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"disqusTitle": "Competing Cannabis Companies Duke It Out for California Trademark Rights",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.harvestshop.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvest's\u003c/a> two San Francisco dispensaries boast sleek wooden cabinetry, understated signage and crisp-looking packaging emblazoned with the company's sunburst logo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the next couple of weeks, the boutique Bay Area marijuana company is going to court to defend its rights to all of that fancy branding — in particular, its name and logo — against an Arizona-based competitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our client's position is that they own the rights to use that name in California,\" said attorney Michael Dorsi, who represents the Bay Area dispensary's two San Francisco outlets, as well as its Oakland-based holding company, Cosecha. \"The court should stop Arizona Harvest from using the same business name for the same service in this state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Arizona Harvest\" — officially, \u003ca href=\"https://www.harvestofaz.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvest Health and Recreation Inc.\u003c/a> — is an older and much bigger cannabis player founded in 2011 and headquartered in Tempe, Arizona. It's listed on the Canadian Stock Exchange with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/quote/HARV:CN\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">market cap roughly equivalent to $2 billion USD\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"left\" citation=\"Harvest Health and Recreation Inc. CEO Steve White\"]'Mr. Higgins has gone and challenged our trademark on the basis that we are a federally illegal business, which is effectively the nuclear bomb in cannabis.'[/pullquote]Its CEO, Steve White, said his company currently holds close to 90 licenses for retail stores across the country in several states, including seven in California, which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/california-cannabis-market-expected-to-reach-51-billion-market-value-685917412.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the country’s largest market\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No court case is going to dissuade us from moving heavily into California,\" White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company recently opened its first Northern California store in Napa and has \u003ca href=\"https://www.harvestinc.com/state/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">plans to expand throughout the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area-based Harvest has had a physical presence in California longer than the Arizona company and holds registered trademarks in the state. It opened its first location on Geary Street in the Richmond neighborhood in January 2016. It obtained a trademark in California for the Harvest name in June 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona company spokesman Alex Howe said his company's ties to California date back to 2012, even though the company had no physical footprint here until it opened its Napa outlet in January this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have business-to-business deals with California companies that began as early as 2012,\" Howe said. \"We have California investors from that period. And Harvest has been marketed into California from that early period.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana industry attorney Burke Hansen said the Bay Area-based company's registered California trademarks and footprint here may give it an advantage in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It gets trickier when you start to come into California, particularly San Francisco, where you've already got an established Harvest brand,\" Hansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the case is complex. And it's just one of several disputes between the two Harvests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside align=\"left\" label=\"More on Marijuana Legalization\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719852/dispute-over-rules-riles-californias-legal-pot-market, Dispute Over Rules Riles California's Legal Pot Market\" link2=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11647259/re-criminalizing-cannabis-is-worse-than-1930s-reefer-madness, Re-Criminalizing Cannabis is Worse Than 1930s 'Reefer Madness'\" link3=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11626686/confusion-coming-with-state-marijuana-regulations, Confusion Coming with State Marijuana Regulations\"]In 2017, Harvest of Arizona launched its own legal proceedings in Arizona Superior Court against its Bay Area competitor and its CEO Marty Higgins. The suit accuses Higgins of stealing the Harvest name and logo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In February 2014, a mutual friend introduced me to Mr. Higgins and asked me if I would be willing to show him what we were doing in Arizona,\" said White, explaining the roots of his complaint. \"So I spent some time with him and took him through, so he could see exactly how it's set up. We chatted about our plans. He then went back to California and effectively copied just about everything that we were doing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arizona-based Harvest's most obvious complaints against the Bay Area-based Harvest are its alleged copying of the \"Harvest\" name itself and the similarities of the companies' logos in color and shape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM.png\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1612\" height=\"660\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11730197\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM.png 1612w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-160x66.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-800x328.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-1020x418.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-1200x491.png 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1612px) 100vw, 1612px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mutual friend who introduced Higgins and White recalled his reaction upon first seeing the Bay Area-based company's branding. \"That logo looks a lot like Harvest's logo in Arizona. That was one of my first thoughts,\" said Kris Krane, who is president and CEO of cannabis company \u003ca href=\"https://4frontventures.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">4Front Ventures\u003c/a>. \"The logo's similar. The name is the same.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krane said he urged Higgins to reach out to White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED obtained emails that passed between Krane and Higgins from Alex Howe, the Arizona-based Harvest spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first message, Krane alerts Higgins to the potential problem. In his response, Higgins characterizes his use of the Harvest name and similar branding as an \"oversight,\" which he would take steps to rectify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are working on solutions ASAP,\" Higgins wrote in the email. \"We do not want to run into issues or cause ill will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45.png\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-1020x622.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"390\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-11729907\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-1020x622.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-160x98.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-800x488.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-1200x732.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45.png 1580w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-800x396.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"396\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11730359\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-800x396.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-160x79.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-1020x505.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-1200x594.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22.png 1720w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arizona company's legal actions not only accuse the Bay Area company of intellectual property theft, but also assert federal trademark claims to the Harvest name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Howe, the company has two federal trademark registrations — one for the name, and one for the design and logo. Howe said the company started using the branding as early as 2012 and that the first two federal registrations were issued on March 7, 2017 and Sept. 5, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have a valid federal trademark for the name Harvest in the business that we are doing,\" the Arizona-based company's CEO, Steve White, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, because cannabis is still illegal at the federal level, White admitted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uspto.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Patent and Trademark Office\u003c/a> likely granted the Arizona Harvest its trademarks without knowing the nature of its business. \"The trademark office was likely unaware that we were a cannabis business,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal restrictions around doing business in today's cannabis industry are part of the Bay Area-based Harvest's claims for trademark rights over the Arizona company. \"We took the position that state law trademarks are the controlling legal authority,\" said the company's attorney, Michael Dorsi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/12/RS28657_GettyImages-91997121-qut-1180x787.jpg\" label=\"Bay Curious Answers Your Questions\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2, Everything You Want to Know About Legal Weed in California\"]White said there's an informal code against marijuana businesses going after each other on federal grounds because it could set dangerous precedents that might harm the industry in the long run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While there are some impediments to our business conduct due to the federal illegality, we effectively have a code whereby we will not take advantage of that,\" White said. \"But in this case, Mr. Higgins has gone and challenged our trademark on the basis that we are a federally illegal business, which is effectively the nuclear bomb in cannabis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry attorney Burke Hansen said two companies battling trademark issues out in court is a new development in the cannabis industry. Most of his clients settle out of court or drop the charges. But he expects formal litigation for such cases to become increasingly common. He said this is especially true in San Francisco, which currently places tight restrictions on who can get a license to operate a marijuana business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's becoming a more normalized market,\" Hansen said. \"So you're going to see trademark disputes and all kinds of other standard disputes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.harvestshop.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvest's\u003c/a> two San Francisco dispensaries boast sleek wooden cabinetry, understated signage and crisp-looking packaging emblazoned with the company's sunburst logo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the next couple of weeks, the boutique Bay Area marijuana company is going to court to defend its rights to all of that fancy branding — in particular, its name and logo — against an Arizona-based competitor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our client's position is that they own the rights to use that name in California,\" said attorney Michael Dorsi, who represents the Bay Area dispensary's two San Francisco outlets, as well as its Oakland-based holding company, Cosecha. \"The court should stop Arizona Harvest from using the same business name for the same service in this state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Arizona Harvest\" — officially, \u003ca href=\"https://www.harvestofaz.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Harvest Health and Recreation Inc.\u003c/a> — is an older and much bigger cannabis player founded in 2011 and headquartered in Tempe, Arizona. It's listed on the Canadian Stock Exchange with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/quote/HARV:CN\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">market cap roughly equivalent to $2 billion USD\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "'Mr. Higgins has gone and challenged our trademark on the basis that we are a federally illegal business, which is effectively the nuclear bomb in cannabis.'",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Its CEO, Steve White, said his company currently holds close to 90 licenses for retail stores across the country in several states, including seven in California, which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/california-cannabis-market-expected-to-reach-51-billion-market-value-685917412.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the country’s largest market\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"No court case is going to dissuade us from moving heavily into California,\" White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company recently opened its first Northern California store in Napa and has \u003ca href=\"https://www.harvestinc.com/state/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">plans to expand throughout the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area-based Harvest has had a physical presence in California longer than the Arizona company and holds registered trademarks in the state. It opened its first location on Geary Street in the Richmond neighborhood in January 2016. It obtained a trademark in California for the Harvest name in June 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arizona company spokesman Alex Howe said his company's ties to California date back to 2012, even though the company had no physical footprint here until it opened its Napa outlet in January this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have business-to-business deals with California companies that began as early as 2012,\" Howe said. \"We have California investors from that period. And Harvest has been marketed into California from that early period.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana industry attorney Burke Hansen said the Bay Area-based company's registered California trademarks and footprint here may give it an advantage in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It gets trickier when you start to come into California, particularly San Francisco, where you've already got an established Harvest brand,\" Hansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the case is complex. And it's just one of several disputes between the two Harvests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"label": "More on Marijuana Legalization ",
"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11719852/dispute-over-rules-riles-californias-legal-pot-market, Dispute Over Rules Riles California's Legal Pot Market",
"link2": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11647259/re-criminalizing-cannabis-is-worse-than-1930s-reefer-madness, Re-Criminalizing Cannabis is Worse Than 1930s 'Reefer Madness'",
