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"content": "\u003cp>Tim Diebert has been a regular at Hobee’s Restaurant in Palo Alto for the past 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in good food. They have great food here,” Diebert says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s especially partial to the chorizo scramble with onions, garlic and runny scrambled eggs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not just the food that’s kept him coming back to the restaurant for breakfast every day since he retired two years ago. The staff at Hobee’s know Diebert, and he says it’s one of the few places in the area that still has that old familiar feel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hobee’s has been owned and operated by the same family since opening in 1974. So he was understandably concerned when he saw a big yellow sign go up in the restaurant’s window in mid-June announcing a change in ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578276\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tim Diebert sits at his favorite table at Hobee’s Restaurant in Palo Alto. Diebert has been a Hobee’s regular for 30 years, and he’s been coming almost every day since he retired two years ago. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I learned that it was Danny and Camille, and when I learned that they were going to acquire the place, I knew things weren’t going to change,” Diebert says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny and Camille Chijate aren’t part of a big private equity firm or venture capitalists trying to make it big in Silicon Valley. They’ve been working at Hobee’s — Danny in the kitchen and Camille as a waitress and manager — for the past 28 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camille and Danny met while working at a Hobee’s in San Jose, married and grew with the restaurant chain, which has five locations across the Peninsula and South Bay. They were tapped to open a new San Jose location in the late 1990s, and Camille was eventually promoted to the corporate office, while Danny runs the kitchen in Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This opportunity was amazing for us because it was our lifelong dream to be able to do this,” Camille said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2017/07/HobeesFIX.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26047_DSC_1214-qut-1920x1272.jpg\" Title=\"In a Startup and Cash-Out World, One Silicon Valley Restaurant Keeps It Homespun\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Keeping it in the Family\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Hobee’s was founded by a Hawaii transplant named Paul Taber in 1974. It started as a single hamburger shop in Mountain View but quickly morphed and grew into a popular, quirky, family-run chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before you knew it, we were throughout Silicon Valley serving the best breakfasts in the area,” says Ed Fike, Paul’s son-in-law and one of the current owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Taber — Ed’s husband and Paul’s son — helped his dad run the family business for years. In 2005, Peter passed daily operating duties over to Ed, and this year, after running the restaurant for decades, the family decided they were ready for a change and started preparing to sell the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family looked at a few buyers, but nobody felt right. They didn’t want the new owners to just see Hobee’s as a balance sheet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve never wanted to be slick,” Ed said. “It’s just not a slick operation. It’s very homespun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, they turned to Danny and Camille.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578268\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ed Fike (R) and his family sold Hobee’s Restaurants to Camille Chijate (L) this summer. Hobee’s has been owned by the same family since it opened in 1974, and the Chijates have worked for the chain for almost 30 years. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have heirs, and it couldn’t have gone to our family,” Ed says. “But certainly Camille and Daniel are like our family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t easy for two restaurant workers to come up with the cash to buy a Silicon Valley restaurant chain. The Chijates used up their life savings, took a loan out against their house and borrowed from friends and family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have some plans to modernize the restaurant’s technology and increase the number of locally sourced ingredients it uses, but Camille says the homey vibe that’s defined Hobee’s for decades won’t change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We kind of keep one foot really firmly planted in sort of the legacy and the concept of the Hobee’s that people are comfortable with, and that other foot sort of testing the waters of what new things people might be interested in,” Camille said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Mile-High Coffee Cake’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578274\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-800x1208.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1208\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-800x1208.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-160x242.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-1020x1540.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-1180x1781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-960x1449.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-240x362.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-375x566.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-520x785.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485.jpg 1272w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pans of Hobee’s famous blueberry coffee cake cool in the kitchen in the Palo Alto location. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to helping his dad run the restaurant, Peter Taber also created Hobee’s signature item: its blueberry coffee cake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically it is a mile-high piece of coffee cake with blueberries on the inside,” Camille says, “and our famous streusel topping on top, which our customers always want more of because that’s the best part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of Camille’s corporate office job is going to the different locations to make sure everything tastes how it’s supposed to, including the coffee cake. She estimates she’s eaten around 2,500 pieces of coffee cake in her time at Hobee’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I’m at the kids’ high school or soccer games, people are like, ‘Oh, you’re the coffee cake lady.’ This is what we’re known for,” Camille says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of that coffee cake has been made by Juan Carlos Zaragosa. He’s been working at Hobee’s for 25 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He uses a small metal bowl to scoop frozen blueberries out of a box and sprinkles them on the cake batter. Then he takes handfuls of streusel topping and carefully adds it on top, gently spreading it out with a flat hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s like watching an artist at work. And it makes him happy knowing that people come in just for his coffee cake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578272\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578272\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Carlos Zaragosa sprinkles cinnamon streusel topping on Hobee’s famous blueberry coffee cake. Zaragosa has been making coffee cake at Hobee’s for 25 years. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People come in and they ask, ‘Who’s in the kitchen? Oh Juan Carlos!’ ” he says, a big smile plastered on his face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hobee’s is filled with people like Zaragosa who have worked there for decades, and people like Tim Diebert who have been eating there just as long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that we’re still successful is because people want a place that’s familiar,” Camille says. “It’s kind of like the old ‘Cheers’ thing. They want to be recognized. They want you know to know their name. They want to know the employees. You know people come in here, and they hug employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as if on cue, Diebert gets up from his favorite table and gives Camille a hug.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tim Diebert has been a regular at Hobee’s Restaurant in Palo Alto for the past 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in good food. They have great food here,” Diebert says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s especially partial to the chorizo scramble with onions, garlic and runny scrambled eggs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not just the food that’s kept him coming back to the restaurant for breakfast every day since he retired two years ago. The staff at Hobee’s know Diebert, and he says it’s one of the few places in the area that still has that old familiar feel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hobee’s has been owned and operated by the same family since opening in 1974. So he was understandably concerned when he saw a big yellow sign go up in the restaurant’s window in mid-June announcing a change in ownership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578276\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26043_DSC_1231-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tim Diebert sits at his favorite table at Hobee’s Restaurant in Palo Alto. Diebert has been a Hobee’s regular for 30 years, and he’s been coming almost every day since he retired two years ago. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I learned that it was Danny and Camille, and when I learned that they were going to acquire the place, I knew things weren’t going to change,” Diebert says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danny and Camille Chijate aren’t part of a big private equity firm or venture capitalists trying to make it big in Silicon Valley. They’ve been working at Hobee’s — Danny in the kitchen and Camille as a waitress and manager — for the past 28 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camille and Danny met while working at a Hobee’s in San Jose, married and grew with the restaurant chain, which has five locations across the Peninsula and South Bay. They were tapped to open a new San Jose location in the late 1990s, and Camille was eventually promoted to the corporate office, while Danny runs the kitchen in Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This opportunity was amazing for us because it was our lifelong dream to be able to do this,” Camille said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Keeping it in the Family\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Hobee’s was founded by a Hawaii transplant named Paul Taber in 1974. It started as a single hamburger shop in Mountain View but quickly morphed and grew into a popular, quirky, family-run chain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before you knew it, we were throughout Silicon Valley serving the best breakfasts in the area,” says Ed Fike, Paul’s son-in-law and one of the current owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Taber — Ed’s husband and Paul’s son — helped his dad run the family business for years. In 2005, Peter passed daily operating duties over to Ed, and this year, after running the restaurant for decades, the family decided they were ready for a change and started preparing to sell the restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family looked at a few buyers, but nobody felt right. They didn’t want the new owners to just see Hobee’s as a balance sheet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve never wanted to be slick,” Ed said. “It’s just not a slick operation. It’s very homespun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, they turned to Danny and Camille.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578268\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578268\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26048_DSC_1218-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ed Fike (R) and his family sold Hobee’s Restaurants to Camille Chijate (L) this summer. Hobee’s has been owned by the same family since it opened in 1974, and the Chijates have worked for the chain for almost 30 years. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have heirs, and it couldn’t have gone to our family,” Ed says. “But certainly Camille and Daniel are like our family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t easy for two restaurant workers to come up with the cash to buy a Silicon Valley restaurant chain. The Chijates used up their life savings, took a loan out against their house and borrowed from friends and family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have some plans to modernize the restaurant’s technology and increase the number of locally sourced ingredients it uses, but Camille says the homey vibe that’s defined Hobee’s for decades won’t change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We kind of keep one foot really firmly planted in sort of the legacy and the concept of the Hobee’s that people are comfortable with, and that other foot sort of testing the waters of what new things people might be interested in,” Camille said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Mile-High Coffee Cake’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578274\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578274\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-800x1208.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1208\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-800x1208.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-160x242.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-1020x1540.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-1180x1781.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-960x1449.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-240x362.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-375x566.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485-520x785.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26045_DSC_1230-qut-e1500602589485.jpg 1272w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pans of Hobee’s famous blueberry coffee cake cool in the kitchen in the Palo Alto location. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to helping his dad run the restaurant, Peter Taber also created Hobee’s signature item: its blueberry coffee cake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically it is a mile-high piece of coffee cake with blueberries on the inside,” Camille says, “and our famous streusel topping on top, which our customers always want more of because that’s the best part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of Camille’s corporate office job is going to the different locations to make sure everything tastes how it’s supposed to, including the coffee cake. She estimates she’s eaten around 2,500 pieces of coffee cake in her time at Hobee’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I’m at the kids’ high school or soccer games, people are like, ‘Oh, you’re the coffee cake lady.’ This is what we’re known for,” Camille says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of that coffee cake has been made by Juan Carlos Zaragosa. He’s been working at Hobee’s for 25 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He uses a small metal bowl to scoop frozen blueberries out of a box and sprinkles them on the cake batter. Then he takes handfuls of streusel topping and carefully adds it on top, gently spreading it out with a flat hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s like watching an artist at work. And it makes him happy knowing that people come in just for his coffee cake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11578272\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11578272\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-800x530.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"530\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-800x530.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-960x636.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-240x159.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-375x248.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/RS26046_DSC_1226-qut-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Carlos Zaragosa sprinkles cinnamon streusel topping on Hobee’s famous blueberry coffee cake. Zaragosa has been making coffee cake at Hobee’s for 25 years. \u003ccite>(Ryan Levi/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“People come in and they ask, ‘Who’s in the kitchen? Oh Juan Carlos!’ ” he says, a big smile plastered on his face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hobee’s is filled with people like Zaragosa who have worked there for decades, and people like Tim Diebert who have been eating there just as long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that we’re still successful is because people want a place that’s familiar,” Camille says. “It’s kind of like the old ‘Cheers’ thing. They want to be recognized. They want you know to know their name. They want to know the employees. You know people come in here, and they hug employees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>House Republicans are trying to drastically change the way California uses water. \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/uploadedfiles/the_grow_act_bill_text.pdf\">H.R. 23\u003c/a> would send more water to farms, and less to wildlife refuges. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-us-house-oppose-bill-requiring-california-adopt\">strongly-worded statement\u003c/a>, Attorney General Xavier Becerra pointed out that this bill would force California to adopt weaker federal water quality standards instead of the state’s tougher environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>House Republicans are trying to drastically change the way California uses water. \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/uploadedfiles/the_grow_act_bill_text.pdf\">H.R. 23\u003c/a> would send more water to farms, and less to wildlife refuges. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-becerra-us-house-oppose-bill-requiring-california-adopt\">strongly-worded statement\u003c/a>, Attorney General Xavier Becerra pointed out that this bill would force California to adopt weaker federal water quality standards instead of the state’s tougher environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Uncertainty Over Obamacare Leaves Next Year's Rates in Limbo",
