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"slug": "california-has-a-dangerous-driver-problem-a-bipartisan-group-of-lawmakers-wants-to-fix-that",
"title": "California Has a Dangerous Driver Problem. A Bipartisan Group of Lawmakers Wants to Fix That",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bipartisan group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">state Assembly members\u003c/a> announced a package of bills Monday to crack down on dangerous drivers and address some of the roadway safety issues CalMatters uncovered as part of its ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/license-to-kill/\">License to Kill\u003c/a> series.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals take aim at laws and practices that have allowed dangerous drivers to stay on California’s roads and contributed to a spike in traffic deaths. The bills would: require first-time DUI offenders to install in-car breathalyzers, lengthen many license suspensions and revocations, increase DUI training for law enforcement and close a loophole that allows people who’ve killed with their car to avoid consequences through a diversion program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento is listening. We see that there is a problem and we are doing what we can, crossing that partisan divide and trying to identify real solutions that we can deliver now to make our communities safer,” said Democratic Assemblymember Nick Schultz of Burbank, chair of the Assembly Public Safety Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly proposals are one component of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">broader reckoning over years of rising traffic deaths\u003c/a> playing out at the Capitol. Next week, a separate event is expected to include more details about new bills from the California Senate, related budget proposals and the perspective of families who have lost loved ones to drunk drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Schultz \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/01/californa-dui-law-reform/\">introduced \u003c/a>a bill to increase penalties for repeat DUI offenders. Assembly members detailed several additional legislative efforts at Monday’s press conference that would:\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Close a diversion loophole.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We reported in December that a criminal justice reform law from a few years ago was allowing judges to dismiss misdemeanor vehicular manslaughter charges for drivers who agreed to take part in what’s known as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-vehicular-manslaughter-diversion/\">diversion program\u003c/a>. But in an unintended twist, that has meant the drivers not only avoided a criminal conviction but also kept a clean driving record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Lori Wilson, a Democrat from Suisun City who chairs the Assembly Transportation Committee, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1662\">a new bill\u003c/a> that would require the DMV to add points to a driver’s license when they’re granted misdemeanor diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make license suspensions and revocations start when a driver is released from custody as opposed to at the time of conviction.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, someone who is convicted of felony vehicular manslaughter would likely by law have their license revoked for three years. But the revocation would often start while they’re in prison and they might be eligible to get their license back as soon as they’re out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said her office is finalizing language on another bill that would change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Driving is a privilege,” Wilson said. “This package holds dangerous drivers accountable and keeps our streets safer for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Force first-time DUI offenders to install what’s known as an ignition interlock device on their vehicles.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is now the third time that Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Irvine, has introduced this measure.[aside postID=forum_2010101909751 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/04/GettyImages-1230256771-1-1020x574.jpg']California is currently one of the few states that doesn’t require first time offenders to install the technology, which forces a driver to blow into a breathalyzer and prove they haven’t been drinking in order to start their car. Her \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-roadway-deaths-inaction/\">previous efforts failed\u003c/a> after the Department of Motor Vehicles raised budget concerns and civil liberties groups worried it would disproportionately impact the poor and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>California is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035925/license-to-kill\">epicenter of America’s DUI and drunk driving epidemic\u003c/a>. As moms, as dads, as Californians, it’s horrifying. And as policymakers, we have an opportunity and we have an obligation to do something about this,” Petrie-Norris said. “We know these devices work. We know that they can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Increase training for law enforcement officers on how to enforce the state’s DUI laws.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Juan Alanis, a Republican from Modesto, said currently many officers only get basic training at the academy on drunk and drugged driving and must often wait for colleagues with more specialized training to assess a driver’s sobriety level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is to help those agencies and officers to be able to have that training so that way we can identify DUI drivers faster, quicker and get them off the streets,” Alanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schultz called the package of proposals a “starting point” and said he expects his colleagues in the state Senate will also be proposing changes to save lives on the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, last month state Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Democrat from Norwalk, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB907\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> to crack down on DUIs – increasing punishment and making it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat offenders with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Archuleta is expected to hold a press conference later this month along with Mothers Against Drunk Driving, road safety advocates and other lawmakers to announce further road safety bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/02/assembly-driving-bills/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bipartisan group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-assembly\">state Assembly members\u003c/a> announced a package of bills Monday to crack down on dangerous drivers and address some of the roadway safety issues CalMatters uncovered as part of its ongoing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/license-to-kill/\">License to Kill\u003c/a> series.