"link3": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11626686/confusion-coming-with-state-marijuana-regulations, Confusion Coming with State Marijuana Regulations"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2017, Harvest of Arizona launched its own legal proceedings in Arizona Superior Court against its Bay Area competitor and its CEO Marty Higgins. The suit accuses Higgins of stealing the Harvest name and logo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In February 2014, a mutual friend introduced me to Mr. Higgins and asked me if I would be willing to show him what we were doing in Arizona,\" said White, explaining the roots of his complaint. \"So I spent some time with him and took him through, so he could see exactly how it's set up. We chatted about our plans. He then went back to California and effectively copied just about everything that we were doing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arizona-based Harvest's most obvious complaints against the Bay Area-based Harvest are its alleged copying of the \"Harvest\" name itself and the similarities of the companies' logos in color and shape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM.png\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1612\" height=\"660\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11730197\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM.png 1612w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-160x66.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-800x328.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-1020x418.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-03-01-at-5.25.31-PM-1200x491.png 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1612px) 100vw, 1612px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mutual friend who introduced Higgins and White recalled his reaction upon first seeing the Bay Area-based company's branding. \"That logo looks a lot like Harvest's logo in Arizona. That was one of my first thoughts,\" said Kris Krane, who is president and CEO of cannabis company \u003ca href=\"https://4frontventures.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">4Front Ventures\u003c/a>. \"The logo's similar. The name is the same.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Krane said he urged Higgins to reach out to White.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED obtained emails that passed between Krane and Higgins from Alex Howe, the Arizona-based Harvest spokesman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first message, Krane alerts Higgins to the potential problem. In his response, Higgins characterizes his use of the Harvest name and similar branding as an \"oversight,\" which he would take steps to rectify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are working on solutions ASAP,\" Higgins wrote in the email. \"We do not want to run into issues or cause ill will.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45.png\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-1020x622.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"390\" class=\"aligncenter size-large wp-image-11729907\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-1020x622.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-160x98.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-800x488.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45-1200x732.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.45.png 1580w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-800x396.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"396\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11730359\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-800x396.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-160x79.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-1020x505.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22-1200x594.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/Screen-Shot-2019-02-28-at-18.26.22.png 1720w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Arizona company's legal actions not only accuse the Bay Area company of intellectual property theft, but also assert federal trademark claims to the Harvest name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Howe, the company has two federal trademark registrations — one for the name, and one for the design and logo. Howe said the company started using the branding as early as 2012 and that the first two federal registrations were issued on March 7, 2017 and Sept. 5, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have a valid federal trademark for the name Harvest in the business that we are doing,\" the Arizona-based company's CEO, Steve White, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, because cannabis is still illegal at the federal level, White admitted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.uspto.gov/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">U.S. Patent and Trademark Office\u003c/a> likely granted the Arizona Harvest its trademarks without knowing the nature of its business. \"The trademark office was likely unaware that we were a cannabis business,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal restrictions around doing business in today's cannabis industry are part of the Bay Area-based Harvest's claims for trademark rights over the Arizona company. \"We took the position that state law trademarks are the controlling legal authority,\" said the company's attorney, Michael Dorsi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"label": "Bay Curious Answers Your Questions ",
"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2, Everything You Want to Know About Legal Weed in California"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>White said there's an informal code against marijuana businesses going after each other on federal grounds because it could set dangerous precedents that might harm the industry in the long run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While there are some impediments to our business conduct due to the federal illegality, we effectively have a code whereby we will not take advantage of that,\" White said. \"But in this case, Mr. Higgins has gone and challenged our trademark on the basis that we are a federally illegal business, which is effectively the nuclear bomb in cannabis.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry attorney Burke Hansen said two companies battling trademark issues out in court is a new development in the cannabis industry. Most of his clients settle out of court or drop the charges. But he expects formal litigation for such cases to become increasingly common. He said this is especially true in San Francisco, which currently places tight restrictions on who can get a license to operate a marijuana business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's becoming a more normalized market,\" Hansen said. \"So you're going to see trademark disputes and all kinds of other standard disputes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hat you do online. When you’re home. When you’re not. Where you shop. Who you friend and date. What apps you download and how you use them. Your age, sex, income, credit score, and location day and night. We trade thousands and thousands of points of data like this every day to use websites like Facebook, services like Gmail and apps like Tinder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal data has become the currency of the Internet. Things are free online because you’re paying with your data. Companies mine that data, and then monetize it through advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big data collectors like Google and Facebook record not only what you do on their sites, but also elsewhere on the Internet through tracking devices like browser cookies. They combine all that information with data they acquire and purchase from third parties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">The result is a big ball of data\u003c/a> about you that can be used by advertisers for marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more.’\u003ccite>Jeffrey Chester, Center for Digital Democracy\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Most smaller data collectors, like say a free smartphone game, sell the data they gather to brokers. Companies that have platforms to reach eyeballs — like Google and Facebook — roll up their own balls of user data and charge advertisers to target marketing to its users based on that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his state of the state address, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726287/gov-gavin-newsom-wants-users-to-profit-from-online-data\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">said consumers should make money from all their data\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve asked my team to develop a proposal for a new ‘data dividend’ for Californians, because we recognize that your data has value and it belongs to you,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This idea isn’t new. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private companies like Datacoup and Meeco have \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketplace.org/2014/08/27/tech/how-sell-your-private-data-if-you-really-want\">tried to get consumers to sell their data\u003c/a> directly to advertisers. The problem these companies have run into is that even selling even your most personal, intimate details won’t actually bring you that much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because one individual’s information isn’t worth that much on its own. Even U.S. consumers, who, because of their buying power, have the most valuable personal information in the world, have only been able to make tens of dollars a month on these data marketplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data really starts to gain value when companies have information on millions or billions of users, and when they control the mediums for advertisers to access those users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When news came out that Gov. Newsom wanted to pursue a digital dividend, some suggested that this could be trouble for companies like Google and Facebook. Could they survive if they were forced to pay users for their data?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s all speculation so far. There are no details on how the dividend would work. Would companies have to provide cash? Would they have to give customers an option of paying to keep their data private? Or could Facebook and Google make their services free in exchange for user data, which is what they’re already doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google and Facebook have not made a public comment about Newsom’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">Here’s the Data Facebook Has on Users and How the Company Gathers It\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS23343_GettyImages-624830956-qut-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It is impossible to tell how, if at all, the dividend would impact the business model at Google, Facebook or any other company that traffics in our personal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know is that privacy advocates have not rallied around the call for a digital dividend. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Chester, for one, is concerned that Newsom and others are even floating the idea of paying people for data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chester is with the Center for Digital Democracy, a privacy advocacy group. He said giving people a digital dividend could actually speed up the collection of data rather than slow it down because it will regularize the idea that our personal information should be bought and sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more than what’s going on today,” Chester said. What we really need to do, Chester said, is to protect data from being collected and used by corporations to shape our experiences online and off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high Chester said. Our online data has not only become the currency of the internet, it is increasingly being used to shape how we think of ourselves and each other. It is the grist for the algorithms that construct our online worlds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What ads do you see online? What discounts are you offered? What stories pop up in your social media feed? Who should you friend? Who are you paired with on a dating app? What restaurants are recommended to you? What videos are shown to your children? What data are the companies making these decisions looking at? Who collected it? How accurate is it? How is it changing the way you see the world?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much money, really, is it worth to have a say in these answers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hat you do online. When you’re home. When you’re not. Where you shop. Who you friend and date. What apps you download and how you use them. Your age, sex, income, credit score, and location day and night. We trade thousands and thousands of points of data like this every day to use websites like Facebook, services like Gmail and apps like Tinder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Personal data has become the currency of the Internet. Things are free online because you’re paying with your data. Companies mine that data, and then monetize it through advertising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big data collectors like Google and Facebook record not only what you do on their sites, but also elsewhere on the Internet through tracking devices like browser cookies. They combine all that information with data they acquire and purchase from third parties. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">The result is a big ball of data\u003c/a> about you that can be used by advertisers for marketing.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more.’\u003ccite>Jeffrey Chester, Center for Digital Democracy\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Most smaller data collectors, like say a free smartphone game, sell the data they gather to brokers. Companies that have platforms to reach eyeballs — like Google and Facebook — roll up their own balls of user data and charge advertisers to target marketing to its users based on that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his state of the state address, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11726287/gov-gavin-newsom-wants-users-to-profit-from-online-data\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">said consumers should make money from all their data\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve asked my team to develop a proposal for a new ‘data dividend’ for Californians, because we recognize that your data has value and it belongs to you,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This idea isn’t new. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private companies like Datacoup and Meeco have \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketplace.org/2014/08/27/tech/how-sell-your-private-data-if-you-really-want\">tried to get consumers to sell their data\u003c/a> directly to advertisers. The problem these companies have run into is that even selling even your most personal, intimate details won’t actually bring you that much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s because one individual’s information isn’t worth that much on its own. Even U.S. consumers, who, because of their buying power, have the most valuable personal information in the world, have only been able to make tens of dollars a month on these data marketplaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Data really starts to gain value when companies have information on millions or billions of users, and when they control the mediums for advertisers to access those users.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When news came out that Gov. Newsom wanted to pursue a digital dividend, some suggested that this could be trouble for companies like Google and Facebook. Could they survive if they were forced to pay users for their data?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s all speculation so far. There are no details on how the dividend would work. Would companies have to provide cash? Would they have to give customers an option of paying to keep their data private? Or could Facebook and Google make their services free in exchange for user data, which is what they’re already doing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google and Facebook have not made a public comment about Newsom’s proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">Here’s the Data Facebook Has on Users and How the Company Gathers It\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657315/heres-the-data-facebook-has-on-users-and-how-the-company-gathers-it\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/RS23343_GettyImages-624830956-qut-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It is impossible to tell how, if at all, the dividend would impact the business model at Google, Facebook or any other company that traffics in our personal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What we do know is that privacy advocates have not rallied around the call for a digital dividend. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Chester, for one, is concerned that Newsom and others are even floating the idea of paying people for data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chester is with the Center for Digital Democracy, a privacy advocacy group. He said giving people a digital dividend could actually speed up the collection of data rather than slow it down because it will regularize the idea that our personal information should be bought and sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This digital dividend scheme is really a trick for consumers to get them to agree to allow their information to be collected even more than what’s going on today,” Chester said. What we really need to do, Chester said, is to protect data from being collected and used by corporations to shape our experiences online and off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stakes are high Chester said. Our online data has not only become the currency of the internet, it is increasingly being used to shape how we think of ourselves and each other. It is the grist for the algorithms that construct our online worlds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What ads do you see online? What discounts are you offered? What stories pop up in your social media feed? Who should you friend? Who are you paired with on a dating app? What restaurants are recommended to you? What videos are shown to your children? What data are the companies making these decisions looking at? Who collected it? How accurate is it? How is it changing the way you see the world?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much money, really, is it worth to have a say in these answers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo has asked the state’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.fppc.