"title": "Uncertainty Over Obamacare Leaves Next Year's Rates in Limbo",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California's Obamacare exchange scrubbed its annual rate announcement this week, the latest sign of how the ongoing political drama over the Affordable Care Act is roiling insurance markets nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exchange, Covered California, might not wrap up negotiations with insurers and announce 2018 premiums for its 1.4 million customers until mid-August — about a month later than usual. Similar scenarios are playing out across the country as state officials and insurers demand clarity on health care rules and funding, with deadlines fast approaching for the start of open enrollment this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's insane,\" says John Baackes, CEO of L.A. Care Health Plan, which has about 26,000 customers on the California exchange. \"Here we are in the middle of July, and we don't even know what rules we will be operating under for open enrollment. It is not how you want to run a business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/538099050/538148888\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individuals could face sharply higher premiums and fewer choices if more health insurers leave the insurance marketplaces because of lingering uncertainty. State and industry officials around the United States are concerned that the federal government could stop funding so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthcare.gov/glossary/cost-sharing-reduction/\">cost-sharing subsidies\u003c/a> that reduce out-of-pocket costs for people with lower incomes. And they worry the Trump administration won't enforce the individual mandate that requires people to purchase health coverage or pay a penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid those concerns, there was a sense of relief Tuesday among many exchange officials and insurers after the U.S. Senate's latest attempt to replace the Affordable Care Act failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"bm3c8oHiENgCA4FqaK8OlPTCy2vF0O26\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two large insurer trade groups bluntly warned last week that parts of the Senate plan were \"unworkable\" and could plunge the market into chaos. In a letter to the Senate, America's Health Insurance Plans and the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahip.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Joint-AHIP-BCBSA-Consumer-Freedom-Option-Letter-FINAL-071417.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">particularly objected\u003c/a> to an amendment by Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, that would have allowed insurers to sell bare-bones health plans to people who wanted cheaper premiums. That provision, the insurers said, would split the market between the healthy and the sick, driving up costs for people with pre-existing conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the Republicans' failure to pass that replacement plan did not resolve questions swirling around the current health law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnbc.com/2017/07/18/trump-well-just-let-obamacare-fail.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">President Trump expressed disappointment\u003c/a> in the outcome in the Senate, telling reporters, \"We'll let Obamacare fail and then the Democrats are going to come to us and they're going to say, 'How do we fix it?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Senate Republicans struck a more conciliatory tone, suggesting that lawmakers should work on a bipartisan measure that would help stabilize the individual insurance markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, says he plans to hold hearings in the coming weeks on ways to shore up the individual insurance market. Lawmakers may look at creating a new stabilization fund that helps compensate insurers for higher-cost patients. Such a fund would be similar to one that existed during the first three years of the Affordable Care Act exchanges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"y1ybGndEWDjWP7eczDbajnRjVTw6llOS\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some insurance industry executives welcomed the talk of bipartisanship, but they said action must be taken quickly to resolve key issues affecting consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are running out of time, and we need a resolution on what we are charging for 2018,\" says Gary Cohen, vice president of public affairs at Blue Shield of California in San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/blue-shield-has-highest-share-of-enrollees-in-covered-california/\">largest Covered California insurer by enrollment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen, who helped launch the exchanges in 2014 as an official in the Obama administration, noted that the Republican bills in both the House and Senate included money for reinsurance that can help lower premiums industrywide. Those provisions are among the \"immediate steps Congress and the Trump administration need to take in order for markets to provide coverage that is affordable,\" Cohen says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers could also appropriate federal funds for the cost-sharing subsidies, which have a price tag of about $7 billion a year. Those payments, made directly to insurers, help reduce deductibles and other out-of-pocket costs for policyholders who earn up to 250 percent of the federal poverty level. This year, that's up to about $29,000 for an individual or around $61,000 for a family of four. More than half of the people enrolled in exchanges nationwide qualify for this financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without it, many people would face annual deductibles of $2,000 or more when visiting the doctor or undergoing medical tests. That would make people far less likely to sign up with participating insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservatives generally oppose the subsidies, calling them a bailout of the insurance industry and arguing that the Obama administration didn't have the authority to pay them. \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/07/18/trump-obamacare-markets-subsidies-cut-240684\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Trump has repeatedly threatened\u003c/a> to cut off those cost-sharing subsidies as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the future of cost-sharing subsidies up in the air, some states, including California and Pennsylvania, have allowed insurers to submit two sets of proposed premiums. One filing reflects continued federal funding of those subsidies, and a separate one assumes they are eliminated and their cost is included in health plan premiums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pennsylvania, premiums next year without the subsidies would increase by an average of 20 percent, compared with 9 percent if they remain intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pennsylvania Insurance Commissioner Teresa Miller says the market in her state would be in good shape were it not for the uncertainty over federal policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing right now keeping everyone on edge is what's going to happen in Washington, D.C.,\" Miller says. \"If things calm down in D.C. and if we don't see further changes, then Pennsylvania's market really is stabilizing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Covered California officials said the two different rate filings its health plans submitted will be released Aug. 1. The exchange may announce that same day what the final premiums are, or it could postpone the decision for several more weeks if Congress has begun to pursue fixes to the ACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"5rsh2AhtmI5avdhhlSQpij2OqvMsdJsd\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This decision is based on the ongoing federal uncertainty around the repeal and replacement attempts of the Affordable Care Act and the dramatic potential impacts such uncertainty has on the rates and on California consumers,\" exchange officials said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.coveredca.com/news/pdfs/CoveredCA_Consequences_of_Terminating_CSR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent analysis\u003c/a> commissioned by Covered California estimated that premiums for silver-tier plans would jump by 16.6 percent if the federal government stopped paying cost-sharing subsidies. That would be in addition to normal increases meant to cover rising medical costs. An exchange spokeswoman declined to comment further Tuesday, citing the ongoing developments in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Florida exchange market, health insurers have sought an average rate increase of nearly 18 percent. But Florida Blue, the state's largest health insurer, said those rates would go even higher if the cost-sharing reduction payments disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Laszewski, an industry consultant in Virginia and a frequent ACA critic, said the exchange markets aren't imploding, despite what the Trump administration has often said. But their premiums will continue to rise unless more young and healthy people are persuaded to buy coverage, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think most insurance companies will at least break even, or even make a profit, in 2018,\" Laszewski says. \"Coverage will be 'stable,' but it will stabilize at a horrific premium rate level.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Eric Whitney of Montana Public Radio, Abe Aboraya of WMFE and Ben Allen of WITF contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced as part of a partnership with\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>,\u003cem> a nonprofit health newsroom and editorially independent part of the Kaiser Family Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Uncertainty+Over+Obamacare+Leaves+Next+Year%27s+Rates+In+Limbo&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "While Washington ponders the future of the Affordable Care Act, health insurers need to decide right now what to charge people for health insurance in 2018. 'It's insane,' says one CEO.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California's Obamacare exchange scrubbed its annual rate announcement this week, the latest sign of how the ongoing political drama over the Affordable Care Act is roiling insurance markets nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exchange, Covered California, might not wrap up negotiations with insurers and announce 2018 premiums for its 1.4 million customers until mid-August — about a month later than usual. Similar scenarios are playing out across the country as state officials and insurers demand clarity on health care rules and funding, with deadlines fast approaching for the start of open enrollment this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's insane,\" says John Baackes, CEO of L.A. Care Health Plan, which has about 26,000 customers on the California exchange. \"Here we are in the middle of July, and we don't even know what rules we will be operating under for open enrollment. It is not how you want to run a business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/538099050/538148888\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individuals could face sharply higher premiums and fewer choices if more health insurers leave the insurance marketplaces because of lingering uncertainty. State and industry officials around the United States are concerned that the federal government could stop funding so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthcare.gov/glossary/cost-sharing-reduction/\">cost-sharing subsidies\u003c/a> that reduce out-of-pocket costs for people with lower incomes. And they worry the Trump administration won't enforce the individual mandate that requires people to purchase health coverage or pay a penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid those concerns, there was a sense of relief Tuesday among many exchange officials and insurers after the U.S. Senate's latest attempt to replace the Affordable Care Act failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two large insurer trade groups bluntly warned last week that parts of the Senate plan were \"unworkable\" and could plunge the market into chaos. In a letter to the Senate, America's Health Insurance Plans and the Blue Cross Blue Shield Association \u003ca href=\"https://www.ahip.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Joint-AHIP-BCBSA-Consumer-Freedom-Option-Letter-FINAL-071417.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">particularly objected\u003c/a> to an amendment by Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, that would have allowed insurers to sell bare-bones health plans to people who wanted cheaper premiums. That provision, the insurers said, would split the market between the healthy and the sick, driving up costs for people with pre-existing conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the Republicans' failure to pass that replacement plan did not resolve questions swirling around the current health law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday, \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnbc.com/2017/07/18/trump-well-just-let-obamacare-fail.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">President Trump expressed disappointment\u003c/a> in the outcome in the Senate, telling reporters, \"We'll let Obamacare fail and then the Democrats are going to come to us and they're going to say, 'How do we fix it?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Senate Republicans struck a more conciliatory tone, suggesting that lawmakers should work on a bipartisan measure that would help stabilize the individual insurance markets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., chairman of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, says he plans to hold hearings in the coming weeks on ways to shore up the individual insurance market. Lawmakers may look at creating a new stabilization fund that helps compensate insurers for higher-cost patients. Such a fund would be similar to one that existed during the first three years of the Affordable Care Act exchanges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some insurance industry executives welcomed the talk of bipartisanship, but they said action must be taken quickly to resolve key issues affecting consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are running out of time, and we need a resolution on what we are charging for 2018,\" says Gary Cohen, vice president of public affairs at Blue Shield of California in San Francisco, the \u003ca href=\"http://californiahealthline.org/news/blue-shield-has-highest-share-of-enrollees-in-covered-california/\">largest Covered California insurer by enrollment\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen, who helped launch the exchanges in 2014 as an official in the Obama administration, noted that the Republican bills in both the House and Senate included money for reinsurance that can help lower premiums industrywide. Those provisions are among the \"immediate steps Congress and the Trump administration need to take in order for markets to provide coverage that is affordable,\" Cohen says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers could also appropriate federal funds for the cost-sharing subsidies, which have a price tag of about $7 billion a year. Those payments, made directly to insurers, help reduce deductibles and other out-of-pocket costs for policyholders who earn up to 250 percent of the federal poverty level. This year, that's up to about $29,000 for an individual or around $61,000 for a family of four. More than half of the people enrolled in exchanges nationwide qualify for this financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without it, many people would face annual deductibles of $2,000 or more when visiting the doctor or undergoing medical tests. That would make people far less likely to sign up with participating insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conservatives generally oppose the subsidies, calling them a bailout of the insurance industry and arguing that the Obama administration didn't have the authority to pay them. \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2017/07/18/trump-obamacare-markets-subsidies-cut-240684\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Trump has repeatedly threatened\u003c/a> to cut off those cost-sharing subsidies as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the future of cost-sharing subsidies up in the air, some states, including California and Pennsylvania, have allowed insurers to submit two sets of proposed premiums. One filing reflects continued federal funding of those subsidies, and a separate one assumes they are eliminated and their cost is included in health plan premiums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Pennsylvania, premiums next year without the subsidies would increase by an average of 20 percent, compared with 9 percent if they remain intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pennsylvania Insurance Commissioner Teresa Miller says the market in her state would be in good shape were it not for the uncertainty over federal policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The only thing right now keeping everyone on edge is what's going to happen in Washington, D.C.,\" Miller says. \"If things calm down in D.C. and if we don't see further changes, then Pennsylvania's market really is stabilizing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Covered California officials said the two different rate filings its health plans submitted will be released Aug. 1. The exchange may announce that same day what the final premiums are, or it could postpone the decision for several more weeks if Congress has begun to pursue fixes to the ACA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This decision is based on the ongoing federal uncertainty around the repeal and replacement attempts of the Affordable Care Act and the dramatic potential impacts such uncertainty has on the rates and on California consumers,\" exchange officials said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"http://www.coveredca.com/news/pdfs/CoveredCA_Consequences_of_Terminating_CSR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">recent analysis\u003c/a> commissioned by Covered California estimated that premiums for silver-tier plans would jump by 16.6 percent if the federal government stopped paying cost-sharing subsidies. That would be in addition to normal increases meant to cover rising medical costs. An exchange spokeswoman declined to comment further Tuesday, citing the ongoing developments in Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Florida exchange market, health insurers have sought an average rate increase of nearly 18 percent. But Florida Blue, the state's largest health insurer, said those rates would go even higher if the cost-sharing reduction payments disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Laszewski, an industry consultant in Virginia and a frequent ACA critic, said the exchange markets aren't imploding, despite what the Trump administration has often said. But their premiums will continue to rise unless more young and healthy people are persuaded to buy coverage, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think most insurance companies will at least break even, or even make a profit, in 2018,\" Laszewski says. \"Coverage will be 'stable,' but it will stabilize at a horrific premium rate level.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Eric Whitney of Montana Public Radio, Abe Aboraya of WMFE and Ben Allen of WITF contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced as part of a partnership with\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>,\u003cem> a nonprofit health newsroom and editorially independent part of the Kaiser Family Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Uncertainty+Over+Obamacare+Leaves+Next+Year%27s+Rates+In+Limbo&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Despite Proposition 13, California Property Tax Revenue Has Soared",