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposals take aim at laws and practices that have allowed dangerous drivers to stay on California’s roads and contributed to a spike in traffic deaths. The bills would: require first-time DUI offenders to install in-car breathalyzers, lengthen many license suspensions and revocations, increase DUI training for law enforcement and close a loophole that allows people who’ve killed with their car to avoid consequences through a diversion program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento is listening. We see that there is a problem and we are doing what we can, crossing that partisan divide and trying to identify real solutions that we can deliver now to make our communities safer,” said Democratic Assemblymember Nick Schultz of Burbank, chair of the Assembly Public Safety Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly proposals are one component of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041243/san-franciscos-streets-still-deadly-advocates-want-lurie-to-do-more\">broader reckoning over years of rising traffic deaths\u003c/a> playing out at the Capitol. Next week, a separate event is expected to include more details about new bills from the California Senate, related budget proposals and the perspective of families who have lost loved ones to drunk drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Schultz \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/01/californa-dui-law-reform/\">introduced \u003c/a>a bill to increase penalties for repeat DUI offenders. Assembly members detailed several additional legislative efforts at Monday’s press conference that would:\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Close a diversion loophole.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We reported in December that a criminal justice reform law from a few years ago was allowing judges to dismiss misdemeanor vehicular manslaughter charges for drivers who agreed to take part in what’s known as a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-vehicular-manslaughter-diversion/\">diversion program\u003c/a>. But in an unintended twist, that has meant the drivers not only avoided a criminal conviction but also kept a clean driving record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Lori Wilson, a Democrat from Suisun City who chairs the Assembly Transportation Committee, introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB1662\">a new bill\u003c/a> that would require the DMV to add points to a driver’s license when they’re granted misdemeanor diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Make license suspensions and revocations start when a driver is released from custody as opposed to at the time of conviction.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, someone who is convicted of felony vehicular manslaughter would likely by law have their license revoked for three years. But the revocation would often start while they’re in prison and they might be eligible to get their license back as soon as they’re out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson said her office is finalizing language on another bill that would change that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>Driving is a privilege,” Wilson said. “This package holds dangerous drivers accountable and keeps our streets safer for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Force first-time DUI offenders to install what’s known as an ignition interlock device on their vehicles.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is now the third time that Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris, a Democrat from Irvine, has introduced this measure.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California is currently one of the few states that doesn’t require first time offenders to install the technology, which forces a driver to blow into a breathalyzer and prove they haven’t been drinking in order to start their car. Her \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/12/california-roadway-deaths-inaction/\">previous efforts failed\u003c/a> after the Department of Motor Vehicles raised budget concerns and civil liberties groups worried it would disproportionately impact the poor and people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>California is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12035925/license-to-kill\">epicenter of America’s DUI and drunk driving epidemic\u003c/a>. As moms, as dads, as Californians, it’s horrifying. And as policymakers, we have an opportunity and we have an obligation to do something about this,” Petrie-Norris said. “We know these devices work. We know that they can save lives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Increase training for law enforcement officers on how to enforce the state’s DUI laws.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Member Juan Alanis, a Republican from Modesto, said currently many officers only get basic training at the academy on drunk and drugged driving and must often wait for colleagues with more specialized training to assess a driver’s sobriety level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is to help those agencies and officers to be able to have that training so that way we can identify DUI drivers faster, quicker and get them off the streets,” Alanis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schultz called the package of proposals a “starting point” and said he expects his colleagues in the state Senate will also be proposing changes to save lives on the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Indeed, last month state Sen. Bob Archuleta, a Democrat from Norwalk, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB907\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> to crack down on DUIs – increasing punishment and making it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat offenders with murder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Archuleta is expected to hold a press conference later this month along with Mothers Against Drunk Driving, road safety advocates and other lawmakers to announce further road safety bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2026/02/assembly-driving-bills/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "some-california-high-speed-rail-records-could-remain-secret-under-proposed-law",