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fair Political Practices Commission\u003c/a> to weigh in on his belated disclosure of ownership of a property that, years later, happens to be located near the proposed Google development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Liccardo and Jessica Garcia-Kohl were married in 2013, she already owned the condo. But, as first reported by the \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/mayor-sam-liccardo-failed-to-disclose-property-near-google-development/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose Spotlight\u003c/a>, Liccardo didn’t publicly disclose his joint interest in the unit until 2018 — when talks were already well underway for a multimillion-dollar city land sale to Google about a mile from the condo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-1180x744.jpg\" label=\"Google in San Jose\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709962/despite-fierce-opposition-san-jose-city-council-unanimously-approves-major-public-land-sale-to-google,Despite Fierce Opposition, San Jose Approves Major Public Land Sale to Google\" link2=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709388/a-220m-google-village-in-the-bay-areas-largest-city,A $220 Million Google 'Village' in the Bay Area's Largest City\" link3=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101860444/google-eyes-san-jose-for-campus-for-20000-employees,Google Eyes San Jose for Campus for 20,000 Employees\"]“The short answer is, I screwed up,” Liccardo told KQED. “Basically, when we got married, I should have disclosed the fact that I owned this condo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor said he remembered he needed to file the proper paperwork with state authorities when the couple decided to sell the property. According to the San Jose Spotlight, it was sold in March 2018 for $745,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why did they decide to sell it? Not, Liccardo said, to capitalize on the rising real estate market locally. “There’s really no connection. We were having more and more problems with the condo — plumbing and other issues — and we decided we wanted to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added he’s still living and owning nearby. “Everybody knows that, because it’s on my website. There was never any doubt about the fact that I, along with tens of thousands of other folks who own property downtown — our homes — might benefit if there’s economic development downtown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose’s city attorney says the law doesn’t find conflict of interest unless a property is within 500 feet of a development. But critics of the sale to Google say it’s one more thing that doesn’t look good about the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people are making a lot of money off of this deal and there’s other people who are going to lose everything,” said Sandy Perry, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://ahnscc.wordpress.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Affordable Housing Network of Santa Clara County\u003c/a>. “They’re just being crushed by the tech industry moving into Silicon Valley, and the rents are going through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry believes Liccardo should have recused himself from voting on the Google project. Instead, he cast two votes in favor of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Wagers wouldn’t go that far. The pastor at \u003ca href=\"http://chamministry.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CHAM Deliverance Ministry\u003c/a> works with local politicians on behalf of the homeless and believes Liccardo is well-meaning. However, he said, “It doesn’t look good. I don’t mistrust him personally, but it creates distrust.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo has asked the state’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.fppc.ca.gov\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fair Political Practices Commission\u003c/a> to weigh in on his belated disclosure of ownership of a property that, years later, happens to be located near the proposed Google development downtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Liccardo and Jessica Garcia-Kohl were married in 2013, she already owned the condo. But, as first reported by the \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/mayor-sam-liccardo-failed-to-disclose-property-near-google-development/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose Spotlight\u003c/a>, Liccardo didn’t publicly disclose his joint interest in the unit until 2018 — when talks were already well underway for a multimillion-dollar city land sale to Google about a mile from the condo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The short answer is, I screwed up,” Liccardo told KQED. “Basically, when we got married, I should have disclosed the fact that I owned this condo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor said he remembered he needed to file the proper paperwork with state authorities when the couple decided to sell the property. According to the San Jose Spotlight, it was sold in March 2018 for $745,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why did they decide to sell it? Not, Liccardo said, to capitalize on the rising real estate market locally. “There’s really no connection. We were having more and more problems with the condo — plumbing and other issues — and we decided we wanted to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added he’s still living and owning nearby. “Everybody knows that, because it’s on my website. There was never any doubt about the fact that I, along with tens of thousands of other folks who own property downtown — our homes — might benefit if there’s economic development downtown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose’s city attorney says the law doesn’t find conflict of interest unless a property is within 500 feet of a development. But critics of the sale to Google say it’s one more thing that doesn’t look good about the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people are making a lot of money off of this deal and there’s other people who are going to lose everything,” said Sandy Perry, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://ahnscc.wordpress.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Affordable Housing Network of Santa Clara County\u003c/a>. “They’re just being crushed by the tech industry moving into Silicon Valley, and the rents are going through the roof.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perry believes Liccardo should have recused himself from voting on the Google project. Instead, he cast two votes in favor of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Wagers wouldn’t go that far. The pastor at \u003ca href=\"http://chamministry.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CHAM Deliverance Ministry\u003c/a> works with local politicians on behalf of the homeless and believes Liccardo is well-meaning. However, he said, “It doesn’t look good. I don’t mistrust him personally, but it creates distrust.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727455/black-farmworkers-in-the-central-valley-escaping-jim-crow-for-a-subtler-kind-of-racism\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow For a Subtler Kind of Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today, when you think of farmworkers in California’s fields, picking strawberries, pruning grape vines, cutting lettuce, you probably think of migrants from Mexico or Central America. But less than a century ago, many of those jobs were done by dust bowl migrants from places like Oklahoma. The 1930s brought over 1 million newly displaced people to California, especially the Central Valley. Not all of them were white families. In the 1940s and 50s, a wave of African-American families came to the Central Valley, lured by the promise of jobs, and an escape from racist Jim Crow laws. Alex Hall brings us the stories of two families whose dreams of getting ahead were shaped by the racism they found here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Letter to My California Dreamer: To My Grandparents Who Escaped the Dust Bowl\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Listener Kimberly Brown's grandparents were part of a wave of mostly white migrants fleeing the dust bowl – although they were American-born, discrimination against “Okies” meant they had to pay a smuggler to get across the California border. She wrote to them as part of our series \"Letter to my California Dreamer\" - where we've been asking you to write a letter to one of the first people in your family who came to California in search of a better life.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When the Central Valley Was the 'Center of the Country Music Universe'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The famous Bakersfield Sound was pioneered by musicians with roots in Oklahoma, Arkansas and Texas, starting just after the Second World War. It’s music that Robert Price has spent much of his life writing about – he’s a longtime columnist, and former executive editor for the Bakersfield Californian, and wrote a book about the Bakersfield Sound. He tells us that musicians like Buck Owens and Merle Haggard had very different influences, but a few things in common, including a secret weapon that helped them “rattle the aluminum siding.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727455/black-farmworkers-in-the-central-valley-escaping-jim-crow-for-a-subtler-kind-of-racism\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\" target=\"_blank\">Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow For a Subtler Kind of Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today, when you think of farmworkers in California’s fields, picking strawberries, pruning grape vines, cutting lettuce, you probably think of migrants from Mexico or Central America. But less than a century ago, many of those jobs were done by dust bowl migrants from places like Oklahoma. The 1930s brought over 1 million newly displaced people to California, especially the Central Valley. Not all of them were white families. In the 1940s and 50s, a wave of African-American families came to the Central Valley, lured by the promise of jobs, and an escape from racist Jim Crow laws. Alex Hall brings us the stories of two families whose dreams of getting ahead were shaped by the racism they found here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Letter to My California Dreamer: To My Grandparents Who Escaped the Dust Bowl\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Listener Kimberly Brown's grandparents were part of a wave of mostly white migrants fleeing the dust bowl – although they were American-born, discrimination against “Okies” meant they had to pay a smuggler to get across the California border. She wrote to them as part of our series \"Letter to my California Dreamer\" - where we've been asking you to write a letter to one of the first people in your family who came to California in search of a better life.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When the Central Valley Was the 'Center of the Country Music Universe'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The famous Bakersfield Sound was pioneered by musicians with roots in Oklahoma, Arkansas and Texas, starting just after the Second World War. It’s music that Robert Price has spent much of his life writing about – he’s a longtime columnist, and former executive editor for the Bakersfield Californian, and wrote a book about the Bakersfield Sound. He tells us that musicians like Buck Owens and Merle Haggard had very different influences, but a few things in common, including a secret weapon that helped them “rattle the aluminum siding.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism",
"title": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A special thanks to photographer Ernest Lowe, whose photos taken in the 1960s of African-American farmworkers in the San Joaquin Valley provided inspiration for this story. \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/black-migrants/\">Those photos are now on display at UC Merced\u003c/a>. Find more photos of the Marshalls, Beaverses and other families at \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">ErnestLowe.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]D[/dropcap]rops of rain collect in pools around potted plants outside the Marshall home in South Dos Palos, as a storm rolls into the small farming community about 100 miles southeast of San Jose. A wind chime hanging on the front porch provides background music to a family gathering inside in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe, Lee, Zella, David and Marilyn Marshall are five of 13 siblings who grew up on this plot of land. Today, they're all in their 60s and 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'The difference between here and the South is just that — it's hidden.'\u003ccite>Joe Marshall\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When the Marshall siblings’ father moved to the Central Valley from Mississippi in 1944 to work for the railroad, his goal was twofold: make enough money to provide for his wife and children, and put distance between his family and the racist laws of the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the brothers say they found California had its own racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people in the South, they let you know right off the top, you not welcome, you not wanted,” Lee Marshall said. “And, 'Hey, don’t get out of place. You say mister to me.' And they demand that you say 'yes sir' and all this kind of stuff to 'em. It was just straight out, they didn’t hide it. That was better for me 'cause I know where you stand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These down here, there’s a hidden thing that they use on you,\" Lee Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728216\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728216\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-150x150.jpg 150w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow.jpg 1148w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lee's brother, Joe Marshall, said it was a more subtle form of racism the brothers faced growing up here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know we could go anywhere and eat, it wasn’t a place where you had to go to the back door,” said Joe. “It was nothing like being in the South.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The difference between here and the South is just that — it’s hidden,” Joe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that racism shaped how the Marshalls lived and worked. It also shaped the destiny of their town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728218\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728218\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"725\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-160x145.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1020x924.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1200x1087.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1940s and 1950s, the Marshall brothers say South Dos Palos was thriving. The community was a hub of agricultural business and black-owned cafes, stores and service stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything in South Dos Palos, except for a few places like behind us, was owned by black people,” Joe Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican and Central American workers make up the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654965/ice-is-auditing-this-central-valley-grower-again-and-he-blames-california-lawmakers\">bulk of farm labor\u003c/a> in California today, but throughout the 1940s, ‘50s and ‘60s, African-Americans and poor white families — many of them migrants who moved to the state during and after the Dust Bowl storms of the 1930s— also worked in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728225\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall.\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1020x688.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1200x809.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To earn money, the Marshall brothers pruned and harvested crops like almonds, lettuce, grapes and cotton, one of California’s top producing crops at the time. They went to work and came back to a home that didn’t have running water or indoor plumbing. They used to be embarrassed to have to tell their girlfriends to use an outdoor toilet when they would come visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget, as long as I live, when the city put in the sewer line,” Joe recalls. “And they say 'but, it’s up to each house to dig to hook up to it.' Man, we were digging out there with a smile on! We were thinkin', man we gonna get indoor bathroom! That was the happiest day of my life!”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Tale of Two Farm Towns\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just a few miles from South Dos Palos is another community called Dos Palos. During the Marshall siblings’ childhood, Dos Palos was a mostly white community. Many of the homes there had the infrastructure that houses in South Dos Palos lacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You go down that way further down,” Lee said, “they had all of this and we didn't have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Joe and Lee grew older and wanted a job outside of working in the fields, Dos Palos is where they went to look for one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You out there waitin’ for a job interview, and behind closed doors they just cuttin’ you down, you’re not wanted,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would take that more so than ever, this hidden prejudice which still goes on today in these little towns like this. It’s a hidden thing that can just tear you down. Because you get your confidence up, thinkin’ that you’re on your way. And you got somebody behind closed doors trying to block your way or stop you from doing certain things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg\" alt=\"South Dos Palos today.\" width=\"800\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1200x771.