/download.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California finds overall that 30 percent of adults approve of the way President Trump is doing his job. But those numbers split sharply along party lines, with 72 percent of Republicans approving of the new president and 82 percent of Democrats disapproving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results demonstrate the state’s diversity, said PPIC president and CEO Mark Baldassare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being not just geographically large but large in population, we’re a state that has a lot of unique and different political views within it that are represented,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown and the Democratic-controlled state Legislature seem to be faring well. The PPIC poll finds 62 percent of Californians approve of the job Brown’s doing — that’s the highest ever recorded by the survey. The Legislature’s approval rating is 57 percent, its highest point since 2001. However, there are deep partisan divides on that issue as well, with Republicans tending to disapprove of both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11309609\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 398px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11309609 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval.jpg\" alt=\"Gov_Leg_Approval\" width=\"398\" height=\"351\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval.jpg 398w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval-160x141.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval-240x212.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval-375x331.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 398px) 100vw, 398px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Courtesy of PPIC \u003ccite>(Courtesy of PPIC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Baldassare says much of the goodwill being shown toward the governor and Legislature is likely related to California’s strong economy in recent years and the state spending money on programs people care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I also think that there is hope and there is expectation on the part of Californians, at this time when many Californians are troubled about the direction of the country, that our leadership here will be up to the task,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change proved to be another partisan issue, with 65 percent of adults, including 82 percent of Democrats and 62 percent of independents, believing it is a major threat to the country’s well-being. Republicans were more likely to classify climate change as a minor threat or not a threat at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11309610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 392px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11309610 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx.jpg\" alt=\"ClimateChange_Gfx\" width=\"392\" height=\"340\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx.jpg 392w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx-160x139.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx-240x208.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx-375x325.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 392px) 100vw, 392px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Courtesy of PPIC \u003ccite>(Courtesy of PPIC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One area that defied partisan divides was illegal immigration: 85 percent of adults, including 65 percent of Republicans, said undocumented immigrants should be allowed to stay in the country. Baldassare says many in California see immigration as a settled issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most Californians believe that the immigrants in our state are a net benefit to the people and economy of California,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the top issues that concern Californians were the economy, immigration and education.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/main/download.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California finds overall that 30 percent of adults approve of the way President Trump is doing his job. But those numbers split sharply along party lines, with 72 percent of Republicans approving of the new president and 82 percent of Democrats disapproving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results demonstrate the state’s diversity, said PPIC president and CEO Mark Baldassare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being not just geographically large but large in population, we’re a state that has a lot of unique and different political views within it that are represented,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown and the Democratic-controlled state Legislature seem to be faring well. The PPIC poll finds 62 percent of Californians approve of the job Brown’s doing — that’s the highest ever recorded by the survey. The Legislature’s approval rating is 57 percent, its highest point since 2001. However, there are deep partisan divides on that issue as well, with Republicans tending to disapprove of both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11309609\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 398px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11309609 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval.jpg\" alt=\"Gov_Leg_Approval\" width=\"398\" height=\"351\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval.jpg 398w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval-160x141.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval-240x212.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Gov_Leg_Approval-375x331.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 398px) 100vw, 398px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Courtesy of PPIC \u003ccite>(Courtesy of PPIC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Baldassare says much of the goodwill being shown toward the governor and Legislature is likely related to California’s strong economy in recent years and the state spending money on programs people care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I also think that there is hope and there is expectation on the part of Californians, at this time when many Californians are troubled about the direction of the country, that our leadership here will be up to the task,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change proved to be another partisan issue, with 65 percent of adults, including 82 percent of Democrats and 62 percent of independents, believing it is a major threat to the country’s well-being. Republicans were more likely to classify climate change as a minor threat or not a threat at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11309610\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 392px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11309610 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx.jpg\" alt=\"ClimateChange_Gfx\" width=\"392\" height=\"340\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx.jpg 392w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx-160x139.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx-240x208.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/ClimateChange_Gfx-375x325.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 392px) 100vw, 392px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Courtesy of PPIC \u003ccite>(Courtesy of PPIC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One area that defied partisan divides was illegal immigration: 85 percent of adults, including 65 percent of Republicans, said undocumented immigrants should be allowed to stay in the country. Baldassare says many in California see immigration as a settled issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most Californians believe that the immigrants in our state are a net benefit to the people and economy of California,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the top issues that concern Californians were the economy, immigration and education.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
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"video-tv": {},
"events": {},
"support": {}
}
}
}