"title": "Some California High-Speed Rail Records Could Remain Secret Under Proposed Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-high-speed-rail\">California’s High-Speed Rail Authority\u003c/a> wants the power to keep certain records confidential, drawing concerns from transparency advocates that the agency could shield vital information about a controversial and costly public infrastructure project from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1608\">Assembly Bill 1608\u003c/a>, authored by Assembly Transportation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937950/lori-wilson-on-her-faith-family-and-the-special-session-on-oil-prices\">Committee Chair Lori Wilson\u003c/a>, would allow the inspector general overseeing the high-speed rail authority to withhold records that the official believes would “reveal weaknesses” that could harm the state or benefit someone inappropriately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also prevent the release of internal discussions and “personal papers and correspondence” if the person involved submits a written request to keep their records private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation appears to have the blessing of Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose administration released a nearly identical \u003ca href=\"https://trailerbill.dof.ca.gov/public/trailerBill/pdf/1379\">budget trailer bill\u003c/a> — a vehicle for the governor and legislative leaders to adopt major reforms swiftly with minimal public input — on Monday. The language for both proposals came from the inspector general’s office, said H.D. Palmer, spokesperson of the state Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Inspector General of High-Speed Rail Authority, which audits, monitors and makes policy recommendations to the authority, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/high-speed-rail-california/\">was formed in 2022\u003c/a> after Assembly Democrats held bullet train funding hostage in exchange for increased oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913625\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11913625\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\" alt=\"A construction worker walks down a steep bridge arch.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worker on the partially constructed Cedar Viaduct in Fresno in March. The 3,700-foot-long structure, with four massive arches, is part of California’s high-speed rail project. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rail line, designed to connect San Francisco and Los Angeles, was approved by voters in 2008. At the time, it was estimated to cost $33 billion and be completed by 2020. It is now estimated to cost more than $100 billion, with only a 171-mile segment connecting Merced and Bakersfield planned for completion by 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project delays and ever-increasing price tag have frustrated both Democrats and Republicans. Former Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Los Angeles Democrat who held up the funding in 2022, said at the time there was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/05/california-high-speed-rail-standoff/\">“no confidence”\u003c/a> in the project. U.S. Rep. Kevin Kiley, a Rocklin Republican, has fiercely criticized it as a waste of money and \u003ca href=\"https://kiley.house.gov/posts/representative-kiley-introduces-legislation-to-eliminate-funding-for-the-ca-high-speed-rail-project\">introduced legislation to gut federal funding\u003c/a> for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a Suisun City Democrat and a former county auditor, said her bill would empower the inspector general’s office and shield it from public records requests for sensitive data, such as whistleblowers’ identities, details of fraud, documents regarding pending litigation and records about security risks. High-speed rail authority officials often will not turn over sensitive records to the oversight agency out of fear that the office would be compelled to release them, forcing the inspector general’s office to jump through hoops to obtain information for audits, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way we’ll get the level of transparency and the accountability that the Legislature requires is to make sure that our (inspector general’s office), who are technically the eyes and ears of the public … have every protection they need to be able to take the full deep dive without hindrance,” Wilson told CalMatters in an interview last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer echoed Wilson’s point, arguing that the governor’s proposal aims to allow the inspector general’s office to “communicate sensitive findings to external bodies in position to take corrective action.”[aside postID=news_12057238 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/09/AP25265725194713-1-2000x1333.jpg']But some good government groups see the measure as offering the inspector general’s office blanket authority to withhold anything it doesn’t want to disclose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a wholesale atom bomb on disclosure,” said Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the measure is drawing opposition from Republicans who already consider the project a failure. Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/alexandra-macedo-187421\">Alexandra Macedo\u003c/a>, a Visalia Republican, said it is “insulting” that the project began when she was in middle school and remains far from complete. She called the empty concrete high-speed rail structures throughout her district a “modern day Stonehenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as I’m concerned, every ounce of this project should be available for public consumption and should be presented factually and in entirety to the entire legislative body,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials from the High-Speed Rail Authority and the inspector general that oversees it declined CalMatters’ request for comment. Newsom’s office also did not respond to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is the latest in a series of legislative attempts to shield records and agencies from the public. Last year, lawmakers passed laws that loosened public meeting requirements for various groups, from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb707\">local governments\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1103\">research review organizations\u003c/a>, and exempted \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb495\">insurers\u003c/a> from having to disclose information they report to the Legislature. State Treasurer Fiona Ma sponsored a measure to establish a new infrastructure agency within her office while exempting much of its operations from public disclosure, a bill that was ultimately watered down and killed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Records