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">South Dos Palos today. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.meissinger.com/index.html\">Michael Eissinger\u003c/a>, an anthropology professor at Fresno State University who studies historically rural African-American settlements in the San Joaquin Valley, said there were many communities in California like South Dos Palos and Dos Palos — a black community and an all-white community just a few miles apart — existing side by side, separate but interdependent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Racism is not 'I don't like you because of your color.' That's bigotry, prejudice,” Eissinger said. \"Racism is when it is done by the system, by society as a whole, and society is done on the \u003cem>landscape\u003c/em>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/post/diversity-fresno-how-racial-covenants-once-ruled-prestigious-neighborhoods\">racially restrictive covenants\u003c/a>, clauses in deeds to properties that specified who could and could not live there, blocked African-American families, and individuals and families of other races, from buying or renting certain homes, including in California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">Redlining\u003c/a> created barriers to black families obtaining loans to buy houses in certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5633328\">sundown towns\u003c/a>, places that people of color could visit during the day, but had to leave by the time it got dark. You can still \u003ca href=\"https://sundown.tougaloo.edu/sundowntownsshow.php?state=CA\">see the legacy\u003c/a> of this in the Central Valley today, in towns like Clovis, the nearly all-white, affluent suburb of Fresno, and then again in Stockton and Lodi. These are kindred cities walled off by a brief but mandatory drive through farmed landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two hours south on Highway 99 is another unincorporated town called Teviston. Once occupied by black families living and working on the outskirts of the mostly white community of Pixley, today Latino families populate most of the houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1946, Bertha Mae Beavers moved to Teviston from Oklahoma at the age of 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought they was, you could just come out here and pick money off trees the way they told it. But shoot, I should have stayed in Oklahoma,” the 89-year-old Beavers recalled. “I did the same thing: chopped cotton, picked cotton. I did it all. And it was rough out here, just like in Oklahoma. You had to work hard for your money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728250\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728250\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg\" alt=\"Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945.\" width=\"800\" height=\"735\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-160x147.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1020x937.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1200x1102.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shortly after she arrived, a white woman was beat up on the railroad tracks near Teviston and Pixley. A rumor circulated that a black man from Teviston had beat the woman. For a while, no black people were allowed in Pixley, Beavers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would go to work, and get off early,” she said. “And come home and the mens would get they guns and set up all night. I was afraid. And it finally, they finally found out who beat the white lady up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the white woman’s husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He beat her up and they tried to say the black man down here in Teviston beat 'em,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beavers was afraid, but she stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She eventually married her husband in Teviston, and they had 12 children. The family lived on the outskirts of Pixley and worked in the fields to get by. Like South Dos Palos, homes in Teviston didn’t have running water, gas or indoor plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg\" alt=\"Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"815\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-160x163.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1020x1039.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1179x1200.jpg 1179w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Just in the house we lived in, we didn’t have a two bedroom, so with all of us 12 kids we slept in one bedroom. And we could lay in the bed at night ... and see the stars. [Through the] cracks,” recalled Bertha Mae's daughter, Ruth Ann Jones, age 70.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ‘60s transformed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, a state law — the \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt0b69q1bw/\">Rumford Act, or California Fair Housing Act\u003c/a> — was passed to end discrimination by property owners who refused to sell or rent to African-Americans. In 1964, the same year the Civil Rights Act was passed, the state ballot initiative Proposition 14 nullified the Rumford Act. The California Supreme Court later ruled Proposition 14 was unconstitutional, and the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt5h4nb0wd;NAAN=13030&doc.view=frames&chunk.id=d0e5393&toc.id=d0e831&brand=oac4\">upheld\u003c/a> that decision. The federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 would eventually outlaw housing discrimination nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around this time, labor organizer Cesar Chavez and a growing movement of farmworkers fighting for better pay and working conditions was \u003ca href=\"https://ufw.org/research/history/ufw-history/\">gaining momentum in the Central Valley\u003c/a>. While some black workers were involved, the movement was largely Chicano and Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where it really started at was in the grapes,” said Ruth Jones’ husband, CL Jones. “They wanted to change things. And they did, you know, make things a lot better for some.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Latino farmworkers began staying in the San Joaquin Valley in greater numbers, instead of going back and forth to Mexico, it began changing the black-white dynamic of Teviston and Pixley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728260\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg\" alt=\"Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove.\" width=\"800\" height=\"787\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-160x157.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1020x1003.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1200x1180.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Beavers family noticed something in the Latino families moving into the area. Something that was completely unfamiliar: a certain boldness and lack of fear that black families coming from the South felt they couldn’t afford to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Teviston’s residents pushed to get a community well and gas in their homes, some African-American families distanced themselves from upgrades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728263\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg\" alt=\"Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston.\" width=\"800\" height=\"556\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1020x709.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1200x834.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They were scared the white people could come take their property or take their house so they didn’t really want no gas,” another Beavers daughter, Annie Jo Ellis, age 65, said. “[Because] this is what you grew up with: fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the 1970s and ‘80s, Bertha Mae’s children were able to get out of farm labor, and find new jobs. A few worked at nearby schools as lunch ladies and at the post office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as black people, I don’t think fought as hard as we should have... for what we wanted,” Ruth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know when you come from Oklahoma, you didn’t really have nothin’,” Annie said. “So now you got a little something and they was raised that the white man takes everything. So they just get out here and they still scared of the white man. Let’s tell the truth about it, they were scared ... of white people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1200x798.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you go to Teviston now, you can see homes scattered throughout the town, but it's not much of a town. There are no businesses, just a boarded-up gas station and two churches. The Beavers still have mixed feelings about how their community has evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll tell you what we used to say when we was growin’ up,\" said CL Jones. \"The white people are watchin’ the wrong people. They was keepin us down, and the Hispanics was steady gettin’ ahead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Dos Palos, as the Marshall siblings grew older and started their own families, they encouraged their children to go to school or work other jobs, anything to stay out of the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were no jobs that the young blacks wanted to do,” Joe Marshall said. “And then I saw this town kinda dryin’ up. To where, when you come over, you could stop on any corner and holler at somebody and talk for a few minutes. I can come over here now, I might not see nobody! It’s a ghost town. The Mexicans were still working in the fields. And all of a sudden, you started lookin’ up, Mexicans bought this land, build a nice house. Better than some of the houses that’s been here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was OK with Joe, because his kids were getting out and getting ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just an opportunity for [Latinos],” he said. “Our misfortune and their fortune, to be able to come in and buy something and build. To this day, there’s still no jobs here. So you can’t expect this town to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, South Dos Palos is still a gathering place for the Marshall family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They return here for small gatherings and large family reunions. Every April, hundreds of extended relatives fill the street to celebrate their mother’s birthday. She passed away several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe looks at his Latino neighbors and can relate to what they’re going through. He knows no one would work in the fields if they didn't have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t see any blacks out there (in the fields) now, you don’t see any whites out there now. It’s all Latinos now. And you want to cry about 'they’re doing our jobs'? No. They didn’t take a job from me. I gave it to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We paid our dues far as laborin’ hard in the fields,” Lee Marshall said. “And believe me, I don’t wanna do it. Whoever wanna do it, I just pray for 'em.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Marshall and Beavers families moved to California in the 1940s for better jobs, and to escape the Jim Crow policies of the South. Instead, they found California had its own racism and segregation.",
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"description": "The Marshall and Beavers families moved to California in the 1940s for better jobs, and to escape the Jim Crow policies of the South. Instead, they found California had its own racism and segregation.",
"title": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A special thanks to photographer Ernest Lowe, whose photos taken in the 1960s of African-American farmworkers in the San Joaquin Valley provided inspiration for this story. \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/black-migrants/\">Those photos are now on display at UC Merced\u003c/a>. Find more photos of the Marshalls, Beaverses and other families at \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">ErnestLowe.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>rops of rain collect in pools around potted plants outside the Marshall home in South Dos Palos, as a storm rolls into the small farming community about 100 miles southeast of San Jose. A wind chime hanging on the front porch provides background music to a family gathering inside in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe, Lee, Zella, David and Marilyn Marshall are five of 13 siblings who grew up on this plot of land. Today, they're all in their 60s and 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'The difference between here and the South is just that — it's hidden.'\u003ccite>Joe Marshall\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When the Marshall siblings’ father moved to the Central Valley from Mississippi in 1944 to work for the railroad, his goal was twofold: make enough money to provide for his wife and children, and put distance between his family and the racist laws of the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the brothers say they found California had its own racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people in the South, they let you know right off the top, you not welcome, you not wanted,” Lee Marshall said. “And, 'Hey, don’t get out of place. You say mister to me.' And they demand that you say 'yes sir' and all this kind of stuff to 'em. It was just straight out, they didn’t hide it. That was better for me 'cause I know where you stand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These down here, there’s a hidden thing that they use on you,\" Lee Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728216\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728216\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-150x150.jpg 150w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow.jpg 1148w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lee's brother, Joe Marshall, said it was a more subtle form of racism the brothers faced growing up here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know we could go anywhere and eat, it wasn’t a place where you had to go to the back door,” said Joe. “It was nothing like being in the South.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The difference between here and the South is just that — it’s hidden,” Joe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that racism shaped how the Marshalls lived and worked. It also shaped the destiny of their town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728218\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728218\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"725\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-160x145.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1020x924.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1200x1087.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1940s and 1950s, the Marshall brothers say South Dos Palos was thriving. The community was a hub of agricultural business and black-owned cafes, stores and service stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything in South Dos Palos, except for a few places like behind us, was owned by black people,” Joe Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican and Central American workers make up the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654965/ice-is-auditing-this-central-valley-grower-again-and-he-blames-california-lawmakers\">bulk of farm labor\u003c/a> in California today, but throughout the 1940s, ‘50s and ‘60s, African-Americans and poor white families — many of them migrants who moved to the state during and after the Dust Bowl storms of the 1930s— also worked in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728225\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall.\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1020x688.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1200x809.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To earn money, the Marshall brothers pruned and harvested crops like almonds, lettuce, grapes and cotton, one of California’s top producing crops at the time. They went to work and came back to a home that didn’t have running water or indoor plumbing. They used to be embarrassed to have to tell their girlfriends to use an outdoor toilet when they would come visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget, as long as I live, when the city put in the sewer line,” Joe recalls. “And they say 'but, it’s up to each house to dig to hook up to it.' Man, we were digging out there with a smile on! We were thinkin', man we gonna get indoor bathroom! That was the happiest day of my life!”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Tale of Two Farm Towns\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just a few miles from South Dos Palos is another community called Dos Palos. During the Marshall siblings’ childhood, Dos Palos was a mostly white community. Many of the homes there had the infrastructure that houses in South Dos Palos lacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You go down that way further down,” Lee said, “they had all of this and we didn't have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Joe and Lee grew older and wanted a job outside of working in the fields, Dos Palos is where they went to look for one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You out there waitin’ for a job interview, and behind closed doors they just cuttin’ you down, you’re not wanted,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would take that more so than ever, this hidden prejudice which still goes on today in these little towns like this. It’s a hidden thing that can just tear you down. Because you get your confidence up, thinkin’ that you’re on your way. And you got somebody behind closed doors trying to block your way or stop you from doing certain things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg\" alt=\"South Dos Palos today.