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"content": "\u003cp>Much has been said and written -- mostly negatively -- about the effects of Proposition 13, California’s iconic law limiting property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its critics say that Proposition 13, which restricts taxes to 1 percent of property values and caps increases in those values at 2 percent a year, has starved schools and local governments of vital revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the latest data on homes, farms and commercial and industrial property, compiled by county property assessors, tell a much different story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assessors completed their 2017-18 rolls of taxable property this month and are reporting about a 5 percent statewide gain to approximately $5.75 trillion -- yes, that’s trillion with a “t” -- in taxable value. That huge figure will translate into at least $65 billion in property taxes, including levies to repay bonds, which are exempt from the 1 percent limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not surprisingly, the highest gains are being recorded in the San Francisco Bay Area, thanks to its red-hot economy and property markets, topped by a nearly 11 percent gain in San Francisco itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most eye-popping number, however, is the immense growth in property tax revenue -- well over 50 percent during the last decade alone and about 1,000 percent since 1978, when Proposition 13 was overwhelmingly passed by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature’s budget analyst, Mac Taylor, points out that “the property tax has grown faster than the economy” since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"tCV094YdHG05Mk2hqHUICiYRAEfxZTZT\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Personal income in California -- an approximate measure of the size of the state’s economy -- has grown at an average annual rate of 6.3 percent since 1979,” Taylor’s 2012 report says. “Over the same period, revenue from the 1 percent property tax rate has grown at an average annual rate of 7.3 percent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How is that possible?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 13 limits taxes on any particular piece of property as long as it remains under the same ownership, taxable values are upgraded when it changes hands. That, along with ever-rising market values, accounts for much of the steady increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another big factor is new construction, both residential and commercial, added to the tax rolls as population increases. However it happens, property tax revenue keeps growing, currently by about $3 billion each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13’s critics -- public employee unions and their political allies mostly -- have yearned for decades to repeal or modify it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Repeal would be a political impossibility; it remains very popular with voters, most of whom are homeowners and benefit from its limits. Critics, therefore, have tried to gain traction for a “split roll” that would eliminate the limits for commercial property, arguing that it changes hands less often than homes and its owners are getting an undeserved tax break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve also sought to change laws governing change of ownership, claiming -- with some justification -- that they allow property owners to manipulate the system and avoid tax value upgrades by creative structuring of deals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One could argue, however, that Proposition 13 staved off what could have been a much larger tax revolt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had it not been enacted, and were local officials today using the same uncapped assessment practices and still taxing at the same rate as they did before 1978, property taxes would be three times as high, or about $200 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would have been politically unsustainable, so some limit on property tax growth was inevitable. The Legislature had plenty of warning in the 1970s that a tax revolt was coming and ignored it, thus giving Howard Jarvis and other Proposition 13 proponents an opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Proposition 13 debate will continue, but arguing that it has undermined vital tax revenue is disingenuous, as the latest data prove.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Much has been said and written -- mostly negatively -- about the effects of Proposition 13, California’s iconic law limiting property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its critics say that Proposition 13, which restricts taxes to 1 percent of property values and caps increases in those values at 2 percent a year, has starved schools and local governments of vital revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the latest data on homes, farms and commercial and industrial property, compiled by county property assessors, tell a much different story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assessors completed their 2017-18 rolls of taxable property this month and are reporting about a 5 percent statewide gain to approximately $5.75 trillion -- yes, that’s trillion with a “t” -- in taxable value. That huge figure will translate into at least $65 billion in property taxes, including levies to repay bonds, which are exempt from the 1 percent limit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not surprisingly, the highest gains are being recorded in the San Francisco Bay Area, thanks to its red-hot economy and property markets, topped by a nearly 11 percent gain in San Francisco itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most eye-popping number, however, is the immense growth in property tax revenue -- well over 50 percent during the last decade alone and about 1,000 percent since 1978, when Proposition 13 was overwhelmingly passed by voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature’s budget analyst, Mac Taylor, points out that “the property tax has grown faster than the economy” since then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Personal income in California -- an approximate measure of the size of the state’s economy -- has grown at an average annual rate of 6.3 percent since 1979,” Taylor’s 2012 report says. “Over the same period, revenue from the 1 percent property tax rate has grown at an average annual rate of 7.3 percent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How is that possible?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Proposition 13 limits taxes on any particular piece of property as long as it remains under the same ownership, taxable values are upgraded when it changes hands. That, along with ever-rising market values, accounts for much of the steady increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another big factor is new construction, both residential and commercial, added to the tax rolls as population increases. However it happens, property tax revenue keeps growing, currently by about $3 billion each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13’s critics -- public employee unions and their political allies mostly -- have yearned for decades to repeal or modify it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Repeal would be a political impossibility; it remains very popular with voters, most of whom are homeowners and benefit from its limits. Critics, therefore, have tried to gain traction for a “split roll” that would eliminate the limits for commercial property, arguing that it changes hands less often than homes and its owners are getting an undeserved tax break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve also sought to change laws governing change of ownership, claiming -- with some justification -- that they allow property owners to manipulate the system and avoid tax value upgrades by creative structuring of deals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One could argue, however, that Proposition 13 staved off what could have been a much larger tax revolt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Had it not been enacted, and were local officials today using the same uncapped assessment practices and still taxing at the same rate as they did before 1978, property taxes would be three times as high, or about $200 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would have been politically unsustainable, so some limit on property tax growth was inevitable. The Legislature had plenty of warning in the 1970s that a tax revolt was coming and ignored it, thus giving Howard Jarvis and other Proposition 13 proponents an opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Proposition 13 debate will continue, but arguing that it has undermined vital tax revenue is disingenuous, as the latest data prove.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/17/state-lawmakers-to-decide-fate-of-landmark-climate-law/\">voting today\u003c/a> whether to extend the state’s cap-and-trade climate program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/14/governor-brown-on-cap-and-trade-its-for-you-and-its-damn-real/\">gave an impassioned defense\u003c/a> of the initiative last Thursday saying, “This isn’t for me. I’m going to be dead. It’s for you and it’s damn real.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/17/state-lawmakers-to-decide-fate-of-landmark-climate-law/\">voting today\u003c/a> whether to extend the state’s cap-and-trade climate program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/14/governor-brown-on-cap-and-trade-its-for-you-and-its-damn-real/\">gave an impassioned defense\u003c/a> of the initiative last Thursday saying, “This isn’t for me. I’m going to be dead. It’s for you and it’s damn real.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Chinese Laborers Built Sonoma's Wineries. Racist Neighbors Drove Them Out",
"title": "Chinese Laborers Built Sonoma's Wineries. Racist Neighbors Drove Them Out",
"headTitle": "Bay Area Bites | KQED Food",
"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_119114\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/transporting-wine-95f9af075d22ecf0aef6d5e5429b26f9702c44ff-e1499978410695.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers transport wine at Buena Vista, the oldest winery in California's Sonoma County, built in the mid-1800s. From the backbreaking labor of clearing roads and digging out caves to highly skilled horticultural work, Chinese laborers helped build Sonoma's wine country.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1439\" class=\"size-full wp-image-119114\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers transport wine at Buena Vista, the oldest winery in California's Sonoma County, built in the mid-1800s. From the backbreaking labor of clearing roads and digging out caves to highly skilled horticultural work, Chinese laborers helped build Sonoma's wine country. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Buena Vista winery)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Sonoma Valley about an hour north of San Francisco, there are many reminders of the immigrants who built California's wine industry: tasting rooms that look like Italian villas or signs bearing French names. But you won't see any vestiges of the group that made up an estimated 80 percent of the workforce that first put Sonoma vineyards on the map: the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not many Chinese people in this little town now,\" says Jack Ding, an immigrant from Jiangsu, China, who has been living in Sonoma since 2008. \"But some of my neighbors and friends said, 'Hey Jack, you're Chinese. Let me tell you stories of Chinese who lived here 50, 100 or 150 years ago.' These were verbal stories from the family, generation by generation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those friends was Gordon Phillips, a retired attorney and local historian who spent nine years researching the history of Chinese in Sonoma, poring over books, census data and old newspapers searching for articles, editorials and political advertisements mentioning Chinese workers. \"All these vintners were making money off these initial Chinese workers and nobody knows about it,\" Phillips says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand how Chinese workers arrived in California's wine country, one must look to the east — to the Sierra Nevada. As the Gold Rush of the mid-1800s petered out and the construction of the transcontinental railroad neared completion, there were Chinese immigrants looking for work. That's where two key immigrants came into play. In 1857, a wealthy Hungarian named Agoston Haraszthy purchased a ranch in Sonoma Valley and named it Buena Vista, with the vision of introducing winemaking techniques from his homeland. Historian Charles L. Sullivan, author of numerous books about California's wine industry, calls Haraszthy \"the great supporter of Chinese labor in the vineyards.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_119113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/ho-po_sq-127369c2e65bc54adcb3d96966979fa6b30cbb26-e1499978486820.jpg\" alt=\"Ho Po, a Chinese labor contractor from San Francisco, sent 150 of his countrymen to build Buena Vista.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1921\" class=\"size-full wp-image-119113\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ho Po, a Chinese labor contractor from San Francisco, sent 150 of his countrymen to build Buena Vista. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Buena Vista winery)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Haraszthy turned to Ho Po, a Chinese labor contractor from San Francisco, who sent 150 of his countrymen to build Buena Vista, Sonoma's oldest commercial winery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those caves are still in use today at Buena Vista winery, where visitors can tour the 15-by-30-foot spaces carved out of rock. \"Workers literally dug the caves by hand,\" says Tom Blackwood, general manager of Buena Vista Winery. \"They still have the original markings. Those were the same skills they were using through the railroad.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Photos of Chinese men working in the fields and bottling wine are displayed in Buena Vista's tasting room. \"We feel it's more important than ever to talk about the reason we exist and the people who contributed to it — Chinese, Hungarian, French,\" says Jean-Charles Boisset, whose family company, Boisset Collection, bought the winery in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Tsu, a history professor at the University of California, Davis who studies Asian-Americans in the West, points out that winemaking is much more labor-intensive than wheat or other crops grown earlier in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_119115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c.jpg\" alt=\"Photos of Chinese men working in the fields and bottling wine are displayed in Buena Vista's tasting room. "We feel it's more important than ever to talk about the reason we exist and the people who contributed to it − Chinese, Hungarian, French," says Jean-Charles Boisset, whose family company, Boisset Collection, bought the winery in 2011.\" width=\"641\" height=\"641\" class=\"size-full wp-image-119115\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c.jpg 641w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of Chinese men working in the fields and bottling wine are displayed in Buena Vista's tasting room. \"We feel it's more important than ever to talk about the reason we exist and the people who contributed to it − Chinese, Hungarian, French,\" says Jean-Charles Boisset, whose family company, Boisset Collection, bought the winery in 2011. \u003ccite>( Eadweard Muybridge/Courtesy of Buena Vista winery)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Chinese immigrants were indispensable on multiple levels,\" says Tsu. \"They built roads; cleared land for farming; planted, pruned and harvested grapes. They did backbreaking, physical labor, as well as horticultural work that required significant knowledge and skill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without Chinese workers, perhaps California wouldn't be famous for its most popular varietals. In his 2004 book \u003cem>The Beasts of the Field,\u003c/em> Richard Steven Street notes that between 1856 and 1869, Chinese planted the majority of Sonoma County's 3.2 million grapevines. \"The Chinese also played a key role in improving wine quality by ripping out old mission grape vineyards and replanting them with Riesling, Muscatel, Traminer, Black Hamburg, Cabernet Sauvignon, Chardonnay, and other fine French and European varieties,\" writes Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as the vineyards grew, so did backlash against the Chinese on the West Coast. Anti-Chinese leagues were formed in many counties, with whites accusing Chinese of undercutting wages. Asians were paid about $30 per month, while white workers were paid up to $50 monthly. Others complained that the Chinese were unable to assimilate into local culture. Racism was common in nearby wine-producing areas, such as Napa and the Russian River Valley, although the Sonoma Valley might have been more hospitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was virtually no organized anti-Chinese agitation in the Sonoma Valley during the 1870s, much unlike what was common throughout much of the Bay Area, particularly in San Jose, Santa Rosa and Petaluma, even Napa,\" writes Sullivan in a \u003ca href=\"http://waywardtendrils.com/pdfs/vol.24_2014.pdf\">2014 article in the Wayward Tendrils Quarterly\u003c/a>. Haraszthy refused to stop employing Chinese at Buena Vista, despite the growing political opposition. He began carrying a gun to protect himself, and in 1868, he fled to Nicaragua to produce rum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile in wine country, nativist sentiments continued to take root. By 1877, lawmakers in Washington, D.C., debated a bill to stop Chinese immigration. Sonoma Valley grape grower John Hill testified in Congress to defend Chinese labor. \"He explained that Sonoma Valley grape growers depended on the 500 Chinese laborers employed in his 'neighborhood,' \" Phillips wrote in his 2015 thesis for his master's degree from Sonoma State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But spurred on by Denis Kearney's Workingmen's Party, a labor-oriented political group that supported nativist policies, Congress eventually passed the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, barring nearly all immigration from China. And whites drove out Chinese from many rural areas throughout the West. \"There was a movement to forcibly remove all the Chinese from Sonoma by starving them out — don't hire, don't patronize any shops that hire Chinese. During that period, a lot of Chinese left Sonoma. They were chewing on weeds down by the riverbanks, things got so bad,\" explains Phillips. According to U.S. Census data, the Chinese population in Sonoma County dropped \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/1890a_v1-13.pdf\">from 1,145 in 1890\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/1890a_v1-13.pdf\">fewer than 200 in 1930\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ugly past isn't always highlighted in the popular lore of the West. Nor are the contributions of the Chinese. \"We tend to assume that native-born American growers and maybe some European immigrants were pioneers of viticulture in California,\" Tsu says. \"[But] in reality, they were utterly dependent on Chinese immigrant labor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That erasure bothers Ding. \"It feels bad,\" he says. \"I went to a bookstore to look at Sonoma history books. I bought one, and I didn't see any pictures of the Chinese laborers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, there's been a movement to call attention to the Chinese legacy in wine country. Last fall, Phillips and Ding — along with the Sonoma-Penglai Sister City Committee — went before the Sonoma City Council to propose the building of a monument to the early Chinese. The council unanimously voted to approve the construction of a \u003cem>ting\u003c/em> (a tile-roofed covered pavilion) in a city park. \"It's a physical object that people can see is Chinese,\" explains Phillips. \"It'll attract their attention to something Chinese. When they read the plaque, they'll realize the vineyards are here based on a lot of Chinese labor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city isn't funding the $75,000 cost of construction. The northeastern Chinese city of Penglai, also known for wine production, is donating $25,000. With other \u003ca href=\"https://sonomasistercitiesassociation.org/donors-to-the-wine-country-chinese-legacy-project-we-thank-you/\">fundraising\u003c/a>, the volunteers have raised $50,000. Construction is expected to begin as soon as the remainder of the money is raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Grace Hwang Lynch is a multimedia journalist based in the San Francisco Bay Area. She is currently working on a memoir about food, identity and caretaking. Follow her blog, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://hapamama.com/\">HapaMama.com\u003c/a>\u003cem>, or on Twitter @GraceHwangLynch.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\">NPR\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Enjoying a chardonnay or cabernet sauvignon? In the 1800s, Chinese immigrants helped introduce those iconic varietals to California's wine country. But as vineyards grew, so did anti-Chinese fervor.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_119114\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/transporting-wine-95f9af075d22ecf0aef6d5e5429b26f9702c44ff-e1499978410695.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers transport wine at Buena Vista, the oldest winery in California's Sonoma County, built in the mid-1800s. From the backbreaking labor of clearing roads and digging out caves to highly skilled horticultural work, Chinese laborers helped build Sonoma's wine country.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1439\" class=\"size-full wp-image-119114\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers transport wine at Buena Vista, the oldest winery in California's Sonoma County, built in the mid-1800s. From the backbreaking labor of clearing roads and digging out caves to highly skilled horticultural work, Chinese laborers helped build Sonoma's wine country. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Buena Vista winery)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Sonoma Valley about an hour north of San Francisco, there are many reminders of the immigrants who built California's wine industry: tasting rooms that look like Italian villas or signs bearing French names. But you won't see any vestiges of the group that made up an estimated 80 percent of the workforce that first put Sonoma vineyards on the map: the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not many Chinese people in this little town now,\" says Jack Ding, an immigrant from Jiangsu, China, who has been living in Sonoma since 2008. \"But some of my neighbors and friends said, 'Hey Jack, you're Chinese. Let me tell you stories of Chinese who lived here 50, 100 or 150 years ago.' These were verbal stories from the family, generation by generation.