Act, which applies to all state and local agencies except the state Legislature and judicial offices, already exempts disclosure of various types of sensitive information Wilson’s measure aims to protect, said Ginny LaRoe, advocacy director at the First Amendment Coalition, which champions press freedom and transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, state law \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-2/chapter-3/article-1/section-7922-000/\">broadly allows\u003c/a> agencies to withhold records when they believe it serves the public interest. There are also specific protections for \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-11/section-7927-500/\">preliminary drafts\u003c/a> and internal discussions, \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-12/section-7927-605/\">trade secrets\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-8/section-7927-200/\">documents related to pending litigation\u003c/a> involving a public agency, which are disclosable once a lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/030623-High-Speed-Rail-LV_CM_17-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Construction on the High-Speed Rail above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\">\u003cfigcaption>Construction on the high-speed rail project above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But interpreting the public records law would take up a lot of the inspector general’s capacity, said Wilson’s chief of staff Taylor Woolfork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill’s objective is for this small oversight body to concentrate on generating meaningful reports that strengthen the high speed rail program, not to divert limited resources toward interpreting complex CPRA questions or defending disclosure decisions in court,” he said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Woolfork acknowledged the existing exemptions for the agency in the public records law, he said it does not go far enough to protect the inspector general’s office. Under current law, if the high-speed rail authority is being sued, the inspector general’s office could be required to release information because the agency itself isn’t being sued, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both proposals would allow people who communicate with the inspector general’s office to stay confidential as long as they make a written request, a practice in laws that govern the state auditor’s office and inspectors general at other agencies, such as the state departments of transportation and corrections and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the decision to withhold that information should be based on a set of “objective legitimate criteria … independent of someone’s personal wishes,” LaRoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A whistleblower … understandably may have fear of coming forward with important information about waste, fraud or abuse, but that doesn’t mean that they should unilaterally be able to control what the public has access to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaRoe also took issue with allowing the inspector general to shield information due to potential “weaknesses” such as “information security, physical security, fraud detection controls, or pending litigation” — language that CalMatters could not find anywhere else in state public records access laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On its face, I could see an agency refusing to disclose information because it’s embarrassing, because it shows a weakness,” LaRoe said. “Too often, we see agencies interpreting words in ways that ultimately protect people or decisions that maybe look embarrassing or are uncomfortable or create controversy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the language, Wilson said she expects the proposal will be “honed in” on through the legislative process. “This was, we felt, a good starting point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it is troubling whenever lawmakers seek to further shield public agencies from disclosure requirements — especially a watchdog agency overseeing such a controversial project, LaRoe and Champion said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail,” Champion said. “This project has been a disaster from jump street. And what else is in there that we have not yet found that they could tuck into this loophole?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/california-high-speed-rail-record-exemption/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California created an inspector general to monitor its long-delayed high-speed rail project. Now, one lawmaker wants to allow that office to withhold some investigative records from the public.\r\n\r\n",
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"title": "Some California High-Speed Rail Records Could Remain Secret Under Proposed Law | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auditor of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-high-speed-rail\">California’s High-Speed Rail Authority\u003c/a> wants the power to keep certain records confidential, drawing concerns from transparency advocates that the agency could shield vital information about a controversial and costly public infrastructure project from the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1608\">Assembly Bill 1608\u003c/a>, authored by Assembly Transportation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937950/lori-wilson-on-her-faith-family-and-the-special-session-on-oil-prices\">Committee Chair Lori Wilson\u003c/a>, would allow the inspector general overseeing the high-speed rail authority to withhold records that the official believes would “reveal weaknesses” that could harm the state or benefit someone inappropriately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would also prevent the release of internal discussions and “personal papers and correspondence” if the person involved submits a written request to keep their records private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation appears to have the blessing of Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose administration released a nearly identical \u003ca href=\"https://trailerbill.dof.ca.gov/public/trailerBill/pdf/1379\">budget trailer bill\u003c/a> — a vehicle for the governor and legislative leaders to adopt major reforms swiftly with minimal public input — on Monday. The language for both proposals came from the inspector general’s office, said H.D. Palmer, spokesperson of the state Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of the Inspector General of High-Speed Rail Authority, which audits, monitors and makes policy recommendations to the authority, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2022/07/high-speed-rail-california/\">was formed in 2022\u003c/a> after Assembly Democrats held bullet train funding hostage in exchange for increased oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11913625\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11913625\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/05/IMG_7164-scaled-e1652127989772.jpeg\" alt=\"A construction worker walks down a steep bridge arch.