\" width=\"800\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1200x771.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">South Dos Palos today. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.meissinger.com/index.html\">Michael Eissinger\u003c/a>, an anthropology professor at Fresno State University who studies historically rural African-American settlements in the San Joaquin Valley, said there were many communities in California like South Dos Palos and Dos Palos — a black community and an all-white community just a few miles apart — existing side by side, separate but interdependent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Racism is not 'I don't like you because of your color.' That's bigotry, prejudice,” Eissinger said. \"Racism is when it is done by the system, by society as a whole, and society is done on the \u003cem>landscape\u003c/em>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/post/diversity-fresno-how-racial-covenants-once-ruled-prestigious-neighborhoods\">racially restrictive covenants\u003c/a>, clauses in deeds to properties that specified who could and could not live there, blocked African-American families, and individuals and families of other races, from buying or renting certain homes, including in California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">Redlining\u003c/a> created barriers to black families obtaining loans to buy houses in certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5633328\">sundown towns\u003c/a>, places that people of color could visit during the day, but had to leave by the time it got dark. You can still \u003ca href=\"https://sundown.tougaloo.edu/sundowntownsshow.php?state=CA\">see the legacy\u003c/a> of this in the Central Valley today, in towns like Clovis, the nearly all-white, affluent suburb of Fresno, and then again in Stockton and Lodi. These are kindred cities walled off by a brief but mandatory drive through farmed landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two hours south on Highway 99 is another unincorporated town called Teviston. Once occupied by black families living and working on the outskirts of the mostly white community of Pixley, today Latino families populate most of the houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1946, Bertha Mae Beavers moved to Teviston from Oklahoma at the age of 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought they was, you could just come out here and pick money off trees the way they told it. But shoot, I should have stayed in Oklahoma,” the 89-year-old Beavers recalled. “I did the same thing: chopped cotton, picked cotton. I did it all. And it was rough out here, just like in Oklahoma. You had to work hard for your money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728250\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728250\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg\" alt=\"Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945.\" width=\"800\" height=\"735\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-160x147.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1020x937.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1200x1102.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shortly after she arrived, a white woman was beat up on the railroad tracks near Teviston and Pixley. A rumor circulated that a black man from Teviston had beat the woman. For a while, no black people were allowed in Pixley, Beavers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would go to work, and get off early,” she said. “And come home and the mens would get they guns and set up all night. I was afraid. And it finally, they finally found out who beat the white lady up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the white woman’s husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He beat her up and they tried to say the black man down here in Teviston beat 'em,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beavers was afraid, but she stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She eventually married her husband in Teviston, and they had 12 children. The family lived on the outskirts of Pixley and worked in the fields to get by. Like South Dos Palos, homes in Teviston didn’t have running water, gas or indoor plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg\" alt=\"Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"815\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-160x163.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1020x1039.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1179x1200.jpg 1179w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Just in the house we lived in, we didn’t have a two bedroom, so with all of us 12 kids we slept in one bedroom. And we could lay in the bed at night ... and see the stars. [Through the] cracks,” recalled Bertha Mae's daughter, Ruth Ann Jones, age 70.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ‘60s transformed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, a state law — the \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt0b69q1bw/\">Rumford Act, or California Fair Housing Act\u003c/a> — was passed to end discrimination by property owners who refused to sell or rent to African-Americans. In 1964, the same year the Civil Rights Act was passed, the state ballot initiative Proposition 14 nullified the Rumford Act. The California Supreme Court later ruled Proposition 14 was unconstitutional, and the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt5h4nb0wd;NAAN=13030&doc.view=frames&chunk.id=d0e5393&toc.id=d0e831&brand=oac4\">upheld\u003c/a> that decision. The federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 would eventually outlaw housing discrimination nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around this time, labor organizer Cesar Chavez and a growing movement of farmworkers fighting for better pay and working conditions was \u003ca href=\"https://ufw.org/research/history/ufw-history/\">gaining momentum in the Central Valley\u003c/a>. While some black workers were involved, the movement was largely Chicano and Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where it really started at was in the grapes,” said Ruth Jones’ husband, CL Jones. “They wanted to change things. And they did, you know, make things a lot better for some.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Latino farmworkers began staying in the San Joaquin Valley in greater numbers, instead of going back and forth to Mexico, it began changing the black-white dynamic of Teviston and Pixley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728260\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg\" alt=\"Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove.\" width=\"800\" height=\"787\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-160x157.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1020x1003.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1200x1180.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Beavers family noticed something in the Latino families moving into the area. Something that was completely unfamiliar: a certain boldness and lack of fear that black families coming from the South felt they couldn’t afford to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Teviston’s residents pushed to get a community well and gas in their homes, some African-American families distanced themselves from upgrades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728263\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg\" alt=\"Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston.\" width=\"800\" height=\"556\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1020x709.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1200x834.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They were scared the white people could come take their property or take their house so they didn’t really want no gas,” another Beavers daughter, Annie Jo Ellis, age 65, said. “[Because] this is what you grew up with: fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the 1970s and ‘80s, Bertha Mae’s children were able to get out of farm labor, and find new jobs. A few worked at nearby schools as lunch ladies and at the post office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as black people, I don’t think fought as hard as we should have... for what we wanted,” Ruth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know when you come from Oklahoma, you didn’t really have nothin’,” Annie said. “So now you got a little something and they was raised that the white man takes everything. So they just get out here and they still scared of the white man. Let’s tell the truth about it, they were scared ... of white people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1200x798.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you go to Teviston now, you can see homes scattered throughout the town, but it's not much of a town. There are no businesses, just a boarded-up gas station and two churches. The Beavers still have mixed feelings about how their community has evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll tell you what we used to say when we was growin’ up,\" said CL Jones. \"The white people are watchin’ the wrong people. They was keepin us down, and the Hispanics was steady gettin’ ahead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Dos Palos, as the Marshall siblings grew older and started their own families, they encouraged their children to go to school or work other jobs, anything to stay out of the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were no jobs that the young blacks wanted to do,” Joe Marshall said. “And then I saw this town kinda dryin’ up. To where, when you come over, you could stop on any corner and holler at somebody and talk for a few minutes. I can come over here now, I might not see nobody! It’s a ghost town. The Mexicans were still working in the fields. And all of a sudden, you started lookin’ up, Mexicans bought this land, build a nice house. Better than some of the houses that’s been here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was OK with Joe, because his kids were getting out and getting ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just an opportunity for [Latinos],” he said. “Our misfortune and their fortune, to be able to come in and buy something and build. To this day, there’s still no jobs here. So you can’t expect this town to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, South Dos Palos is still a gathering place for the Marshall family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They return here for small gatherings and large family reunions. Every April, hundreds of extended relatives fill the street to celebrate their mother’s birthday. She passed away several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe looks at his Latino neighbors and can relate to what they’re going through. He knows no one would work in the fields if they didn't have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t see any blacks out there (in the fields) now, you don’t see any whites out there now. It’s all Latinos now. And you want to cry about 'they’re doing our jobs'? No. They didn’t take a job from me. I gave it to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We paid our dues far as laborin’ hard in the fields,” Lee Marshall said. “And believe me, I don’t wanna do it. Whoever wanna do it, I just pray for 'em.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "study-sugary-drink-consumption-down-by-half-in-berkeley-since-soda-tax-implemented",
"title": "Study: Sugary Drink Consumption Down by Half in Berkeley Since Soda Tax Implemented",
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"headTitle": "Study: Sugary Drink Consumption Down by Half in Berkeley Since Soda Tax Implemented | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Public health researchers say Berkeley’s soda tax is working to reduce the consumption of sugary beverages in neighborhoods hit hardest by diabetes, obesity and other chronic health problems linked to too much sugar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since Berkeley voters overwhelmingly passed the nation’s first penny-per-ounce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/147514/berkeleys-talking-about-sugar-and-the-conversation-isnt-sweet\">tax on sugary beverages\u003c/a> in 2014, a team at UC Berkeley’s School of Public Health has been interviewing people on the street about what kind of drinks they consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Kristine Madsen, director of the Berkeley Food Institute, said researchers found that residents cut their consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages by 52 percent after the tax went into effect in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madsen said this means soda taxes encourage people to hydrate in a healthier way and could reduce medical conditions like diabetes, obesity and chronic heart disease. Her research was published in the \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2019.304971\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Journal of Public Health on Thursday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back when she worked as a pediatrician in a clinic — diagnosing and treating preteens with diabetes — Madsen said she would have loved to have had an effective tool to prevent the diseases that a high-sugar diet can cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing unhealthy habits is hard, Madsen said, as anyone who’s attempted a new diet or exercise regimen knows. She suggests that maybe the best way to treat these conditions isn’t a pill, but legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so hard to change behavior, even with counseling, and particularly if you’re in an environment where the healthiest things are not there or not affordable,” she said. “In this case, what we’re changing is the price environment with regulations. So the price has gone up on these sugary beverages, and it has a dramatic impact on behavior — so much more than most of the interventions that we try either in medical practice or as public health practitioners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage industry says it’s not fair to blame the obesity crisis on sugary drinks alone. It also claims soda taxes are regressive and hurt the poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey-takers targeted low-income neighborhoods burdened by high rates of obesity and cardiovascular disease. The team polled 2,500 people about their drinking habits each year at high foot-traffic intersections in racially and demographically diverse neighborhoods across Berkeley, Oakland and San Francisco, Madsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/soda.jpg\" label=\"Soda Taxes\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks,California Lawmakers Seek Tax, Other Limits on Sugary Drinks\" link2=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11159711/soda-taxes-win-in-san-francisco-oakland-and-albany,Soda Taxes Win in San Francisco, Oakland and Albany\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study does have limitations, according to the researchers, because Berkeley is a relatively small and highly educated city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But from behind the counter at a corner market in South Berkeley, Fouad Fanhos has watched firsthand the trends that Madsen documented in her research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he fried chicken and listened to Yemeni love songs on a wireless speaker, he said customers at J & B Fine Foods Market complain about the extra cents tacked on to the cost of each soda. He said the beverage distributor’s delivery man restocks the refrigerator with fewer bottles lately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The salesman — he comes every day, and he finds the cooler full,” Fanhos explained. “But the customers can buy sugar if they want. They buy Kool-Aid and a sack of sugar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside on the corner, James Joon said he doesn’t like paying extra taxes on anything. But all the same, he’s been watching what his 6-year-old son drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He don’t drink soda anymore because he got nice teeth. He’d just be too hyper, and it’s too much money. So I have him drink water,” Joon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers found the price hikes may not be the only factor driving the change in consumption in Berkeley. They reported that taxes also send a message about societal values, which could impact behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not enough to just educate people if you really are serious about making a change when there’s an unhealthy population,” Madsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study found people in Oakland and San Francisco drank about the same amount of sugary drinks in 2017 as they did in 2014, which Madsen says suggests these changes were unique to Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland and San Francisco also passed taxes on sugary drinks, which went into effect in 2017 and 2018, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">introduced bills this week\u003c/a> to ban jumbo-size “Big Gulp” sodas and impose a statewide soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Since Berkeley voters passed the nation's first penny-per-ounce tax on sugary beverages in 2014, a team at UC Berkeley’s School of Public Health has been interviewing people about what kind of drinks they consume.