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those friends was Gordon Phillips, a retired attorney and local historian who spent nine years researching the history of Chinese in Sonoma, poring over books, census data and old newspapers searching for articles, editorials and political advertisements mentioning Chinese workers. \"All these vintners were making money off these initial Chinese workers and nobody knows about it,\" Phillips says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand how Chinese workers arrived in California's wine country, one must look to the east — to the Sierra Nevada. As the Gold Rush of the mid-1800s petered out and the construction of the transcontinental railroad neared completion, there were Chinese immigrants looking for work. That's where two key immigrants came into play. In 1857, a wealthy Hungarian named Agoston Haraszthy purchased a ranch in Sonoma Valley and named it Buena Vista, with the vision of introducing winemaking techniques from his homeland. Historian Charles L. Sullivan, author of numerous books about California's wine industry, calls Haraszthy \"the great supporter of Chinese labor in the vineyards.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_119113\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/ho-po_sq-127369c2e65bc54adcb3d96966979fa6b30cbb26-e1499978486820.jpg\" alt=\"Ho Po, a Chinese labor contractor from San Francisco, sent 150 of his countrymen to build Buena Vista.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1921\" class=\"size-full wp-image-119113\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ho Po, a Chinese labor contractor from San Francisco, sent 150 of his countrymen to build Buena Vista. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Buena Vista winery)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Haraszthy turned to Ho Po, a Chinese labor contractor from San Francisco, who sent 150 of his countrymen to build Buena Vista, Sonoma's oldest commercial winery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those caves are still in use today at Buena Vista winery, where visitors can tour the 15-by-30-foot spaces carved out of rock. \"Workers literally dug the caves by hand,\" says Tom Blackwood, general manager of Buena Vista Winery. \"They still have the original markings. Those were the same skills they were using through the railroad.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Photos of Chinese men working in the fields and bottling wine are displayed in Buena Vista's tasting room. \"We feel it's more important than ever to talk about the reason we exist and the people who contributed to it — Chinese, Hungarian, French,\" says Jean-Charles Boisset, whose family company, Boisset Collection, bought the winery in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Tsu, a history professor at the University of California, Davis who studies Asian-Americans in the West, points out that winemaking is much more labor-intensive than wheat or other crops grown earlier in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_119115\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 641px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/bayareabites/wp-content/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c.jpg\" alt=\"Photos of Chinese men working in the fields and bottling wine are displayed in Buena Vista's tasting room. "We feel it's more important than ever to talk about the reason we exist and the people who contributed to it − Chinese, Hungarian, French," says Jean-Charles Boisset, whose family company, Boisset Collection, bought the winery in 2011.\" width=\"641\" height=\"641\" class=\"size-full wp-image-119115\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c.jpg 641w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-240x240.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-375x375.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-520x520.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/24/2017/07/bottlingatbuenavista_sq-f6d676a14a65b0faf288d661312b4ccec578023c-150x150.jpg 150w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 641px) 100vw, 641px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of Chinese men working in the fields and bottling wine are displayed in Buena Vista's tasting room. \"We feel it's more important than ever to talk about the reason we exist and the people who contributed to it − Chinese, Hungarian, French,\" says Jean-Charles Boisset, whose family company, Boisset Collection, bought the winery in 2011. \u003ccite>( Eadweard Muybridge/Courtesy of Buena Vista winery)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Chinese immigrants were indispensable on multiple levels,\" says Tsu. \"They built roads; cleared land for farming; planted, pruned and harvested grapes. They did backbreaking, physical labor, as well as horticultural work that required significant knowledge and skill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without Chinese workers, perhaps California wouldn't be famous for its most popular varietals. In his 2004 book \u003cem>The Beasts of the Field,\u003c/em> Richard Steven Street notes that between 1856 and 1869, Chinese planted the majority of Sonoma County's 3.2 million grapevines. \"The Chinese also played a key role in improving wine quality by ripping out old mission grape vineyards and replanting them with Riesling, Muscatel, Traminer, Black Hamburg, Cabernet Sauvignon, Chardonnay, and other fine French and European varieties,\" writes Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as the vineyards grew, so did backlash against the Chinese on the West Coast. Anti-Chinese leagues were formed in many counties, with whites accusing Chinese of undercutting wages. Asians were paid about $30 per month, while white workers were paid up to $50 monthly. Others complained that the Chinese were unable to assimilate into local culture. Racism was common in nearby wine-producing areas, such as Napa and the Russian River Valley, although the Sonoma Valley might have been more hospitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There was virtually no organized anti-Chinese agitation in the Sonoma Valley during the 1870s, much unlike what was common throughout much of the Bay Area, particularly in San Jose, Santa Rosa and Petaluma, even Napa,\" writes Sullivan in a \u003ca href=\"http://waywardtendrils.com/pdfs/vol.24_2014.pdf\">2014 article in the Wayward Tendrils Quarterly\u003c/a>. Haraszthy refused to stop employing Chinese at Buena Vista, despite the growing political opposition. He began carrying a gun to protect himself, and in 1868, he fled to Nicaragua to produce rum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile in wine country, nativist sentiments continued to take root. By 1877, lawmakers in Washington, D.C., debated a bill to stop Chinese immigration. Sonoma Valley grape grower John Hill testified in Congress to defend Chinese labor. \"He explained that Sonoma Valley grape growers depended on the 500 Chinese laborers employed in his 'neighborhood,' \" Phillips wrote in his 2015 thesis for his master's degree from Sonoma State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But spurred on by Denis Kearney's Workingmen's Party, a labor-oriented political group that supported nativist policies, Congress eventually passed the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, barring nearly all immigration from China. And whites drove out Chinese from many rural areas throughout the West. \"There was a movement to forcibly remove all the Chinese from Sonoma by starving them out — don't hire, don't patronize any shops that hire Chinese. During that period, a lot of Chinese left Sonoma. They were chewing on weeds down by the riverbanks, things got so bad,\" explains Phillips. According to U.S. Census data, the Chinese population in Sonoma County dropped \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/1890a_v1-13.pdf\">from 1,145 in 1890\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/1890a_v1-13.pdf\">fewer than 200 in 1930\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ugly past isn't always highlighted in the popular lore of the West. Nor are the contributions of the Chinese. \"We tend to assume that native-born American growers and maybe some European immigrants were pioneers of viticulture in California,\" Tsu says. \"[But] in reality, they were utterly dependent on Chinese immigrant labor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That erasure bothers Ding. \"It feels bad,\" he says. \"I went to a bookstore to look at Sonoma history books. I bought one, and I didn't see any pictures of the Chinese laborers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently, there's been a movement to call attention to the Chinese legacy in wine country. Last fall, Phillips and Ding — along with the Sonoma-Penglai Sister City Committee — went before the Sonoma City Council to propose the building of a monument to the early Chinese. The council unanimously voted to approve the construction of a \u003cem>ting\u003c/em> (a tile-roofed covered pavilion) in a city park. \"It's a physical object that people can see is Chinese,\" explains Phillips. \"It'll attract their attention to something Chinese. When they read the plaque, they'll realize the vineyards are here based on a lot of Chinese labor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city isn't funding the $75,000 cost of construction. The northeastern Chinese city of Penglai, also known for wine production, is donating $25,000. With other \u003ca href=\"https://sonomasistercitiesassociation.org/donors-to-the-wine-country-chinese-legacy-project-we-thank-you/\">fundraising\u003c/a>, the volunteers have raised $50,000. Construction is expected to begin as soon as the remainder of the money is raised.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Grace Hwang Lynch is a multimedia journalist based in the San Francisco Bay Area. She is currently working on a memoir about food, identity and caretaking. Follow her blog, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://hapamama.com/\">HapaMama.com\u003c/a>\u003cem>, or on Twitter @GraceHwangLynch.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Aaron Albaugh peers out from under the brim of his cowboy hat, surveying the acres of hay fields in front of him. The fourth-generation \u003ca href=\"http://www.frostyacres.net/index.html\">rancher\u003c/a> is raising about 450 cattle this year, in this remote corner of Lassen County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His closest neighbor lives a half mile away. “And that’s my brother,” Albaugh says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I want to go see a movie, it’s 70 miles round trip,” he adds. “If I want to go bowling, that’s 100 miles round trip.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Living a half day’s drive from civilization, you learn to do without, he explains. If your refrigerator breaks, you put your food on ice until the weekend when you can go buy a new one. With health care, it’s the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Put a Band Aid on it,” Albaugh says. “I was raised: ‘You don’t need to cry’ and ‘Suck it up, buttercup.’ That’s the way I still live, and I try to treat my kids the same way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, when people are already used to doing without health coverage, it’s particularly annoying to have the government say you have to buy it, according to Albaugh and many of his neighbors in Lassen, Modoc and Shasta Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Obamacare is largely viewed as a success in California – the state marketplace, \u003ca href=\"http://www.coveredca.com/\">Covered California\u003c/a>, is one of the most financially stable in the country – it hasn’t worked as well for folks in this rural northeast corner of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two insurers selling plans in each county here, but residents say that hasn’t created enough competition to bring down prices. Plus, a lot of the doctors they’re used to seeing don’t take the marketplace plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being told you have to have insurance you can’t afford, and then that doesn’t cover what you need? You are stuck,” says Modoc County resident Althia Cline, who decided to forego coverage – and a surgery she needed for her asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just like the movie theater and bowling alley, most medical specialists are miles away. In Modoc County, there’s nowhere to have a baby. Tessa Anklin, who lives in Canby, Calif., gave birth to her son and daughter over the border in Oregon, an hour and a half away from home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anklin makes about $33,000 a year as a dental receptionist. Her husband does seasonal work baling hay and herding cattle at local ranches. While their kids are covered by Medi-Cal, neither parent gets health insurance through work, and before the Affordable Care Act passed, Anklin and her husband did without coverage for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_353608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-353608 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/07/Tessa-front-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tessa Anklin says Covered California health plans are too expensive for her family. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, they bought a plan through Covered California. With a subsidy, they paid just $2 a month for their premium, but their deductible was $10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid for all of our medical services and our prescriptions,” she says. “We had no help until we reached the $10,000 deductible. So really, we had nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, last year, their monthly premium jumped to $600. The plan was the same, Anklin says, and their household income was the same. But they still faced the same hour and a half drive to see doctors they almost never needed.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anklin thought of all the other ways she could spend that money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes the car payment. Almost your mortgage payment. Groceries for at least four months,” she says. “That’s a big difference, when you think about how little you actually use the health coverage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the reason she decided to cancel her health plan this year and go without. But she’ll still have to pay a penalty when the next tax season comes around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It basically penalizes us one way or the other because we can’t afford the coverage,” she says. “So that’s kind of difficult, to be that middle-class person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anklin says she’d be happy to see Republicans get rid of Obamacare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, it’s no good, if you have to force people to pay yet another something out of their paycheck when they’re already trying to survive with what they have,” she says. “It should be an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Republican repeal and replace plan wouldn’t make things much better for Anklin and her neighbors. Average premiums in California would double under the GOP plan, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.kff.org/health-reform/issue-brief/premiums-under-the-senate-better-care-reconciliation-act/\">analysis\u003c/a> from the Kaiser Family Foundation. Anklin could end up paying more than $2,000 a month for coverage, according to Kaiser’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.kff.org/interactive/premiums-and-tax-credits-under-the-affordable-care-act-vs-the-senate-better-care-reconciliation-act-interactive-maps/\">county-by-county projections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not what she had in mind for a fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d love that insurance could be more affordable for families that need it, for families that work hard for it,” Anklin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Republican bill now in flux, Democrats have been more willing to admit to Obamacare’s flaws. The Dems agree that the rising costs of marketplace plans are the chief complaint they hear about, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats have also said if the Republican bill fails, they’d be willing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2017/07/05/health-care-compromise/\">work together on solutions\u003c/a>, but it’s not clear the parties could agree on one that would help people like Anklin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they can’t, she says she has no choice but to continue to go without coverage. Financially it makes sense in the short term, but it still worries her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I ever have a problem,” she says, “I know I will be paying for the rest of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/07/2017-07-11b-tcr.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/07/Aaron-car-768x576.jpg\" Title=\"Rural Californians Want Price Relief From GOP Health Bill – But Most Won’t Get It\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>*Premiums in this region of the state went up an average of 10.6 percent in 2016, according to Covered California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.coveredca.com/news/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rate booklet\u003c/a>, and most premium increases are matched with an increase in subsidy, so the most likely explanation for why Anklin’s premium jumped this much is that she lost her subsidy. This can happen if customers, intentionally or unintentionally, do not check a box on their application form that allows the federal government to verify their income, or, if customers do not file tax returns.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In far northern Lassen and Modoc counties, residents say Obamacare premiums are unaffordable. But under the proposed Senate bill, insurance premiums would increase even more. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Aaron Albaugh peers out from under the brim of his cowboy hat, surveying the acres of hay fields in front of him. The fourth-generation \u003ca href=\"http://www.frostyacres.net/index.html\">rancher\u003c/a> is raising about 450 cattle this year, in this remote corner of Lassen County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His closest neighbor lives a half mile away. “And that’s my brother,” Albaugh says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I want to go see a movie, it’s 70 miles round trip,” he adds. “If I want to go bowling, that’s 100 miles round trip.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Living a half day’s drive from civilization, you learn to do without, he explains. If your refrigerator breaks, you put your food on ice until the weekend when you can go buy a new one. With health care, it’s the same thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Put a Band Aid on it,” Albaugh says. “I was raised: ‘You don’t need to cry’ and ‘Suck it up, buttercup.’ That’s the way I still live, and I try to treat my kids the same way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, when people are already used to doing without health coverage, it’s particularly annoying to have the government say you have to buy it, according to Albaugh and many of his neighbors in Lassen, Modoc and Shasta Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Obamacare is largely viewed as a success in California – the state marketplace, \u003ca href=\"http://www.coveredca.com/\">Covered California\u003c/a>, is one of the most financially stable in the country – it hasn’t worked as well for folks in this rural northeast corner of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two insurers selling plans in each county here, but residents say that hasn’t created enough competition to bring down prices. Plus, a lot of the doctors they’re used to seeing don’t take the marketplace plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Being told you have to have insurance you can’t afford, and then that doesn’t cover what you need? You are stuck,” says Modoc County resident Althia Cline, who decided to forego coverage – and a surgery she needed for her asthma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just like the movie theater and bowling alley, most medical specialists are miles away. In Modoc County, there’s nowhere to have a baby. Tessa Anklin, who lives in Canby, Calif., gave birth to her son and daughter over the border in Oregon, an hour and a half away from home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anklin makes about $33,000 a year as a dental receptionist. Her husband does seasonal work baling hay and herding cattle at local ranches. While their kids are covered by Medi-Cal, neither parent gets health insurance through work, and before the Affordable Care Act passed, Anklin and her husband did without coverage for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_353608\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-353608 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2017/07/Tessa-front-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tessa Anklin says Covered California health plans are too expensive for her family. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, they bought a plan through Covered California. With a subsidy, they paid just $2 a month for their premium, but their deductible was $10,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We paid for all of our medical services and our prescriptions,” she says. “We had no help until we reached the $10,000 deductible. So really, we had nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, last year, their monthly premium jumped to $600. The plan was the same, Anklin says, and their household income was the same. But they still faced the same hour and a half drive to see doctors they almost never needed.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anklin thought of all the other ways she could spend that money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes the car payment. Almost your mortgage payment. Groceries for at least four months,” she says. “That’s a big difference, when you think about how little you actually use the health coverage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the reason she decided to cancel her health plan this year and go without. But she’ll still have to pay a penalty when the next tax season comes around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It basically penalizes us one way or the other because we can’t afford the coverage,” she says. “So that’s kind of difficult, to be that middle-class person.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anklin says she’d be happy to see Republicans get rid of Obamacare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, it’s no good, if you have to force people to pay yet another something out of their paycheck when they’re already trying to survive with what they have,” she says. “It should be an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Republican repeal and replace plan wouldn’t make things much better for Anklin and her neighbors. Average premiums in California would double under the GOP plan, according to a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.kff.org/health-reform/issue-brief/premiums-under-the-senate-better-care-reconciliation-act/\">analysis\u003c/a> from the Kaiser Family Foundation. Anklin could end up paying more than $2,000 a month for coverage, according to Kaiser’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.kff.org/interactive/premiums-and-tax-credits-under-the-affordable-care-act-vs-the-senate-better-care-reconciliation-act-interactive-maps/\">county-by-county projections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not what she had in mind for a fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d love that insurance could be more affordable for families that need it, for families that work hard for it,” Anklin says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the Republican bill now in flux, Democrats have been more willing to admit to Obamacare’s flaws. The Dems agree that the rising costs of marketplace plans are the chief complaint they hear about, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats have also said if the Republican bill fails, they’d be willing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.statnews.com/2017/07/05/health-care-compromise/\">work together on solutions\u003c/a>, but it’s not clear the parties could agree on one that would help people like Anklin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they can’t, she says she has no choice but to continue to go without coverage. Financially it makes sense in the short term, but it still worries her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I ever have a problem,” she says, “I know I will be paying for the rest of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>*Premiums in this region of the state went up an average of 10.6 percent in 2016, according to Covered California’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.coveredca.com/news/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">rate booklet\u003c/a>, and most premium increases are matched with an increase in subsidy, so the most likely explanation for why Anklin’s premium jumped this much is that she lost her subsidy. This can happen if customers, intentionally or unintentionally, do not check a box on their application form that allows the federal government to verify their income, or, if customers do not file tax returns.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last fall, California voters approved the biggest increase in cigarette taxes since the state first began levying tobacco in the 1950s. Advocates for Proposition 56, which passed with a fairly overwhelming 64 percent of the vote, argued that a $2-per-pack tax hike would hurt pocketbooks enough to nudge millions of California smokers to quit, or at least to light up less frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the tax went into effect in April, smokers saw the average cost of a pack of cigarettes soar from under $6 to up to $9, making California one of the most expensive states in which to buy cigarettes. But the question then: Was that enough to force smokers to kick an increasingly expensive habit?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The early data suggest that yes, California cigarette sales have declined significantly since prices went up. In fact, the drop is even sharper than the state anticipated -- which could spell trouble for state coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[cigtax]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cigarette pack \"distributions\" -- tax lingo for a pack of cigarettes typically sold from a distributor to a retailer, and a good proxy for consumption -- dropped 56 percent year-over-year in the two months following the tax increase, according to data obtained from the California Department of Tax and Fee Administration and analyzed by CALmatters. That’s a decline of nearly 82 million packs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big effect,” said Dr. Stanton Glantz, a researcher at UCSF's Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education. “I have felt for a long time where we’re getting to the point in California where smoking is so low that a couple of good shoves like this one, and we might be rid of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz and other tobacco experts cautioned that it is still far too early to make definitive conclusions: It’s difficult to draw inferences from two months of data, as both suppliers and consumers are still figuring out what they can and can’t afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowing that prices were about to rise, tobacco distributors and smokers also rushed to stockpile as many cigarettes as possible the month preceding the tax hike, deflating the April and May figures. California cigarette distributors sold nearly 104 million cigarette packs in March, by far the most of any month in the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"7wYFkDkJqpG5LX8BPIbgWZ6c23FJqkpm\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even after adjusting for stockpiling, the tax hike appears to be having a major impact: Cigarette sales still dropped 23 percent year-over-year for the three-month period, including the pretax run-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say cigarette consumption will likely rise slightly in the months ahead, before stabilizing in the next four to five months. Lower-income and younger smokers are typically the first to cut back in response to a tax hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s beneficial for public health isn’t necessarily good for the state budget, at least in the near term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 56 was supposed to generate an additional $1.3 billion in revenue for the state to shore up Medi-Cal, the state health insurance program for low-income Californians. In the two months since the tax has been in place, the state has raised a total of $182 million -- below what the Brown administration was expecting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sales are still more sluggish than had been originally anticipated,\" H.D. Palmer, spokesman for the Department of Finance, said via email. \"Given that we only have two months of data, it is too early to predict a trend. If the current trend holds, we would likely make a revision to our expected decline in consumption.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"B6j14NxRMaFQ9SqSivOZuj8kr97QZdE1\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How the new cigarette tax revenue would be spent became a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-tobacco-tax-budget-20170316-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hot-button issue\u003c/a> in state budget negotiations last month. Ultimately, legislators and Gov. Jerry Brown agreed to divide the new revenue between increased payments to physicians and general Medi-Cal expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer said that if cigarette tax revenues continue to come in lower than anticipated, the administration would need to identify an alternative revenue source or propose cutbacks to Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, tax revenue is just one side of the equation when it comes to the fiscal effects of the new cigarette tax. Savings from lower health care costs as more low-income smokers quit are not factored into the revenue side of the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politic\u003c/em>s.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last fall, California voters approved the biggest increase in cigarette taxes since the state first began levying tobacco in the 1950s. Advocates for Proposition 56, which passed with a fairly overwhelming 64 percent of the vote, argued that a $2-per-pack tax hike would hurt pocketbooks enough to nudge millions of California smokers to quit, or at least to light up less frequently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the tax went into effect in April, smokers saw the average cost of a pack of cigarettes soar from under $6 to up to $9, making California one of the most expensive states in which to buy cigarettes. But the question then: Was that enough to force smokers to kick an increasingly expensive habit?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The early data suggest that yes, California cigarette sales have declined significantly since prices went up. In fact, the drop is even sharper than the state anticipated -- which could spell trouble for state coffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[cigtax]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cigarette pack \"distributions\" -- tax lingo for a pack of cigarettes typically sold from a distributor to a retailer, and a good proxy for consumption -- dropped 56 percent year-over-year in the two months following the tax increase, according to data obtained from the California Department of Tax and Fee Administration and analyzed by CALmatters. That’s a decline of nearly 82 million packs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a big effect,” said Dr. Stanton Glantz, a researcher at UCSF's Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education. “I have felt for a long time where we’re getting to the point in California where smoking is so low that a couple of good shoves like this one, and we might be rid of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz and other tobacco experts cautioned that it is still far too early to make definitive conclusions: It’s difficult to draw inferences from two months of data, as both suppliers and consumers are still figuring out what they can and can’t afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Knowing that prices were about to rise, tobacco distributors and smokers also rushed to stockpile as many cigarettes as possible the month preceding the tax hike, deflating the April and May figures. California cigarette distributors sold nearly 104 million cigarette packs in March, by far the most of any month in the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even after adjusting for stockpiling, the tax hike appears to be having a major impact: Cigarette sales still dropped 23 percent year-over-year for the three-month period, including the pretax run-up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say cigarette consumption will likely rise slightly in the months ahead, before stabilizing in the next four to five months. Lower-income and younger smokers are typically the first to cut back in response to a tax hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what’s beneficial for public health isn’t necessarily good for the state budget, at least in the near term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 56 was supposed to generate an additional $1.3 billion in revenue for the state to shore up Medi-Cal, the state health insurance program for low-income Californians. In the two months since the tax has been in place, the state has raised a total of $182 million -- below what the Brown administration was expecting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sales are still more sluggish than had been originally anticipated,\" H.D. Palmer, spokesman for the Department of Finance, said via email. \"Given that we only have two months of data, it is too early to predict a trend. If the current trend holds, we would likely make a revision to our expected decline in consumption.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How the new cigarette tax revenue would be spent became a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-tobacco-tax-budget-20170316-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">hot-button issue\u003c/a> in state budget negotiations last month. Ultimately, legislators and Gov. Jerry Brown agreed to divide the new revenue between increased payments to physicians and general Medi-Cal expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer said that if cigarette tax revenues continue to come in lower than anticipated, the administration would need to identify an alternative revenue source or propose cutbacks to Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, tax revenue is just one side of the equation when it comes to the fiscal effects of the new cigarette tax. Savings from lower health care costs as more low-income smokers quit are not factored into the revenue side of the state budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politic\u003c/em>s.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Two Business Owners, on Opposite Sides of the Border, Try to Find Common Ground",
"title": "Two Business Owners, on Opposite Sides of the Border, Try to Find Common Ground",
"headTitle": "Start the Conversation | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>For our series \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/start-the-conversation/\">Start the Conversation\u003c/a>, we’ve been bringing people together who sit on different sides of a political or cultural divide, to talk about the issues that are important to them.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>They’re civil dialogues, not debates -- and we hope they’re a way to try to bridge some of the divisions between us in this politically charged time.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Miguel Marshall and Brian Holley have a conversation about the Border Wall. They both run businesses in the border region but on different sides of the divide.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miguel Marshall was born in San Diego and now lives in Tijuana. He's the CEO of \u003ca href=\"http://www.centroventures.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Centro Ventures\u003c/a> -- a real estate development company that operates in Mexico. Marshall is a dual citizen, and splits his time between projects on both sides of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Holley lives in San Diego and is the vice president of \u003ca href=\"http://vscenario.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vScenario\u003c/a>, one of the companies that recently bid on the Trump administration’s border wall project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We invited the two to have a discussion in the heart of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sdparks.org/content/sdparks/en/park-pages/TJRVRP.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Tijuana River Valley\u003c/a>. They sat in a parked car in the Tijuana Community Garden along a quiet street lined with ranches, a mile from the actual border. They talked about their hopes for the region, and found they agreed on more than they thought they would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11490862\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11490862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/borderwalltwo-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brian Holley (L), and Miguel Marshall meet one mile away from the U.S.-Mexico border to talk about how President Trump's proposed border wall affects both of their businesses. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brian Holley (L), and Miguel Marshall meet 1 mile away from the U.S.-Mexico border to talk about how President Trump's proposed border wall affects both of their businesses. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>On the need for border security:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: I do think it's important for the U.S. and Mexico to upgrade the border security and the wall. The barrier itself will be very instrumental to the security of both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What I do believe is other type of things for border security, [like technology], would be more effective.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: There's a lot of technology options that can achieve the same border security goals and not create such a physical reminder of a barrier between nations, as well as not be as expensive, which is obviously a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On the political rhetoric surrounding the wall:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: Well, if the border security becomes a wall, I know it's going to be very polarizing. It's gonna create friction. A wall wouldn't be at all healthy, I would say, just because of the term \"wall.\" Wall versus bridge. So, which one do you choose?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: I believe the term, when it is trumped up to say wall, it causes people to go in a very defensive mode and it's not healthy for reaching what could be a very productive conclusion. You know, I was a Trump voter, I am a supporter of the border security being increased. However, I was not a supporter of and don't agree with the rhetoric that he uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: Well, everyone who is doing business on both sides of the border, we're going to choose \"bridge.\" We're going to choose making things smoother, making things faster, making things more efficient. A wall basically stops everything. So using the term wall in any way, it’s not going to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On being neighborly:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: I mean, if Miguel and I are neighbors and we don't have a fence and I have a dog that is going into his property or he's got a horse that's going into my property and we say, \"Hey, why don't we build a fence between our backyards?\" We're still neighbors. I'm still going to reach over the fence and say hello or have you over for dinner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: We have people who are leaving from Tijuana and San Diego. We have people working from Tijuana, from San Diego. We have that cross-border relationship on a very small scale, but it can be replicated on a larger scale. So, it's all going to depend on what we can do as individuals and continue doing, even though the policy and rhetoric on both sides is being negative. If you increase border security, increase trade relations. We need to do business, we need to continue providing for the citizens that live on both sides of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Erin Siegal McIntyre helped produce this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>For our series \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/start-the-conversation/\">Start the Conversation\u003c/a>, we’ve been bringing people together who sit on different sides of a political or cultural divide, to talk about the issues that are important to them.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>They’re civil dialogues, not debates -- and we hope they’re a way to try to bridge some of the divisions between us in this politically charged time.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Miguel Marshall and Brian Holley have a conversation about the Border Wall. They both run businesses in the border region but on different sides of the divide.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miguel Marshall was born in San Diego and now lives in Tijuana. He's the CEO of \u003ca href=\"http://www.centroventures.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Centro Ventures\u003c/a> -- a real estate development company that operates in Mexico. Marshall is a dual citizen, and splits his time between projects on both sides of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Holley lives in San Diego and is the vice president of \u003ca href=\"http://vscenario.