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A worker on the partially constructed Cedar Viaduct in Fresno in March. The 3,700-foot-long structure, with four massive arches, is part of California’s high-speed rail project. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rail line, designed to connect San Francisco and Los Angeles, was approved by voters in 2008. At the time, it was estimated to cost $33 billion and be completed by 2020. It is now estimated to cost more than $100 billion, with only a 171-mile segment connecting Merced and Bakersfield planned for completion by 2033.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project delays and ever-increasing price tag have frustrated both Democrats and Republicans. Former Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Los Angeles Democrat who held up the funding in 2022, said at the time there was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/05/california-high-speed-rail-standoff/\">“no confidence”\u003c/a> in the project. U.S. Rep. Kevin Kiley, a Rocklin Republican, has fiercely criticized it as a waste of money and \u003ca href=\"https://kiley.house.gov/posts/representative-kiley-introduces-legislation-to-eliminate-funding-for-the-ca-high-speed-rail-project\">introduced legislation to gut federal funding\u003c/a> for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilson, a Suisun City Democrat and a former county auditor, said her bill would empower the inspector general’s office and shield it from public records requests for sensitive data, such as whistleblowers’ identities, details of fraud, documents regarding pending litigation and records about security risks. High-speed rail authority officials often will not turn over sensitive records to the oversight agency out of fear that the office would be compelled to release them, forcing the inspector general’s office to jump through hoops to obtain information for audits, she argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only way we’ll get the level of transparency and the accountability that the Legislature requires is to make sure that our (inspector general’s office), who are technically the eyes and ears of the public … have every protection they need to be able to take the full deep dive without hindrance,” Wilson told CalMatters in an interview last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer echoed Wilson’s point, arguing that the governor’s proposal aims to allow the inspector general’s office to “communicate sensitive findings to external bodies in position to take corrective action.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But some good government groups see the measure as offering the inspector general’s office blanket authority to withhold anything it doesn’t want to disclose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a wholesale atom bomb on disclosure,” said Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the measure is drawing opposition from Republicans who already consider the project a failure. Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/alexandra-macedo-187421\">Alexandra Macedo\u003c/a>, a Visalia Republican, said it is “insulting” that the project began when she was in middle school and remains far from complete. She called the empty concrete high-speed rail structures throughout her district a “modern day Stonehenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As far as I’m concerned, every ounce of this project should be available for public consumption and should be presented factually and in entirety to the entire legislative body,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials from the High-Speed Rail Authority and the inspector general that oversees it declined CalMatters’ request for comment. Newsom’s office also did not respond to CalMatters’ questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is the latest in a series of legislative attempts to shield records and agencies from the public. Last year, lawmakers passed laws that loosened public meeting requirements for various groups, from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb707\">local governments\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1103\">research review organizations\u003c/a>, and exempted \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb495\">insurers\u003c/a> from having to disclose information they report to the Legislature. State Treasurer Fiona Ma sponsored a measure to establish a new infrastructure agency within her office while exempting much of its operations from public disclosure, a bill that was ultimately watered down and killed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Records Act, which applies to all state and local agencies except the state Legislature and judicial offices, already exempts disclosure of various types of sensitive information Wilson’s measure aims to protect, said Ginny LaRoe, advocacy director at the First Amendment Coalition, which champions press freedom and transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, state law \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-2/chapter-3/article-1/section-7922-000/\">broadly allows\u003c/a> agencies to withhold records when they believe it serves the public interest. There are also specific protections for \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-11/section-7927-500/\">preliminary drafts\u003c/a> and internal discussions, \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-12/section-7927-605/\">trade secrets\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-gov/title-1/division-10/part-5/chapter-8/section-7927-200/\">documents related to pending litigation\u003c/a> involving a public agency, which are disclosable once a lawsuit is resolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/030623-High-Speed-Rail-LV_CM_17-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Construction on the High-Speed Rail above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\">\u003cfigcaption>Construction on the high-speed rail project above Highway 99 in south Fresno on March 6, 2023. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But interpreting the public records law would take up a lot of the inspector general’s capacity, said Wilson’s chief of staff Taylor Woolfork.