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Public health researchers say Berkeley’s soda tax is working to reduce the consumption of sugary beverages in neighborhoods hit hardest by diabetes, obesity and other chronic health problems linked to too much sugar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ever since Berkeley voters overwhelmingly passed the nation’s first penny-per-ounce \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/147514/berkeleys-talking-about-sugar-and-the-conversation-isnt-sweet\">tax on sugary beverages\u003c/a> in 2014, a team at UC Berkeley’s School of Public Health has been interviewing people on the street about what kind of drinks they consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Kristine Madsen, director of the Berkeley Food Institute, said researchers found that residents cut their consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages by 52 percent after the tax went into effect in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madsen said this means soda taxes encourage people to hydrate in a healthier way and could reduce medical conditions like diabetes, obesity and chronic heart disease. Her research was published in the \u003ca href=\"https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/10.2105/AJPH.2019.304971\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">American Journal of Public Health on Thursday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back when she worked as a pediatrician in a clinic — diagnosing and treating preteens with diabetes — Madsen said she would have loved to have had an effective tool to prevent the diseases that a high-sugar diet can cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Changing unhealthy habits is hard, Madsen said, as anyone who’s attempted a new diet or exercise regimen knows. She suggests that maybe the best way to treat these conditions isn’t a pill, but legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was so hard to change behavior, even with counseling, and particularly if you’re in an environment where the healthiest things are not there or not affordable,” she said. “In this case, what we’re changing is the price environment with regulations. So the price has gone up on these sugary beverages, and it has a dramatic impact on behavior — so much more than most of the interventions that we try either in medical practice or as public health practitioners.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage industry says it’s not fair to blame the obesity crisis on sugary drinks alone. It also claims soda taxes are regressive and hurt the poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The survey-takers targeted low-income neighborhoods burdened by high rates of obesity and cardiovascular disease. The team polled 2,500 people about their drinking habits each year at high foot-traffic intersections in racially and demographically diverse neighborhoods across Berkeley, Oakland and San Francisco, Madsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks,California Lawmakers Seek Tax, Other Limits on Sugary Drinks",
"link2": "https://www.kqed.org/news/11159711/soda-taxes-win-in-san-francisco-oakland-and-albany,Soda Taxes Win in San Francisco, Oakland and Albany"
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study does have limitations, according to the researchers, because Berkeley is a relatively small and highly educated city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But from behind the counter at a corner market in South Berkeley, Fouad Fanhos has watched firsthand the trends that Madsen documented in her research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he fried chicken and listened to Yemeni love songs on a wireless speaker, he said customers at J & B Fine Foods Market complain about the extra cents tacked on to the cost of each soda. He said the beverage distributor’s delivery man restocks the refrigerator with fewer bottles lately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The salesman — he comes every day, and he finds the cooler full,” Fanhos explained. “But the customers can buy sugar if they want. They buy Kool-Aid and a sack of sugar.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside on the corner, James Joon said he doesn’t like paying extra taxes on anything. But all the same, he’s been watching what his 6-year-old son drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He don’t drink soda anymore because he got nice teeth. He’d just be too hyper, and it’s too much money. So I have him drink water,” Joon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers found the price hikes may not be the only factor driving the change in consumption in Berkeley. They reported that taxes also send a message about societal values, which could impact behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not enough to just educate people if you really are serious about making a change when there’s an unhealthy population,” Madsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study found people in Oakland and San Francisco drank about the same amount of sugary drinks in 2017 as they did in 2014, which Madsen says suggests these changes were unique to Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland and San Francisco also passed taxes on sugary drinks, which went into effect in 2017 and 2018, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727515/california-lawmakers-seek-tax-other-limits-on-sugary-drinks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">introduced bills this week\u003c/a> to ban jumbo-size “Big Gulp” sodas and impose a statewide soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Leaders in the cannabis industry say \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\">California’s recreational marijuana market\u003c/a> is not working. On Thursday, a group of them sent Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration a list of recommendations on how to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final recommendations — obtained by KQED — call for, among other things, simplifying the permitting process, including appointing a cannabis director to the governor's office to coordinate state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxes are another issue. They can reach as high as 40 percent in some parts of California. The industry group suggests reforming the cannabis tax structure and offering tax deductions and incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And getting a license can be prohibitively expensive for some cannabis businesses. The industry group recommends developing a loan program to help cover the cost of licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/5746158-Making-a-Market-for-Cannabis-Recommendations-for.html\" width=800 height=800]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hezekiah Allen, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.emeraldgrown.com/?fbclid=IwAR3AZwGPpwbRf2Ju1B6U6hYbVQI56lWezkDmSVXLiqS2ZQmZwk1XEjDLts4\">Emerald Grown\u003c/a>, a federation of cannabis cooperatives, was part of the group that made the recommendations. He said that, so far, state and local governments have mostly failed at implementing legal pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Less than 10 percent of the businesses have licenses. The market is in recession. Sales are actually contracted year to year from previous years,\" said Allen. \"No metric is indicating that legal cannabis is working in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, part of the problem is that not enough local jurisdictions are permitting cannabis operations. The industry group said more than 60 percent of cities and counties don't permit marijuana businesses. An estimated 20 million Californians don't have convenient access to legal cannabis. Among the recommendations is one to create incentives for more cities and counties to permit cannabis businesses and to offer grants and technical assistance to those that do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is also recommending the state prioritize which illegal cannabis businesses it cracks down on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They suggest the state focus on \"those operators who undermine legalization and present significant public health, safety or environmental risks” — for instance, large illegal marijuana operations on public lands that contaminate the environment — rather than small, unpermitted growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said the growers he represents want the state to spend more on supporting the legal market rather than going after people who are trying to comply with the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are not the criminals. These are small family businesses. They need help,\" said Allen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, news that Gov. Newsom is going to send in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725301/gov-newsom-will-pull-california-national-guard-from-the-mexico-border\">National Guard troops to help combat illegal grows in Northern California\u003c/a> has upset small growers who feel like they’re already being kept out of the legal market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they called the move a \"slap in the face,\" and that small unpermitted growers are worried they'll be unfairly lumped together with large illegal operations that damage public lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sending the National Guard out to Northern California to go do something with cannabis is very different than prioritizing public lands, egregious environmental, worker abuse. You know, there are crimes that happen alongside unregulated cannabis cultivation which absolutely need to be a focus of more priority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with its recommendations, the group suggests the state spend $400 million over the next three years to help \"jump-start a robust legal cannabis market in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Leaders in the cannabis industry say \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\">California’s recreational marijuana market\u003c/a> is not working. On Thursday, a group of them sent Gov. Gavin Newsom's administration a list of recommendations on how to fix it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final recommendations — obtained by KQED — call for, among other things, simplifying the permitting process, including appointing a cannabis director to the governor's office to coordinate state policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taxes are another issue. They can reach as high as 40 percent in some parts of California. The industry group suggests reforming the cannabis tax structure and offering tax deductions and incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And getting a license can be prohibitively expensive for some cannabis businesses. The industry group recommends developing a loan program to help cover the cost of licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hezekiah Allen, with \u003ca href=\"http://www.emeraldgrown.com/?fbclid=IwAR3AZwGPpwbRf2Ju1B6U6hYbVQI56lWezkDmSVXLiqS2ZQmZwk1XEjDLts4\">Emerald Grown\u003c/a>, a federation of cannabis cooperatives, was part of the group that made the recommendations. He said that, so far, state and local governments have mostly failed at implementing legal pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Less than 10 percent of the businesses have licenses. The market is in recession. Sales are actually contracted year to year from previous years,\" said Allen. \"No metric is indicating that legal cannabis is working in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, part of the problem is that not enough local jurisdictions are permitting cannabis operations. The industry group said more than 60 percent of cities and counties don't permit marijuana businesses. An estimated 20 million Californians don't have convenient access to legal cannabis. Among the recommendations is one to create incentives for more cities and counties to permit cannabis businesses and to offer grants and technical assistance to those that do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is also recommending the state prioritize which illegal cannabis businesses it cracks down on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They suggest the state focus on \"those operators who undermine legalization and present significant public health, safety or environmental risks” — for instance, large illegal marijuana operations on public lands that contaminate the environment — rather than small, unpermitted growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said the growers he represents want the state to spend more on supporting the legal market rather than going after people who are trying to comply with the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These are not the criminals. These are small family businesses. They need help,\" said Allen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Allen, news that Gov. Newsom is going to send in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725301/gov-newsom-will-pull-california-national-guard-from-the-mexico-border\">National Guard troops to help combat illegal grows in Northern California\u003c/a> has upset small growers who feel like they’re already being kept out of the legal market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they called the move a \"slap in the face,\" and that small unpermitted growers are worried they'll be unfairly lumped together with large illegal operations that damage public lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sending the National Guard out to Northern California to go do something with cannabis is very different than prioritizing public lands, egregious environmental, worker abuse. You know, there are crimes that happen alongside unregulated cannabis cultivation which absolutely need to be a focus of more priority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with its recommendations, the group suggests the state spend $400 million over the next three years to help \"jump-start a robust legal cannabis market in California.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Several Bay Area lawmakers are joining other legislators in the state in introducing a package of bills to curb consumption of sugar-sweetened drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures include bans on super-sized fountain drinks, promotional coupons and soda placement at checkout counters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblyman David Chu says sugary drinks are creating a public health crisis of obesity and chronic disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The soda industry is the new tobacco industry,\" he said in a press conference Wednesday announcing the proposals. \"This is an industry that has used marketing and sales tactics to victimize low-income communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of four California adults is now obese, Chiu said, a 40 percent increase over two decades. More than half of Californians are overweight and more than half have either diabetes or pre-diabetes. The average American drinks nearly 50 gallons (190 liters) of sugary beverages a year, he said, consuming 39 pounds (17.5 kilograms) of extra sugar. Chiu is proposing a cap on unsealed sugary drink containers at stores like 7-Eleven to no more than 16 ounces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill would ban soda discount coupons that Assemblyman Rob Bonta of Oakland said can result in \"soda actually being cheaper than bottled water.\" His bill would ban such coupons. Oakland Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks wants to ban markets and convenience stores from displaying the beverages near the checkout counter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals include a fee on sugary beverages that would take a two-thirds vote to approve. Health groups are also circulating petitions to put a tax of 2 cents per ounce on the 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11722524/federal-court-blocks-san-francisco-warning-on-soda-ads\">Federal Court Blocks San Francisco Warning on Soda Ads\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11722524/federal-court-blocks-san-francisco-warning-on-soda-ads\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS11135_450828518-1180x729.