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">vScenario\u003c/a>, one of the companies that recently bid on the Trump administration’s border wall project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We invited the two to have a discussion in the heart of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sdparks.org/content/sdparks/en/park-pages/TJRVRP.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Tijuana River Valley\u003c/a>. They sat in a parked car in the Tijuana Community Garden along a quiet street lined with ranches, a mile from the actual border. They talked about their hopes for the region, and found they agreed on more than they thought they would.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11490862\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11490862\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/borderwalltwo-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Brian Holley (L), and Miguel Marshall meet one mile away from the U.S.-Mexico border to talk about how President Trump's proposed border wall affects both of their businesses. \" width=\"800\" height=\"533\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brian Holley (L), and Miguel Marshall meet 1 mile away from the U.S.-Mexico border to talk about how President Trump's proposed border wall affects both of their businesses. \u003ccite>(Erin Siegal McIntyre/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>On the need for border security:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: I do think it's important for the U.S. and Mexico to upgrade the border security and the wall. The barrier itself will be very instrumental to the security of both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What I do believe is other type of things for border security, [like technology], would be more effective.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: There's a lot of technology options that can achieve the same border security goals and not create such a physical reminder of a barrier between nations, as well as not be as expensive, which is obviously a concern.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On the political rhetoric surrounding the wall:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: Well, if the border security becomes a wall, I know it's going to be very polarizing. It's gonna create friction. A wall wouldn't be at all healthy, I would say, just because of the term \"wall.\" Wall versus bridge. So, which one do you choose?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: I believe the term, when it is trumped up to say wall, it causes people to go in a very defensive mode and it's not healthy for reaching what could be a very productive conclusion. You know, I was a Trump voter, I am a supporter of the border security being increased. However, I was not a supporter of and don't agree with the rhetoric that he uses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: Well, everyone who is doing business on both sides of the border, we're going to choose \"bridge.\" We're going to choose making things smoother, making things faster, making things more efficient. A wall basically stops everything. So using the term wall in any way, it’s not going to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>On being neighborly:\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian\u003c/strong>: I mean, if Miguel and I are neighbors and we don't have a fence and I have a dog that is going into his property or he's got a horse that's going into my property and we say, \"Hey, why don't we build a fence between our backyards?\" We're still neighbors. I'm still going to reach over the fence and say hello or have you over for dinner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Miguel\u003c/strong>: We have people who are leaving from Tijuana and San Diego. We have people working from Tijuana, from San Diego. We have that cross-border relationship on a very small scale, but it can be replicated on a larger scale. So, it's all going to depend on what we can do as individuals and continue doing, even though the policy and rhetoric on both sides is being negative. If you increase border security, increase trade relations. We need to do business, we need to continue providing for the citizens that live on both sides of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Erin Siegal McIntyre helped produce this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wells Fargo has struck a settlement to reimburse customers who were harmed when bank employees created unwanted accounts in their names. A federal judge has granted preliminary approval for the settlement in the class-action case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo says compensation will depend on the financial harm customers suffered. Someone who paid an improper $35 fee likely will receive less money than someone whose credit score was damaged and had to accept a home loan with a higher interest rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That process of determining what to pay which customers will be overseen by an independent expert hired by the class-action lawyers. Wells Fargo, which is an NPR financial supporter, says it may end up paying more to customers if the $142 million isn't enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"kFXyQatq99uV6iQaxCXcG4FjYMvU3bJw\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo CEO Tim Sloan said in a statement: \"We are pleased that the court found the settlement to be fair, reasonable and adequate. This preliminary approval is a major milestone in our efforts to make things right for our customers.\" He added that the settlement is \"fundamental to restoring trust.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bank says it expects the settlement will resolve \"substantially all claims\" in 10 other pending class-action cases. The settlement is still subject to final approval by U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit stems from a consumer banking scandal in which a high-pressure sales culture pushed employees to open millions of unwanted checking and credit card accounts. Former employees have told NPR that if they didn't meet aggressive sales goals they were threatened with their jobs, and that many employees were pushed out or fired for not meeting sales quotas. Some former workers say after they called the bank's ethics line to report widespread fraud in the branches where they worked, they were fired by the bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo has told NPR in a statement that it is \"disturbing to hear claims of retaliation against team members who contacted the ethics line.\" The bank says it's investigating. Wells Fargo is also in the process of restructuring its ethics and oversight systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bank says it expects the settlement will resolve \"substantially all claims\" in 10 other pending class-action cases. The settlement is still subject to final approval by U.S. District Judge Vince Chhabria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit stems from a consumer banking scandal in which a high-pressure sales culture pushed employees to open millions of unwanted checking and credit card accounts. Former employees have told NPR that if they didn't meet aggressive sales goals they were threatened with their jobs, and that many employees were pushed out or fired for not meeting sales quotas. Some former workers say after they called the bank's ethics line to report widespread fraud in the branches where they worked, they were fired by the bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo has told NPR in a statement that it is \"disturbing to hear claims of retaliation against team members who contacted the ethics line.\" The bank says it's investigating. Wells Fargo is also in the process of restructuring its ethics and oversight systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2017 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Sonoma County program that offers safe overnight parking to homeless adults and families will have to cut its services nearly in half later this month. Catholic Charities of Santa Rosa, which runs the program, lost $400,000 from its annual budget when California redistributed its Emergency Solutions Grants funds for homeless services in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit has kept the safe parking program going with county support and private donations, but can no longer bridge the funding gap. Starting July 17, the number of parking spots offered will be reduced from 78 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been really hard. It’s been hard on the program participants, and it’s been hard on those of us who really care and love this program,” said Jennielynn Holmes, who directs safe parking for Catholic Charities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2017/07/2017-07-14f-tcr.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/07/nikki-parking1920-800x449.jpg\" Title=\"Santa Rosa Charity Forced to Cut Homeless Safe Parking Program\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was launched four years ago when Sonoma County was experiencing an unprecedented cold snap, according to Holmes. The freezing temperatures hit the homeless community hard. In response, Catholic Charities partnered with the community to find sanctioned places for homeless folks to sleep in their vehicles. City ordinances outlaw people from sleeping in the vehicles on public land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parking spaces were donated to the program by local churches and businesses that don’t use them at night. Catholic Charities provides portable bathrooms and safety patrol in the parking lots. There’s an added bonus: Social workers know where to reach participants when housing and other opportunities become available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holmes says she still remembers the night the program opened. A teenage girl sprinted by her on the way to the toilet. When Holmes tracked her down later, she learned it was the first time the young woman had been able to use a real bathroom all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just thinking this 16-year-old girl was trying to stay in school and do everything she was trying to do as a 16-year-old, but out of her vehicle with her mom and her dad,” Holmes says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the safe parking program is to offer people stability while they work toward getting back into housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re just trying to stay alive, you’re not going to be able to get to the place where you start thinking about how you get out of homelessness,” Holmes points out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki, a 24-year-old homeless woman, who does not want us to use her last name, enrolled in the program in May after run-ins with police, neighbors and a man harassing her from the bushes left her fearful of parking alone on the streets at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was always kind of jumping at the slightest bit of noise,” Nikki says. “I just felt really unsafe and paranoid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki had to leave her job at a local Whole Foods, where she’d recently been promoted to a supervisor role, because the lack of sleep and stress of being homeless had grown out of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki says the safe parking program has given her back some of the peace of mind she lost when she became homeless nearly a year ago. “This is a spot we call our home right now, and just knowing that we could come here at night without feeling like we’re bothering anybody, it’s definitely a lot less stress,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s been grateful to have that safe and “guaranteed” place to return to each night after her waitressing shifts. And since Nikki’s partner joined the program, she no longer has to sleep in her car alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, safe parking programs started by other nonprofits have emerged across the state in cities like Santa Barbara, San Diego and, more recently, Los Angeles. Because participants typically are required to move their cars during the day, there’s less fear from communities that the lots will become homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holmes says that initially some Santa Rosa locals voiced concerns about people like Nikki parking in lots across the city. But after about three months, according to Holmes, many of these fears were put to rest. “They saw that it wasn’t the big concern or misconception that they had in their mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently Holmes has been contacted by nonprofits in Santa Clara and Marin counties that are thinking about starting their own safe parking programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of all the programs I run, this has probably been the one I’ve gotten the most outside questions about,” Holmes says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, Sonoma County has seen a reduction of more than 35 percent reduction in homelessness. Catholic Charities worries that cutting back programs like safe parking will undo some of this progress. Anticipated reductions to federal funding for homeless services has Holmes worried that they are facing yet another round of budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says it’s time for communities to band together at the local level to support programs that offer vital help to the state’s homeless population, which numbers close to 120,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Catholic Charities is scrambling to find other parking spaces or shelter beds for people like Nikki, who are losing their spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki hopes that she’ll be able to continue being part of the program. “But beggars can’t be choosers,” she says. “We’ll take what’s offered, and they’re really working hard for us getting into a shelter, which I appreciate.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Sonoma County program that offers safe overnight parking to homeless adults and families will have to cut its services nearly in half later this month. Catholic Charities of Santa Rosa, which runs the program, lost $400,000 from its annual budget when California redistributed its Emergency Solutions Grants funds for homeless services in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nonprofit has kept the safe parking program going with county support and private donations, but can no longer bridge the funding gap. Starting July 17, the number of parking spots offered will be reduced from 78 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been really hard. It’s been hard on the program participants, and it’s been hard on those of us who really care and love this program,” said Jennielynn Holmes, who directs safe parking for Catholic Charities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project was launched four years ago when Sonoma County was experiencing an unprecedented cold snap, according to Holmes. The freezing temperatures hit the homeless community hard. In response, Catholic Charities partnered with the community to find sanctioned places for homeless folks to sleep in their vehicles. City ordinances outlaw people from sleeping in the vehicles on public land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parking spaces were donated to the program by local churches and businesses that don’t use them at night. Catholic Charities provides portable bathrooms and safety patrol in the parking lots. There’s an added bonus: Social workers know where to reach participants when housing and other opportunities become available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holmes says she still remembers the night the program opened. A teenage girl sprinted by her on the way to the toilet. When Holmes tracked her down later, she learned it was the first time the young woman had been able to use a real bathroom all day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just thinking this 16-year-old girl was trying to stay in school and do everything she was trying to do as a 16-year-old, but out of her vehicle with her mom and her dad,” Holmes says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the safe parking program is to offer people stability while they work toward getting back into housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re just trying to stay alive, you’re not going to be able to get to the place where you start thinking about how you get out of homelessness,” Holmes points out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki, a 24-year-old homeless woman, who does not want us to use her last name, enrolled in the program in May after run-ins with police, neighbors and a man harassing her from the bushes left her fearful of parking alone on the streets at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was always kind of jumping at the slightest bit of noise,” Nikki says. “I just felt really unsafe and paranoid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki had to leave her job at a local Whole Foods, where she’d recently been promoted to a supervisor role, because the lack of sleep and stress of being homeless had grown out of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki says the safe parking program has given her back some of the peace of mind she lost when she became homeless nearly a year ago. “This is a spot we call our home right now, and just knowing that we could come here at night without feeling like we’re bothering anybody, it’s definitely a lot less stress,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s been grateful to have that safe and “guaranteed” place to return to each night after her waitressing shifts. And since Nikki’s partner joined the program, she no longer has to sleep in her car alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, safe parking programs started by other nonprofits have emerged across the state in cities like Santa Barbara, San Diego and, more recently, Los Angeles. Because participants typically are required to move their cars during the day, there’s less fear from communities that the lots will become homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holmes says that initially some Santa Rosa locals voiced concerns about people like Nikki parking in lots across the city. But after about three months, according to Holmes, many of these fears were put to rest. “They saw that it wasn’t the big concern or misconception that they had in their mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recently Holmes has been contacted by nonprofits in Santa Clara and Marin counties that are thinking about starting their own safe parking programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of all the programs I run, this has probably been the one I’ve gotten the most outside questions about,” Holmes says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, Sonoma County has seen a reduction of more than 35 percent reduction in homelessness. Catholic Charities worries that cutting back programs like safe parking will undo some of this progress. Anticipated reductions to federal funding for homeless services has Holmes worried that they are facing yet another round of budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says it’s time for communities to band together at the local level to support programs that offer vital help to the state’s homeless population, which numbers close to 120,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Catholic Charities is scrambling to find other parking spaces or shelter beds for people like Nikki, who are losing their spots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nikki hopes that she’ll be able to continue being part of the program. “But beggars can’t be choosers,” she says. “We’ll take what’s offered, and they’re really working hard for us getting into a shelter, which I appreciate.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "From Foreclosure to Eviction: One Family's Struggle to Recover",
"title": "From Foreclosure to Eviction: One Family's Struggle to Recover",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>When Vanessa and Richard Bulnes got an eviction notice, it felt sadly ironic. The Bulneses were unable to pay the rent because their corporate landlord took three years to remediate high levels of lead in the backyard soil, which caused Vanessa to lose her business -- a family home child care that she had run for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There were nights where I would wake up and think, 'We're squatters.' And we felt really bad about that because it was never our intention to not pay rent,\" Vanessa said. \"Because after you lose a house for not paying your mortgage, we knew that’s not the way to go. This was like a second chance. We didn’t want to be at the mercy of somebody saying, 'You gotta get out' again.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the latest in a string of injustices that happened to the Bulnes family: first, loan modification fraud, then foreclosure, now the threat of eviction. Their story is emblematic of a bigger problem: the disproportionate loss of African-American and Latino wealth during the foreclosure crisis and the obstacles to build up that wealth again. Between 2007 and 2013, so many African-American and Latino homeowners in Oakland were wiped out by foreclosure that entire neighborhoods were transformed. Many of the homes that were lost ended up in the hands of corporate investors, who then rented them out, sometimes to the same families who had lost their own homes. And that put those families, like the Bulneses, at risk of much more loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/05/StavelyBulnesPart1.mp3\" program=\"KQED News\" title=\"Part 1: From Foreclosure to Eviction: One Family’s Struggle to Recover\" image=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2017/05/26/RS25501MG2276qut.jpg\"]\u003cbr>\n[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/05/20170531stavely.mp3\" program=\"KQED News\" title=\"Part 2: From Foreclosure to Eviction: One Family’s Struggle to Recover\" image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b.jpg\"]\u003cbr>\n[audio src=\"http://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/RDnews/2017/06/20170601stavely3.mp3\" program=\"KQED News\" title=\"Part 3: From Foreclosure to Eviction: One Family’s Struggle to Recover\" image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d.jpg\"]\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Richard and Vanessa met at church in Oakland. Richard is Latino and grew up in San Francisco. Vanessa is African-American and grew up in North Carolina. They bought their house on 104th Avenue in East Oakland in 1992, shortly after they got married. It cost $141,500, and Richard’s sister was kind enough to give them the money for a $20,000 down payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For them, this house is where they became a family. It's where they brought their third baby, a daughter, home from the hospital. It's where they took prom photos of their kids and all their friends when they were in high school. It was also where Vanessa started her own child care business, planting collard greens in the backyard with the kids in her care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their financial troubles all started one morning in 2008. Richard woke up early, as he likes to, took a shower and began to comb his hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I pride myself on my hair, because so many people are bald-headed now, especially at my age. But I am not,\" said Richard, 68, with a wry smile. \"[But] as I tried to comb my hair, I couldn’t lift up my right arm. I came in the bedroom, woke up my wife and told her, 'I think you need to take me to the hospital.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing a home often begins this way: A family hits a hard spot, a health crisis or a loss of income. At the time of the stroke, Richard was working at Meals on Wheels. The family lost about $2,000 a month in income, about the same amount as their mortgage payment at the time, which had ballooned after they refinanced. They still had Vanessa's income from her child care business, but they decided their best option was to try to modify their loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bulneses, though, were caught up in a bigger web. Oakland and other cities across the country are now suing big banks for targeting African-American and Latino homeowners with loans that \u003ca href=\"http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10511482.2013.771788\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">had abusive rates\u003c/a>. At the same time, many banks weren't playing fair to help homeowners modify their loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It seemed like at every point, when we got to where we thought we were going to get a modification, they needed another piece of paperwork, they needed another bank statement,\" said Vanessa, who is 58. \"There was always something else they needed, and when we gave them that, 'Oh we lost that, could you send something else?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484034\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa strokes Richard Bulnes' hair as he declares that he is still in love with her after 29 years. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What Vanessa describes sounds really familiar to Maeve Elise Brown, director of the statewide organization \u003ca href=\"http://www.heraca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Housing and Economic Rights Advocates\u003c/a>. In 2009, President Barack Obama had introduced the Home Affordable Modification Program to help struggling homeowners modify their loans, but homeowner advocates, researchers and news organizations like ProPublica found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/by-the-numbers-a-revealing-look-at-the-mortgage-mod-meltdown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">banks often broke the rules\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mortgage servicers were telling people to turn in paperwork over and over and over again. They weren’t looking at it, they would shred it. They would deny people instantly,\" Brown said. \"Not everyone qualified, but a whole bunch of people could, but were prevented from accessing that relief by the mortgage servicing companies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino and African-American neighborhoods, like the Bulneses', were hit the hardest by the foreclosure crisis. These are the same neighborhoods that were \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlined\u003c/a> decades ago, with residents denied mortgages simply because of where they lived. Across the country, African-American and Latino neighborhoods lost three to four times more homes than white neighborhoods during the recent mortgage crisis, according to \u003ca href=\"http://news.cornell.edu/stories/2015/05/home-foreclosures-fueled-racial-segregation-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cornell University research\u003c/a>. On the Bulneses' six-block street alone, at least 35 properties were foreclosed between January 2006 and December 2012, according to the website \u003ca href=\"https://www.propertyradar.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">PropertyRadar\u003c/a>, which tracks foreclosures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484036\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-1180x1770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-960x1440.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-375x563.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-520x780.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard Bulnes chokes up on stage after talking with Bishop J.W. Macklin about his hospital visits. Vanessa Bulnes comforts him at the Sunday morning service at Glad Tidings Church in Hayward. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Our neighbors right next to us, they both work for AC Transit, and we saw them lose their house. So we started praying harder. Then we saw the neighbor next door to us on the other side lose their house,\" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foreclosure seemed almost like a virus that Vanessa and Richard Bulnes could catch. They decided to pay an attorney to help them. Other companies began circling them. Vanessa called them vultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would get all kinds of letters in the mail saying, 'Call this number,' and you’d call that number, and they’d say, 'Are you behind on your mortgage?', and we’d say, 'No,' and they'd say, 'We can help you. The first thing you do is stop paying your mortgage,' \" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was skeptical. But one letter from \"The Gordon Law Firm\" had a logo that looked like it was from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, or HUD. On this firm’s advice they stopped paying their mortgage. But the firm was lying. They weren’t HUD, and they couldn’t modify Vanessa and Richard’s loan. Years later, through a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cfpbconsumerprotection-gordon.org/Home/Faq\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">class-action lawsuit\u003c/a>, the Bulneses won $3,500 back, but that’s just a fraction of the wealth they lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2012, the foreclosure was final. The house Vanessa and Richard owned on 104th Avenue was no longer theirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I cried like a baby,\" said Richard, remembering when he and his wife lost their home to foreclosure. \"A grown man, crying like a baby. We had lived here 21 years. I raised three kids here. So, this is what we knew.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa knew they had to find a place by Christmas, so her daughter would have a place to come home to during winter break from her freshman year at college, and so the kids at her day care could transition easily while school was out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My wife, because she’s so practical, she said, 'Babe, you gotta wipe the tears out of your eyes,' \" Richard remembered. \"I said, 'Man, I ain’t finished crying yet.' She said, 'Well, whether you’re finished or not, we got to find another house.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families who lost their homes were forced out of Oakland, but Vanessa and Richard Bulnes were able to find a new place to rent. What they didn't know is that they were now at risk of losing a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Renting from a Wall Street Landlord\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa and Richard were paying more to rent their new house than they had been paying on their mortgage before their first home was lost to foreclosure, but in many ways, the rental was perfect. It only had one level, so Richard didn’t have too many steps to climb, which was hard after his stroke. And the house was spacious, with lots of room for Vanessa's day care, Tender Arms Family Child Care. She had a contract with Head Start to care for low-income children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa wanted to plant greens with the kids in the backyard as she had at her old home, so in the fall she called a group to come out and test the soil. That’s when she ran into a big problem: The level of lead in the soil was 1,350 parts per million, right in the area that the kids used for the playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484038\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484038\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa and Richard Bulnes sit on the couch of their rental home looking through an old photo album reminiscing about the past. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The amount of lead in the Bulneses' backyard was more than three times the amount the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/lead/hazard-standards-lead-paint-dust-and-soil-tsca-section-403\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Environmental Protection Agency\u003c/a> considers a hazard in play areas, and almost 17 times the amount California's \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/risk/soils091709\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment\u003c/a> considers a health risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Vanessa got the lead results back, she called Head Start immediately, and they came out and put a temporary rubber cover on part of the patio. But they emphasized a permanent solution had to be found if she wanted to keep her contract. Alameda County has a \u003ca href=\"http://www.achhd.org/programs/leadfunding.htm#financial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">financial assistance program\u003c/a> to help low-income residents remove or fix lead problems, with priority for family child care providers like Vanessa. If Vanessa still lived in a home she owned, she would have had it done right away. But now, she was renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because we’re not the owners, we couldn’t apply to have the work done. We needed the owners to give us consent, and that’s where we didn’t get any cooperation with the property owner,\" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The owner of the Bulneses' new home wasn’t just any landlord. It was a corporation: Waypoint Homes. It merged in 2016 with another top real estate investor, Colony American Homes, to become \u003ca href=\"http://colonystarwood.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Colony Starwood Homes\u003c/a>. Co-chairman of the board, Thomas Barrack, is a billionaire who helped raise $35 million for President Trump’s campaign and chaired his inaugural committee. The company owns more than 30,000 single-family homes across the country and close to 4,000 in California. On the company website, Colony Starwood boasts, \"We recognized the unique opportunity created by the housing crisis and acted upon it in a bold way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Urban Strategies Council found that in Oakland, 42 percent of foreclosed homes between 2007 and 2011 were \u003ca href=\"http://community-wealth.org/content/who-owns-your-neighborhood-role-investors-post-foreclosure-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">snapped up by corporate investors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, corporate takeover of homes happened mostly in low-income neighborhoods, essentially shifting ownership from the hands of largely Latino and African-American residents to the hands of Wall Street corporations. Latino and African-American buyers are still largely locked out of home loans in the city. \u003ca href=\"http://greenlining.org/issues/2016/new-report-finds-racial-disparities-possible-redlining-in-oakland-mortgage-lending/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">One report\u003c/a> found that in 2013, the top 12 lenders financed only four homes for African-American buyers and only seven for Latino buyers, compared with 40 for white buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only did investors snap up homes. They also decided to keep them and make money off them by renting them out. Since single-family homes are exempt from limits on rent increases under California's Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, for the most part, property owners could charge higher rents for them. It was a new moneymaking venture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484040\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484040\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa and Richard Bulnes had lead in the backyard of their new rental house. In order to have a day care out of their home they placed this turf down, but they needed the property owner to do more in order to keep their business. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2015 survey conducted by the group Tenants Together found that 40 percent of Californians renting from the top three Wall Street real estate investors reported that these landlords \u003ca href=\"http://www.tenantstogether.org/updates/report-released-tenant-experience-renting-wall-street-landlords\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">weren’t repairing or maintaining\u003c/a> homes as they should. The three companies included both Waypoint Homes and Colony American Homes. Now, Vanessa Bulnes had to rely on them to get the lead fixed, so she could keep her contract with Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So I’m on the phone, my husband and I, we’re calling Waypoint, and emails and everything like that,\" Vanessa said. \"Here we are, the clock is ticking. I’m like OK, I’m taking pictures, this is the area, this is how big it is, this is what we need you to have done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa first contacted Waypoint in 2013, when the lead was found. But she says property managers came and went, and each time she had to start the process again. In June 2016, almost three years after the lead had been found, Head Start told Vanessa they couldn’t renew for the next school year if the lead wasn’t fixed by September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And I’m like, 'OK, this is affecting my income.' I give all these red flags about what’s going to happen if nothing is done. Still no urgency on their part,\" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one email in August 2016, a regional manager for Waypoint Homes wrote, \"Unfortunately, we are not in a position to work with this program at this time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until November that someone from Waypoint Homes finally came to walk through the property with an Alameda County representative. When questioned why it took the company so long to fix the lead problem, a spokesperson did not respond, instead stating that the company finished the work on Nov. 28, 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that time, three years after Vanessa's initial request, it was too late. The school year had already begun, and Head Start had canceled her contract. The family’s main source of income, which had gotten them through the stroke and the foreclosure, was gone. They had to apply for assistance for food, and Vanessa had to change her health insurance from Covered California to Medi-Cal. They began to fall behind on their rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before they started working on the lead remediation, Colony Starwood Homes had already begun trying to evict the Bulneses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Ripple Effect\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would take a protest at the headquarters of Thomas Barrack's real estate investment company Colony NorthStar in Los Angeles, organized by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acceaction.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment\u003c/a>, legal help, and financial support from their church for the Bulneses to finally get their corporate landlord to back off. In January, Colony Starwood Homes agreed to cancel the eviction, plus four months of back rent. Vanessa now has a job at an outside day care and is trying to make due off her hourly salary of $17. She says that amounts to about a third of what she brought in when she had her own child care business at home. She can pay the rent, but she says she's behind on other bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484035\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa Bulnes hangs a \"Welcome\" sign on the door of their rental house. It's the same sign she used to have up when the children arrived for day care. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Their precarious situation could now affect their children's financial future. When you don't own a home and are one step away from eviction, you're a lot farther behind people who can help their children with a down payment or pay for college. In fact, there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/in-the-balance/issue12-2015/why-didnt-higher-education-protect-hispanic-and-black-wealth\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">data showing that black college graduates \u003c/a>have lost wealth over the past generation, while white college graduates’ wealth has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bulnes family's youngest daughter is about to graduate from a historically black college in Texas. Vanessa says her daughter has had to call on other relatives and friends from church to help out when she needs money at school. Still, she says, there are other lessons she's passing on to her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When she has a day that’s trying and she thinks she can't make it, she’ll text me, and she’s like, 'Mom, this is so hard,' and she’s really down and sorry for herself. I’m like, 'But think about your mom, what you’ve seen me go through, what you’ve seen us go through. You came from me,' \" Vanessa said. \"Those are the kinds of things we’re passing on to our kids. It may not be money. It may not be a house. But there’s so much more that we want to pass on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that is financial advice, learned the hard way. And then there's this: Vanessa is now an active community organizer, helping other Oaklanders try to fight off their landlords and stay in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Thousands of families had their wealth wiped out when they lost their homes to foreclosure. Many of their homes ended up in the hands of large corporations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Vanessa and Richard Bulnes got an eviction notice, it felt sadly ironic. The Bulneses were unable to pay the rent because their corporate landlord took three years to remediate high levels of lead in the backyard soil, which caused Vanessa to lose her business -- a family home child care that she had run for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There were nights where I would wake up and think, 'We're squatters.' And we felt really bad about that because it was never our intention to not pay rent,\" Vanessa said. \"Because after you lose a house for not paying your mortgage, we knew that’s not the way to go. This was like a second chance. We didn’t want to be at the mercy of somebody saying, 'You gotta get out' again.