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Several measures have failed repeatedly in previous years, including the tax proposed by Assemblyman Richard Bloom of Santa Monica. He said details of his proposal are still being worked out, but a 2 cents per ounce tax would raise a projected $2 billion annually for prevention efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage industry says such a tax would fall harder on those with lower incomes and would have uncertain health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Hispanic Chamber of Commerce President and CEO Julian Canete criticized the package on behalf of the beverage industry, saying that soda makers have already done much to discourage over-consumption. He promoted better health education over a tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Beverage Association said it is engaged in an \"unprecedented commitment to fight obesity\" by offering more choices and smaller portion sizes with less sugar or no sugar. Steve Maviglio, a spokesman for the group, said blaming obesity on soda alone does not make sense and lawmakers should be looking at the bigger picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you look at the science, calories from added sugars consumed from beverages are going down, yet obesity is going up,\" he said. \"So how can soda and sugar-sweetened beverages actually be a unique or a significant contributor to obesity? Those numbers just don't add up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the industry wants to make sure food and beverages remain affordable – and is committed to working with the legislature to address public health concerns. Last year, the group successfully lobbied for a bill, which was eventually signed into law by then-Governor Jerry Brown, to temporarily ban cities from passing soda taxes through 2030. The law was a way to stop a statewide ballot measure pushed by the beverage industry that would have made it difficult for cities to raise taxes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Peter Jon Shuler and the Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Several Bay Area lawmakers are joining other legislators in the state in introducing a package of bills to curb consumption of sugar-sweetened drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measures include bans on super-sized fountain drinks, promotional coupons and soda placement at checkout counters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Assemblyman David Chu says sugary drinks are creating a public health crisis of obesity and chronic disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The soda industry is the new tobacco industry,\" he said in a press conference Wednesday announcing the proposals. \"This is an industry that has used marketing and sales tactics to victimize low-income communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of four California adults is now obese, Chiu said, a 40 percent increase over two decades. More than half of Californians are overweight and more than half have either diabetes or pre-diabetes. The average American drinks nearly 50 gallons (190 liters) of sugary beverages a year, he said, consuming 39 pounds (17.5 kilograms) of extra sugar. Chiu is proposing a cap on unsealed sugary drink containers at stores like 7-Eleven to no more than 16 ounces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill would ban soda discount coupons that Assemblyman Rob Bonta of Oakland said can result in \"soda actually being cheaper than bottled water.\" His bill would ban such coupons. Oakland Assemblywoman Buffy Wicks wants to ban markets and convenience stores from displaying the beverages near the checkout counter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals include a fee on sugary beverages that would take a two-thirds vote to approve. Health groups are also circulating petitions to put a tax of 2 cents per ounce on the 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11722524/federal-court-blocks-san-francisco-warning-on-soda-ads\">Federal Court Blocks San Francisco Warning on Soda Ads\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11722524/federal-court-blocks-san-francisco-warning-on-soda-ads\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS11135_450828518-1180x729.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Several measures have failed repeatedly in previous years, including the tax proposed by Assemblyman Richard Bloom of Santa Monica. He said details of his proposal are still being worked out, but a 2 cents per ounce tax would raise a projected $2 billion annually for prevention efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage industry says such a tax would fall harder on those with lower incomes and would have uncertain health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Hispanic Chamber of Commerce President and CEO Julian Canete criticized the package on behalf of the beverage industry, saying that soda makers have already done much to discourage over-consumption. He promoted better health education over a tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Beverage Association said it is engaged in an \"unprecedented commitment to fight obesity\" by offering more choices and smaller portion sizes with less sugar or no sugar. Steve Maviglio, a spokesman for the group, said blaming obesity on soda alone does not make sense and lawmakers should be looking at the bigger picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you look at the science, calories from added sugars consumed from beverages are going down, yet obesity is going up,\" he said. \"So how can soda and sugar-sweetened beverages actually be a unique or a significant contributor to obesity? Those numbers just don't add up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the industry wants to make sure food and beverages remain affordable – and is committed to working with the legislature to address public health concerns. Last year, the group successfully lobbied for a bill, which was eventually signed into law by then-Governor Jerry Brown, to temporarily ban cities from passing soda taxes through 2030. The law was a way to stop a statewide ballot measure pushed by the beverage industry that would have made it difficult for cities to raise taxes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED's Peter Jon Shuler and the Associated Press contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "In Garlic Capital, Tariffs and Immigration Crackdown Have Mixed Impacts",
"title": "In Garlic Capital, Tariffs and Immigration Crackdown Have Mixed Impacts",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gilroy is known as the garlic capital of the world. And two Trump administration policies — one on trade, the other on immigration — are having a mixed impact on this agricultural community southeast of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's about 50 degrees outside, but for a moment it looks like it's snowing. But the morning air is pungent and savory, and those flakes falling from the sky are garlic skin pieces, drifting away from the peeling facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727439\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1544_custom-80808e6e579eb790fc828d689970fd9d3e2321e6-e1550681473331.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727439\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1544_custom-80808e6e579eb790fc828d689970fd9d3e2321e6-e1550681473331.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1279\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Garlic sits in bins before being processed at the processing plant. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christopher Ranch in Gilroy is the largest garlic producer in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Christopher, executive vice president, says it didn't always look this busy. In the 1990s, he says, the industry was hit hard by cheap Chinese garlic imports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"U.S. garlic was trading around $40 a box in the 1990s,\" he says. \"Chinese garlic flooded the market at $10 a box, and it severely undercut a lot of U.S. growers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilroy is known for its garlic, but only a few farms survived. Christopher Ranch was the biggest. Ken Christopher says about 6 percent of its garlic is bought from China; the rest is homegrown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1154_slide-82d210a1659cbe65ca0c20951b6c8148f9064e54-e1550680524639.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1154_slide-82d210a1659cbe65ca0c20951b6c8148f9064e54-e1550680524639.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers sort out defective garlic at the Christopher Ranch plant. The company employs more than 1,000 people \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"It was really hard,\" he says. \"We're talking reduction in workforce, we're talking reduction in work hours, we had furlough days simply just to get through the year.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This struggle went on for years. Then, in 2016, Donald Trump was elected president. And his stance on Chinese imports was pretty clear: tax them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher flew to Washington last year to testify in favor of tariffs on Chinese garlic. They would mean that Chinese garlic at your supermarket would be way more expensive than U.S.-grown garlic. When Christopher talks about tariffs, his face lights up. He says ideally, Chinese garlic would be taxed at rate over 400 percent. In the end, the Trump administration went for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/17/648845578/trump-sets-tariffs-on-200-billion-in-imports-from-china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">10 percent tariff\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher remembers when it was announced: \"My coworkers and I started texting each other, emails started flying back and forth. A coworker of mine actually got me the flag that was flying above the U.S. Capitol the day they got enacted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1290.psd1_slide-1f39a1175960d0a472c3d60efa4cda7ab7223cd0-e1550680961367.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727442\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1290.psd1_slide-1f39a1175960d0a472c3d60efa4cda7ab7223cd0-e1550680961367.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worker at the plant pulls garlic samples for testing. The Christopher Ranch company saw demand for its garlic grow amid U.S. tariffs on Chinese garlic. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1300px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727449\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1300\" height=\"436\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85.jpg 1300w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-160x54.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-800x268.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-1020x342.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-1200x402.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1300px) 100vw, 1300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shipment trucks (left) are parked at the processing plant (right). \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many American farmers, who export a large amount of their produce, the tariff war with China has dealt a big blow. Christopher says he is very sympathetic to their plight, and he doesn't think tariffs are a long-term solution. But they are certainly helping. Christopher Ranch said sales were up by about 20 percent last year. The company even had to pull garlic from storage to meet increased demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like most American agriculture, immigrants are a big part of Gilroy's labor force. And the Trump administration's crackdown on undocumented labor has hit many California farmers hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727444\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a0893.psd_slide-d385fc5f353778ffdce3e3a777cbf911043e5120-e1550681269110.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a0893.psd_slide-d385fc5f353778ffdce3e3a777cbf911043e5120-e1550681269110.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers pack garlic into boxes at the plant. Ken Christopher, the company's executive vice president, said that when the Trump administration announced tariffs on China, \"My coworkers and I started texting each other, emails started flying back and forth.\" \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727451\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1300px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727451\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1300\" height=\"433\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85.jpg 1300w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-160x53.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-800x266.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-1200x400.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1300px) 100vw, 1300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Garlic skins fall on operations manager Harald Vaernes (right) at the processing plant. The company had to pull garlic from storage to meet increased demand. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christopher says he thinks about this all the time. \"If the Republican Party is pro-business, if they want to support industries across the country, they need to realize that immigration is a critical function of that,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gerardo Barba, an outreach coordinator for Catholic Charities, says the mood here has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just in general, there has been a lot more fear ... just fear to be out in public,\" he says. Barba says he's \"started noticing changes recently with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/02/08/ice-arrests-went-up-in-2017-with-biggest-increases-in-florida-northern-texas-oklahoma/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">higher amounts of actual arrests that ICE conducts\u003c/a> — generally going to people's homes, knocking on the door.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving through Gilroy, it's clear that town has close ties to Mexico. The streets are lined with taquerias and discotecas, and sites on the outskirts of town house migrant workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727446\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1816_slide-d080ef414aca9a5111b3b0b00b2dc8f8ab1a10fb-e1550681396733.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727446\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1816_slide-d080ef414aca9a5111b3b0b00b2dc8f8ab1a10fb-e1550681396733.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cold storage (left) and empty garlic bins at the plant. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christopher Ranch currently employs more than 1,000 people. One man who packages garlic there tells NPR they're great bosses. He gets paid $15 an hour — a solid wage for a farmworker. He recently got his green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked that his name not be used because he has family members who are undocumented and are worried about getting deported. If that happens, they've asked him to take care of their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says even though business is booming, there's a lot of fear. And he wonders: If enough people get deported, who's going to harvest all that garlic?\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gilroy is known as the garlic capital of the world. And two Trump administration policies — one on trade, the other on immigration — are having a mixed impact on this agricultural community southeast of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's about 50 degrees outside, but for a moment it looks like it's snowing. But the morning air is pungent and savory, and those flakes falling from the sky are garlic skin pieces, drifting away from the peeling facility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727439\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1544_custom-80808e6e579eb790fc828d689970fd9d3e2321e6-e1550681473331.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727439\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1544_custom-80808e6e579eb790fc828d689970fd9d3e2321e6-e1550681473331.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1279\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Garlic sits in bins before being processed at the processing plant. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christopher Ranch in Gilroy is the largest garlic producer in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ken Christopher, executive vice president, says it didn't always look this busy. In the 1990s, he says, the industry was hit hard by cheap Chinese garlic imports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"U.S. garlic was trading around $40 a box in the 1990s,\" he says. \"Chinese garlic flooded the market at $10 a box, and it severely undercut a lot of U.S. growers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilroy is known for its garlic, but only a few farms survived. Christopher Ranch was the biggest. Ken Christopher says about 6 percent of its garlic is bought from China; the rest is homegrown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1154_slide-82d210a1659cbe65ca0c20951b6c8148f9064e54-e1550680524639.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727441\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1154_slide-82d210a1659cbe65ca0c20951b6c8148f9064e54-e1550680524639.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers sort out defective garlic at the Christopher Ranch plant. The company employs more than 1,000 people \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"It was really hard,\" he says. \"We're talking reduction in workforce, we're talking reduction in work hours, we had furlough days simply just to get through the year.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This struggle went on for years. Then, in 2016, Donald Trump was elected president. And his stance on Chinese imports was pretty clear: tax them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher flew to Washington last year to testify in favor of tariffs on Chinese garlic. They would mean that Chinese garlic at your supermarket would be way more expensive than U.S.