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the latest in a string of injustices that happened to the Bulnes family: first, loan modification fraud, then foreclosure, now the threat of eviction. Their story is emblematic of a bigger problem: the disproportionate loss of African-American and Latino wealth during the foreclosure crisis and the obstacles to build up that wealth again. Between 2007 and 2013, so many African-American and Latino homeowners in Oakland were wiped out by foreclosure that entire neighborhoods were transformed. Many of the homes that were lost ended up in the hands of corporate investors, who then rented them out, sometimes to the same families who had lost their own homes. And that put those families, like the Bulneses, at risk of much more loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Richard and Vanessa met at church in Oakland. Richard is Latino and grew up in San Francisco. Vanessa is African-American and grew up in North Carolina. They bought their house on 104th Avenue in East Oakland in 1992, shortly after they got married. It cost $141,500, and Richard’s sister was kind enough to give them the money for a $20,000 down payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For them, this house is where they became a family. It's where they brought their third baby, a daughter, home from the hospital. It's where they took prom photos of their kids and all their friends when they were in high school. It was also where Vanessa started her own child care business, planting collard greens in the backyard with the kids in her care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their financial troubles all started one morning in 2008. Richard woke up early, as he likes to, took a shower and began to comb his hair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I pride myself on my hair, because so many people are bald-headed now, especially at my age. But I am not,\" said Richard, 68, with a wry smile. \"[But] as I tried to comb my hair, I couldn’t lift up my right arm. I came in the bedroom, woke up my wife and told her, 'I think you need to take me to the hospital.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing a home often begins this way: A family hits a hard spot, a health crisis or a loss of income. At the time of the stroke, Richard was working at Meals on Wheels. The family lost about $2,000 a month in income, about the same amount as their mortgage payment at the time, which had ballooned after they refinanced. They still had Vanessa's income from her child care business, but they decided their best option was to try to modify their loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bulneses, though, were caught up in a bigger web. Oakland and other cities across the country are now suing big banks for targeting African-American and Latino homeowners with loans that \u003ca href=\"http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10511482.2013.771788\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">had abusive rates\u003c/a>. At the same time, many banks weren't playing fair to help homeowners modify their loans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It seemed like at every point, when we got to where we thought we were going to get a modification, they needed another piece of paperwork, they needed another bank statement,\" said Vanessa, who is 58. \"There was always something else they needed, and when we gave them that, 'Oh we lost that, could you send something else?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484034\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484034\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920b-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa strokes Richard Bulnes' hair as he declares that he is still in love with her after 29 years. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>What Vanessa describes sounds really familiar to Maeve Elise Brown, director of the statewide organization \u003ca href=\"http://www.heraca.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Housing and Economic Rights Advocates\u003c/a>. In 2009, President Barack Obama had introduced the Home Affordable Modification Program to help struggling homeowners modify their loans, but homeowner advocates, researchers and news organizations like ProPublica found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.propublica.org/article/by-the-numbers-a-revealing-look-at-the-mortgage-mod-meltdown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">banks often broke the rules\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mortgage servicers were telling people to turn in paperwork over and over and over again. They weren’t looking at it, they would shred it. They would deny people instantly,\" Brown said. \"Not everyone qualified, but a whole bunch of people could, but were prevented from accessing that relief by the mortgage servicing companies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino and African-American neighborhoods, like the Bulneses', were hit the hardest by the foreclosure crisis. These are the same neighborhoods that were \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">redlined\u003c/a> decades ago, with residents denied mortgages simply because of where they lived. Across the country, African-American and Latino neighborhoods lost three to four times more homes than white neighborhoods during the recent mortgage crisis, according to \u003ca href=\"http://news.cornell.edu/stories/2015/05/home-foreclosures-fueled-racial-segregation-us\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Cornell University research\u003c/a>. On the Bulneses' six-block street alone, at least 35 properties were foreclosed between January 2006 and December 2012, according to the website \u003ca href=\"https://www.propertyradar.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">PropertyRadar\u003c/a>, which tracks foreclosures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484036\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-160x240.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-1180x1770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-960x1440.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-240x360.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-375x563.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920c-520x780.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Richard Bulnes chokes up on stage after talking with Bishop J.W. Macklin about his hospital visits. Vanessa Bulnes comforts him at the Sunday morning service at Glad Tidings Church in Hayward. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Our neighbors right next to us, they both work for AC Transit, and we saw them lose their house. So we started praying harder. Then we saw the neighbor next door to us on the other side lose their house,\" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foreclosure seemed almost like a virus that Vanessa and Richard Bulnes could catch. They decided to pay an attorney to help them. Other companies began circling them. Vanessa called them vultures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would get all kinds of letters in the mail saying, 'Call this number,' and you’d call that number, and they’d say, 'Are you behind on your mortgage?', and we’d say, 'No,' and they'd say, 'We can help you. The first thing you do is stop paying your mortgage,' \" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was skeptical. But one letter from \"The Gordon Law Firm\" had a logo that looked like it was from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, or HUD. On this firm’s advice they stopped paying their mortgage. But the firm was lying. They weren’t HUD, and they couldn’t modify Vanessa and Richard’s loan. Years later, through a \u003ca href=\"http://www.cfpbconsumerprotection-gordon.org/Home/Faq\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">class-action lawsuit\u003c/a>, the Bulneses won $3,500 back, but that’s just a fraction of the wealth they lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2012, the foreclosure was final. The house Vanessa and Richard owned on 104th Avenue was no longer theirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I cried like a baby,\" said Richard, remembering when he and his wife lost their home to foreclosure. \"A grown man, crying like a baby. We had lived here 21 years. I raised three kids here. So, this is what we knew.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa knew they had to find a place by Christmas, so her daughter would have a place to come home to during winter break from her freshman year at college, and so the kids at her day care could transition easily while school was out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My wife, because she’s so practical, she said, 'Babe, you gotta wipe the tears out of your eyes,' \" Richard remembered. \"I said, 'Man, I ain’t finished crying yet.' She said, 'Well, whether you’re finished or not, we got to find another house.' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many families who lost their homes were forced out of Oakland, but Vanessa and Richard Bulnes were able to find a new place to rent. What they didn't know is that they were now at risk of losing a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Renting from a Wall Street Landlord\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa and Richard were paying more to rent their new house than they had been paying on their mortgage before their first home was lost to foreclosure, but in many ways, the rental was perfect. It only had one level, so Richard didn’t have too many steps to climb, which was hard after his stroke. And the house was spacious, with lots of room for Vanessa's day care, Tender Arms Family Child Care. She had a contract with Head Start to care for low-income children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa wanted to plant greens with the kids in the backyard as she had at her old home, so in the fall she called a group to come out and test the soil. That’s when she ran into a big problem: The level of lead in the soil was 1,350 parts per million, right in the area that the kids used for the playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484038\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484038\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920d-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa and Richard Bulnes sit on the couch of their rental home looking through an old photo album reminiscing about the past. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The amount of lead in the Bulneses' backyard was more than three times the amount the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.epa.gov/lead/hazard-standards-lead-paint-dust-and-soil-tsca-section-403\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Environmental Protection Agency\u003c/a> considers a hazard in play areas, and almost 17 times the amount California's \u003ca href=\"https://oehha.ca.gov/risk/soils091709\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment\u003c/a> considers a health risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Vanessa got the lead results back, she called Head Start immediately, and they came out and put a temporary rubber cover on part of the patio. But they emphasized a permanent solution had to be found if she wanted to keep her contract. Alameda County has a \u003ca href=\"http://www.achhd.org/programs/leadfunding.htm#financial\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">financial assistance program\u003c/a> to help low-income residents remove or fix lead problems, with priority for family child care providers like Vanessa. If Vanessa still lived in a home she owned, she would have had it done right away. But now, she was renting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because we’re not the owners, we couldn’t apply to have the work done. We needed the owners to give us consent, and that’s where we didn’t get any cooperation with the property owner,\" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The owner of the Bulneses' new home wasn’t just any landlord. It was a corporation: Waypoint Homes. It merged in 2016 with another top real estate investor, Colony American Homes, to become \u003ca href=\"http://colonystarwood.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Colony Starwood Homes\u003c/a>. Co-chairman of the board, Thomas Barrack, is a billionaire who helped raise $35 million for President Trump’s campaign and chaired his inaugural committee. The company owns more than 30,000 single-family homes across the country and close to 4,000 in California. On the company website, Colony Starwood boasts, \"We recognized the unique opportunity created by the housing crisis and acted upon it in a bold way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Urban Strategies Council found that in Oakland, 42 percent of foreclosed homes between 2007 and 2011 were \u003ca href=\"http://community-wealth.org/content/who-owns-your-neighborhood-role-investors-post-foreclosure-oakland\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">snapped up by corporate investors\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, corporate takeover of homes happened mostly in low-income neighborhoods, essentially shifting ownership from the hands of largely Latino and African-American residents to the hands of Wall Street corporations. Latino and African-American buyers are still largely locked out of home loans in the city. \u003ca href=\"http://greenlining.org/issues/2016/new-report-finds-racial-disparities-possible-redlining-in-oakland-mortgage-lending/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">One report\u003c/a> found that in 2013, the top 12 lenders financed only four homes for African-American buyers and only seven for Latino buyers, compared with 40 for white buyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only did investors snap up homes. They also decided to keep them and make money off them by renting them out. Since single-family homes are exempt from limits on rent increases under California's Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, for the most part, property owners could charge higher rents for them. It was a new moneymaking venture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484040\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484040\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/bulneses-1920e-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa and Richard Bulnes had lead in the backyard of their new rental house. In order to have a day care out of their home they placed this turf down, but they needed the property owner to do more in order to keep their business. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2015 survey conducted by the group Tenants Together found that 40 percent of Californians renting from the top three Wall Street real estate investors reported that these landlords \u003ca href=\"http://www.tenantstogether.org/updates/report-released-tenant-experience-renting-wall-street-landlords\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">weren’t repairing or maintaining\u003c/a> homes as they should. The three companies included both Waypoint Homes and Colony American Homes. Now, Vanessa Bulnes had to rely on them to get the lead fixed, so she could keep her contract with Head Start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So I’m on the phone, my husband and I, we’re calling Waypoint, and emails and everything like that,\" Vanessa said. \"Here we are, the clock is ticking. I’m like OK, I’m taking pictures, this is the area, this is how big it is, this is what we need you to have done.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vanessa first contacted Waypoint in 2013, when the lead was found. But she says property managers came and went, and each time she had to start the process again. In June 2016, almost three years after the lead had been found, Head Start told Vanessa they couldn’t renew for the next school year if the lead wasn’t fixed by September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And I’m like, 'OK, this is affecting my income.' I give all these red flags about what’s going to happen if nothing is done. Still no urgency on their part,\" Vanessa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one email in August 2016, a regional manager for Waypoint Homes wrote, \"Unfortunately, we are not in a position to work with this program at this time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until November that someone from Waypoint Homes finally came to walk through the property with an Alameda County representative. When questioned why it took the company so long to fix the lead problem, a spokesperson did not respond, instead stating that the company finished the work on Nov. 28, 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that time, three years after Vanessa's initial request, it was too late. The school year had already begun, and Head Start had canceled her contract. The family’s main source of income, which had gotten them through the stroke and the foreclosure, was gone. They had to apply for assistance for food, and Vanessa had to change her health insurance from Covered California to Medi-Cal. They began to fall behind on their rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before they started working on the lead remediation, Colony Starwood Homes had already begun trying to evict the Bulneses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Ripple Effect\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would take a protest at the headquarters of Thomas Barrack's real estate investment company Colony NorthStar in Los Angeles, organized by the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acceaction.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment\u003c/a>, legal help, and financial support from their church for the Bulneses to finally get their corporate landlord to back off. In January, Colony Starwood Homes agreed to cancel the eviction, plus four months of back rent. Vanessa now has a job at an outside day care and is trying to make due off her hourly salary of $17. She says that amounts to about a third of what she brought in when she had her own child care business at home. She can pay the rent, but she says she's behind on other bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11484035\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11484035\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/05/welcome-1920a-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vanessa Bulnes hangs a \"Welcome\" sign on the door of their rental house. It's the same sign she used to have up when the children arrived for day care. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Their precarious situation could now affect their children's financial future. When you don't own a home and are one step away from eviction, you're a lot farther behind people who can help their children with a down payment or pay for college. In fact, there are \u003ca href=\"https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/in-the-balance/issue12-2015/why-didnt-higher-education-protect-hispanic-and-black-wealth\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">data showing that black college graduates \u003c/a>have lost wealth over the past generation, while white college graduates’ wealth has grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bulnes family's youngest daughter is about to graduate from a historically black college in Texas. Vanessa says her daughter has had to call on other relatives and friends from church to help out when she needs money at school. Still, she says, there are other lessons she's passing on to her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When she has a day that’s trying and she thinks she can't make it, she’ll text me, and she’s like, 'Mom, this is so hard,' and she’s really down and sorry for herself. I’m like, 'But think about your mom, what you’ve seen me go through, what you’ve seen us go through. You came from me,' \" Vanessa said. \"Those are the kinds of things we’re passing on to our kids. It may not be money. It may not be a house. But there’s so much more that we want to pass on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that is financial advice, learned the hard way. And then there's this: Vanessa is now an active community organizer, helping other Oaklanders try to fight off their landlords and stay in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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