-grown garlic. When Christopher talks about tariffs, his face lights up. He says ideally, Chinese garlic would be taxed at rate over 400 percent. In the end, the Trump administration went for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/09/17/648845578/trump-sets-tariffs-on-200-billion-in-imports-from-china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">10 percent tariff\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher remembers when it was announced: \"My coworkers and I started texting each other, emails started flying back and forth. A coworker of mine actually got me the flag that was flying above the U.S. Capitol the day they got enacted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1290.psd1_slide-1f39a1175960d0a472c3d60efa4cda7ab7223cd0-e1550680961367.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727442\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1290.psd1_slide-1f39a1175960d0a472c3d60efa4cda7ab7223cd0-e1550680961367.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worker at the plant pulls garlic samples for testing. The Christopher Ranch company saw demand for its garlic grow amid U.S. tariffs on Chinese garlic. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727449\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1300px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727449\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1300\" height=\"436\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85.jpg 1300w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-160x54.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-800x268.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-1020x342.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-13-_custom-5b159137caa36a0e337506629f46fe9474be6995-s1300-c85-1200x402.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1300px) 100vw, 1300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shipment trucks (left) are parked at the processing plant (right). \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For many American farmers, who export a large amount of their produce, the tariff war with China has dealt a big blow. Christopher says he is very sympathetic to their plight, and he doesn't think tariffs are a long-term solution. But they are certainly helping. Christopher Ranch said sales were up by about 20 percent last year. The company even had to pull garlic from storage to meet increased demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But like most American agriculture, immigrants are a big part of Gilroy's labor force. And the Trump administration's crackdown on undocumented labor has hit many California farmers hard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727444\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a0893.psd_slide-d385fc5f353778ffdce3e3a777cbf911043e5120-e1550681269110.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727444\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a0893.psd_slide-d385fc5f353778ffdce3e3a777cbf911043e5120-e1550681269110.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers pack garlic into boxes at the plant. Ken Christopher, the company's executive vice president, said that when the Trump administration announced tariffs on China, \"My coworkers and I started texting each other, emails started flying back and forth.\" \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727451\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1300px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727451\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1300\" height=\"433\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85.jpg 1300w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-160x53.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-800x266.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/image-from-ios-14-_custom-bd2c3e5a9ed7ed7ffd8fc9a0ae4b49a430f3a609-s1300-c85-1200x400.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1300px) 100vw, 1300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Garlic skins fall on operations manager Harald Vaernes (right) at the processing plant. The company had to pull garlic from storage to meet increased demand. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christopher says he thinks about this all the time. \"If the Republican Party is pro-business, if they want to support industries across the country, they need to realize that immigration is a critical function of that,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gerardo Barba, an outreach coordinator for Catholic Charities, says the mood here has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just in general, there has been a lot more fear ... just fear to be out in public,\" he says. Barba says he's \"started noticing changes recently with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/02/08/ice-arrests-went-up-in-2017-with-biggest-increases-in-florida-northern-texas-oklahoma/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">higher amounts of actual arrests that ICE conducts\u003c/a> — generally going to people's homes, knocking on the door.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving through Gilroy, it's clear that town has close ties to Mexico. The streets are lined with taquerias and discotecas, and sites on the outskirts of town house migrant workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727446\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1816_slide-d080ef414aca9a5111b3b0b00b2dc8f8ab1a10fb-e1550681396733.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11727446\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/n0a1816_slide-d080ef414aca9a5111b3b0b00b2dc8f8ab1a10fb-e1550681396733.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cold storage (left) and empty garlic bins at the plant. \u003ccite>(Talia Herman/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Christopher Ranch currently employs more than 1,000 people. One man who packages garlic there tells NPR they're great bosses. He gets paid $15 an hour — a solid wage for a farmworker. He recently got his green card.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked that his name not be used because he has family members who are undocumented and are worried about getting deported. If that happens, they've asked him to take care of their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says even though business is booming, there's a lot of fear. And he wonders: If enough people get deported, who's going to harvest all that garlic?\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org.\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Newsom's Made Poverty a Priority—But Women Have Been Working on It for Years",
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"content": "\u003cp>Children's advocates were thrilled when Gov. Gavin Newsom came out big for them on Jan. 10 in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first budget proposal\u003c/a>. He called for phasing in universal preschool, putting money into state-funded child care and investing in education for child care workers. State Sen. Holly Mitchell, D-Los Angeles, said it’s clear Newsom will be an ally on social issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And we're also clear that we also helped set the table for him to have the luxury of coming in in 2019 and making these declarations and having money to spend,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell points to the painful votes lawmakers — women and men — took during the great recession that cut social programs, and afterward, that ultimately built up the state’s reserves. During his budget press conference, Newsom called out lawmakers whose proposals he’d drawn from, including Mitchell. She ticks off the hard-fought bills she got passed when others weren’t talking about poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"First increase in CalWORKs' cash grant in a generation. Elimination of a racist, classist, sexist policy — Maximum Family Grant,\" she listed. \"More and more people at the table talking about child poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years women have championed bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expanding access to child care\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB480&search_keywords=Diapers\">making diapers more affordable\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB63\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increasing access to family leave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Bartholow, a policy advocate with the Western Center on Law and Poverty, said women leaders in the Senate and Assembly drove poverty-related policies even while the state was dealing with a budget crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw women stepping forward and saying that poverty, that family poverty, that poverty among female-led households, was an important policy issue,\" she said. \"And you saw them apply this kind of creativity and big thinking that normally had been reserved for issues that weren't involving poor children and their mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers acknowledge former Gov. Jerry Brown embraced some of their ideas, but somewhat reluctantly. In Newsom they see more of an enthusiastic partner in tackling issues like ending child poverty. Assemblywoman Autumn Burke, D-Marina del Rey, has had several conversations with Newsom about the problem. She said the state has to do better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To say that you're the fifth-largest economy in the world and that you let your children live in that kind of distress, to me, says that we are not caring about the correct population. And we're not caring about the state as the whole and the people as a whole,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burke authored a bill that \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1520\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">created a task force to study how to best lift kids and families out of poverty\u003c/a>. Advocates are now urging lawmakers to act on the task force’s recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom has gotten credit for pushing policies aimed at improving the lives of California’s children and families. But women in the state Capitol have been supporting those issues for years.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Children's advocates were thrilled when Gov. Gavin Newsom came out big for them on Jan. 10 in his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">first budget proposal\u003c/a>. He called for phasing in universal preschool, putting money into state-funded child care and investing in education for child care workers. State Sen. Holly Mitchell, D-Los Angeles, said it’s clear Newsom will be an ally on social issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And we're also clear that we also helped set the table for him to have the luxury of coming in in 2019 and making these declarations and having money to spend,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mitchell points to the painful votes lawmakers — women and men — took during the great recession that cut social programs, and afterward, that ultimately built up the state’s reserves. During his budget press conference, Newsom called out lawmakers whose proposals he’d drawn from, including Mitchell. She ticks off the hard-fought bills she got passed when others weren’t talking about poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"First increase in CalWORKs' cash grant in a generation. Elimination of a racist, classist, sexist policy — Maximum Family Grant,\" she listed. \"More and more people at the table talking about child poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the years women have championed bills \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB273\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">expanding access to child care\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB480&search_keywords=Diapers\">making diapers more affordable\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB63\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">increasing access to family leave\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Bartholow, a policy advocate with the Western Center on Law and Poverty, said women leaders in the Senate and Assembly drove poverty-related policies even while the state was dealing with a budget crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw women stepping forward and saying that poverty, that family poverty, that poverty among female-led households, was an important policy issue,\" she said. \"And you saw them apply this kind of creativity and big thinking that normally had been reserved for issues that weren't involving poor children and their mothers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers acknowledge former Gov. Jerry Brown embraced some of their ideas, but somewhat reluctantly. In Newsom they see more of an enthusiastic partner in tackling issues like ending child poverty. Assemblywoman Autumn Burke, D-Marina del Rey, has had several conversations with Newsom about the problem. She said the state has to do better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To say that you're the fifth-largest economy in the world and that you let your children live in that kind of distress, to me, says that we are not caring about the correct population. And we're not caring about the state as the whole and the people as a whole,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burke authored a bill that \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1520\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">created a task force to study how to best lift kids and families out of poverty\u003c/a>. Advocates are now urging lawmakers to act on the task force’s recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Silicon Valley is booming, and with it comes new real estate development, higher salaries and more traffic, according to a new survey released on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to this year’s economic survey from \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Joint Venture Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, commute times have increased by more than 20 percent over the past 10 years, adding an additional 43 hours of driving time per commuter annually. The report was released at the nonprofit’s annual State of the Valley event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rolling now to a crescendo,” said Russell Hancock, CEO and President of Joint Venture. “Cities are also realizing that when they have employers in their boundaries it creates externalities, and one of those is traffic jams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also finds the cost of housing plays into the traffic problem. Over the past two years, the median home price has increased by $300,000, bringing it to $1.2 million last year. Compare that to $221,000 — the median price in the U.S. overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of homes on the market has also decreased significantly. In 2018, there were half as many home sales as there were in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The inventory is at historic lows, people are actually holding on to their houses” instead of downsizing in retirement, Hancock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This adds up to more local employees — 95,000 in 2017 — who are forced to live so far away from their jobs that they end up commuting more than three hours a day. Caltrain ridership has reached an all-time high, but not everybody lives along the rail lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of transportation needs in Silicon Valley rose by 4 percent over the past four years, after adjusting for inflation. This compares to a decrease in the cost of transportation needs of 12 percent statewide over the same period, according to the index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if housing costs and traffic are driving tens of thousands of people to leave the region, the migration \u003ci>out\u003c/i> is almost exactly matched by the migration coming \u003ci>in\u003c/i>. Silicon Valley lost roughly 22,300 people last year but gained roughly 20,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, where congestion is \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2019/2/13/18222225/los-angeles-traffic-worst-nation-hours\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">old news\u003c/a>, Mayor Eric Garcetti is overseeing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.lamayor.org/statement-mayor-garcetti-introduction-twenty-eight-28-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major transit plan\u003c/a> to bring 100 miles of new rail line to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really looking at what we’re doing with a once, not just in a generation, but once in a century investment in transportation,” Gracetti said during his keynote at the State of the Valley event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report isn’t all doom and gloom. While Silicon Valley faces major challenges, there are still enormous opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median household income here is higher than it has ever been. In 2017, it grew by 5 percent, bringing it to $118,400 annually. Unemployment is also fairly low, at 2.3 percent compared to 3.9 percent in California overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our success is greater than other parts of the country and our failures are greater than other parts of the country,” Garcetti said of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment for black or African-American residents has also decreased. It’s currently at 5 percent, which, though higher than the overall rate, is 7 percent lower than it was in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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