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill’s objective is for this small oversight body to concentrate on generating meaningful reports that strengthen the high speed rail program, not to divert limited resources toward interpreting complex CPRA questions or defending disclosure decisions in court,” he said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Woolfork acknowledged the existing exemptions for the agency in the public records law, he said it does not go far enough to protect the inspector general’s office. Under current law, if the high-speed rail authority is being sued, the inspector general’s office could be required to release information because the agency itself isn’t being sued, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both proposals would allow people who communicate with the inspector general’s office to stay confidential as long as they make a written request, a practice in laws that govern the state auditor’s office and inspectors general at other agencies, such as the state departments of transportation and corrections and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Chuck Champion, president of the California News Publishers Association\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the decision to withhold that information should be based on a set of “objective legitimate criteria … independent of someone’s personal wishes,” LaRoe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A whistleblower … understandably may have fear of coming forward with important information about waste, fraud or abuse, but that doesn’t mean that they should unilaterally be able to control what the public has access to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaRoe also took issue with allowing the inspector general to shield information due to potential “weaknesses” such as “information security, physical security, fraud detection controls, or pending litigation” — language that CalMatters could not find anywhere else in state public records access laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On its face, I could see an agency refusing to disclose information because it’s embarrassing, because it shows a weakness,” LaRoe said. “Too often, we see agencies interpreting words in ways that ultimately protect people or decisions that maybe look embarrassing or are uncomfortable or create controversy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the language, Wilson said she expects the proposal will be “honed in” on through the legislative process. “This was, we felt, a good starting point,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it is troubling whenever lawmakers seek to further shield public agencies from disclosure requirements — especially a watchdog agency overseeing such a controversial project, LaRoe and Champion said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If any project should have intense transparency and scrutiny, it’s the high-speed rail,” Champion said. “This project has been a disaster from jump street. And what else is in there that we have not yet found that they could tuck into this loophole?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/california-high-speed-rail-record-exemption/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2026/01/28/california-los-angeles-prison-solitary\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>story\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> was produced in collaboration between The Marshall Project and CatchLight as part of a three-year \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.catchlight.io/mental-health-details\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Mental Health Visual Desk Reporting Initiative.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in July 2013, tens of thousands of California prisoners made history when they refused to eat. They were participating in a state-wide hunger strike, protesting policies that kept people locked in solitary confinement indefinitely. Hundreds of people in Pelican Bay State Prison, the state’s supermax facility near the Oregon state line, had been in \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2016/10/resource-PB-monitoring-stats.pdf\">isolation for over a decade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most were sent to solitary, known as the Security Housing Unit (SHU), for being labeled gang members. But that designation could be based on evidence as thin as reading a certain book, knowing someone in a gang, or sketching an Aztec warrior, incarcerated people and attorneys reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 60 days of refusing food, and along with a \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/home/what-we-do/our-cases/ashker-v-brown\">concurrent lawsuit\u003c/a>, the hunger strikers ultimately won \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2015/08/2015-09-01-Ashker-settlement-summary.pdf\">major policy changes\u003c/a> from the California corrections department. Among them was an agreement to move most people in long-term solitary back into the general population, giving many a renewed chance at parole. Now, back in the community and over a decade since the protest, these men are working to rebuild their lives, help others inside, and make sense of the trauma they endured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Photographer Brian L. Frank has been capturing this journey through portraits of people who were in solitary and who participated in the 2013 strike. The project primarily took place at Alcatraz, a site whose history echoes the experience of those in Pelican Bay. As a federal penitentiary, Alcatraz housed men who were deemed too dangerous for other facilities. Most were locked in small single cells. The prison, which closed in 1963, has since become a national park with exhibits exploring the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/thebiglockup.htm\">past and present\u003c/a> of incarceration in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank had photographed men inside the Pelican Bay SHU in 2014, on assignment for The Atlantic magazine. “It was a traumatizing and defining experience,” he said. “To think that I might be the only human from outside the prison they really spoke to, maybe in 10 years. It was something that stuck with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071908\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071908\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"998\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_02.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_02-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An incarcerated man paces in the “exercise yard” of the solitary unit at Pelican Bay prison in 2014. SHU prisoners spend roughly 23 hours a day in their cells and often less than an hour in the concrete yard, with a partially open roof — their only exposure to sunlight and fresh air. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Participants in the portrait series include strike leaders like Sitawa Jamaa, one of four members of the Short Corridor Collective who \u003ca href=\"https://nymag.com/news/features/solitary-secure-housing-units-2014-2/?src=longreads\">organized the strike\u003c/a>. The Collective formed when its members were isolated in a specific section of Pelican Bay’s SHU, intended to cut them off from members of their alleged gangs. Instead, the four men formed a multiracial coalition that drafted an “agreement to end hostilities” among incarcerated people and planned the protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t care what label you put on any of us, you can’t keep us in the hole because of a label,” Jamaa said. “They keep you in there forever, unless you snitch. That ain’t fair. I never had an incident in 34 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank also photographed hunger striker Jack Morris in Los Angeles. Morris, who spent over 30 years in solitary confinement, came home in 2017 and now runs the reentry program for a community health clinic. “When I think of guys having to do time in solitary confinement, I can’t even begin to make a suggestion as to how to endure that,” he said. “Because I don’t know if I could survive again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071909 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1494\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03-1536x1147.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Solitary confinement cell at the Solitary Housing Unit (SHU) at Pelican Bay penitentiary. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While in the SHU at Pelican Bay, men were alone in their cells for roughly 23 hours a day, with every meal provided through a slot in their door. Many said they never received a phone call, unless a family member died. Visits with loved ones were behind a thick plexiglass window. And any time spent outside their cells to exercise took place in an open-air cement room, with walls so high they couldn’t see their surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had guys ask me, ‘Where are we in the world, where are we in the state?’” said psychologist Craig Haney, who studies the mental toll of long-term isolation. He has interviewed over 100 men in the SHU at Pelican Bay as an expert witness. “They could have been on Mars because they never got visually in contact with the world around them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it was built in the late 1980s, the solitary unit at Pelican Bay was a new kind of incarceration, Haney said. Human contact between incarcerated people and officers was largely eliminated. Cell doors were operated by the push of a button, messages were communicated via intercom, and surveillance was done with cameras instead of officers making rounds.[aside postID=news_12059022 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/258_KQED_NewFolsomPrisonSacramento_04132023-1020x680.jpg']Haney’s research found that such prolonged isolation led to paranoia, anxiety, despair, anger and, eventually, numbness among people in the SHU. “When you’re in the SHU, you don’t feel,” said Frank Reyna, who spent 20 years in solitary at Pelican Bay. “If you feel, you start getting weak. When people die, you just move on. You lose your emotions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials had built a fortress designed to keep people away from each other. But locked alone in their cells, the men at Pelican Bay found any way they could to connect — by talking through their cell doors, the vents in the walls, or in cracks in the corners of their recreation cages.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People found different ways to pass time, and make what meaning they could. Jamaa organized reading groups on his tier, with men taking turns reading different passages to each other and analyzing the text. Many spent hours in the morning with fastidious workout routines. During the strike, Brian James at Corcoran prison, south of Fresno, found himself counting and re-counting the perforations on his cell door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were only three ways out of the SHU, prisoners concluded: “snitch, parole, or die.” To snitch meant to provide information on another alleged gang member, and open yourself to the risk of retaliatory violence. Parole was unlikely for those whom prison officials had deemed among “the worst of the worst.” The only way out of the Pelican Bay SHU, hunger strikers reasoned, was in a body bag. They had nothing to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the strike began, “there was something in front of me to reach for, or hope for,” said James. “You spend your life inside of a box alone. So to know I’m in solidarity with [so many] people, it gave me that push in the right direction. I immediately knew we were a part of something really big.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071918\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071918\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1466\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04-1536x1126.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of concertina wire and flood lighting surround the solitary unit at Pelican Bay in 2014. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Participants remember how, after a few days of fasting, the tier grew quiet. Where there used to be the sounds of morning exercise routines and chatter between cells, people began to spend more time in bed, conserving their energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a growing chorus of activists outside the prison were amplifying their message. The strike made international news. Celebrities like Danny Glover and Jay Leno lent their support. Groups held frequent rallies outside state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dolores Canales’ son was on hunger strike in the SHU in Corcoran prison. She and other family members organized the California Families Against Solitary Confinement to pressure the corrections department to change their policies. “I felt like they would probably let them starve to death before meeting any demands,” she said. “There was such an urgency that if we did not do something, it would never change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071919\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1705\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-2000x1332.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-2048x1364.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photograph of the Reyna family, with a young Frank at the bottom right, in front of his Los Angeles home. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a two-month strike, state lawmakers agreed to hold a hearing on the issue, and the men returned to eating. The protest had a long-lasting impact in California and beyond. In December 2012, before the strike, there were \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2016/10/resource-PB-monitoring-stats.pdf\">9,870 \u003c/a>men in some form of isolation in California state prisons. This past December, the most recent data available, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2026/01/STA429-010526-M.pdf\">there were 3,030\u003c/a>. The strike also sparked a nationwide movement against isolation — the next year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2014/12/23/shifting-away-from-solitary\">10 states\u003c/a> passed laws restricting its use. Many more states \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/reforming-solitary-confinement-without-high-court\">have since followed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the hunger strikers’ wins, the fight against the use of solitary continues. State activists are pushing for the \u003ca href=\"https://camandela.org/\">California Mandela Act on Solitary Confinement\u003c/a>, which would put strict limits on the length of isolation in state facilities, and ban it outright for pregnant people and people with disabilities. The act is named for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Nelson_Mandela_Rules-E-ebook.pdf\">U.N. Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners\u003c/a>, known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">vetoed a version\u003c/a> of the bill in 2022, calling it “overly broad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a long-term fast, people need to return to eating very slowly, to avoid serious health complications. And after being starved of human contact, prisoners describe how they needed to also slowly readjust to being around people. Psychiatrist Terry Kupers called it the “SHU post-release syndrome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071921\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071921\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1705\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-2000x1332.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-2048x1364.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alcatraz Island, initially constructed as a military prison in the 1850s, was later converted into a maximum-security federal penitentiary until its closure in 1963. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When people get out of solitary, they isolate themselves,” Kupers said. “They dread crowds. They can’t look for a job. They don’t want to be near people they don’t know. I have mothers in the community calling me saying, ‘My kid will not come out of the room. What should I do?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyna came home to Los Angeles in October after over 38 years in prison. “Sometimes I could have a beautiful day, man, and then I just feel empty, like I’m back to where I was,” he said. “But now I can release things. My feelings are coming back. Now, I don’t care, I cry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003cu>ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:\u003c/u>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Thank you to the individuals who shared their time and stories to \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2026/01/28/california-los-angeles-prison-solitary\">make this project possible\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>With additional gratitude to Minister King X (Director, California Prison Focus/K.A.G.E Universal), \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.c-note.org/\">\u003cem>Donald C-Note Hooker\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, Lundi Shackleton, and the Golden Gate National Parks Conservancy staff at Alcatraz and organizers of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/alca/planyourvisit/formerly-incarcerated-speaker-series.htm\">\u003cem>Formerly Incarcerated Speaker Series. \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This project is dedicated to the memory and enduring legacy of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.parksconservancy.org/article/unlocking-truth-how-alcatraz-changing-conversation-incarceration\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Stanford Chatfield \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>(1956-2025)\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Historical Interpreter at Alcatraz for the Golden Gate National Parks Conservancy)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003cu>CREDITS:\u003c/u>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>PHOTOGRAPHER: \u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Brian L. Frank/CatchLight\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>REPORTER:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Christie Thompson/The Marshall Project \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>MULTIMEDIA EDITORS:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Celina Fang/The Marshall Project, Jenny Stratton/CatchLight\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>EDITORS:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuel Torres/The Marshall Project, Raghu Vadarevu/The Marshall Project \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>DEVELOPER:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> Aithne Feay/The Marshall Project\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>COPY EDITORS:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lauren Hardie/The Marshall Project, Ghazala Irshad/The Marshall Project\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>PRODUCTION COORDINATOR:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mara Corbett\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>AUDIENCE ENGAGEMENT:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ashley Dye/The Marshall Project, Adriana Garcia/CatchLight \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>About The Marshall Project: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>The Marshall Project is a nonprofit news organization covering the U.S. criminal justice system. Sign up for their \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/newsletters\">\u003cem>newsletters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, and follow them on \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>Instagram\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>TikTok\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>Reddit\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>Facebook\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A 2013 prison hunger strike in California led to a dramatic decline in the use of solitary confinement. More than a decade later, people impacted by solitary reflect on the toll of separation.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2026/01/28/california-los-angeles-prison-solitary\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>story\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>\u003cem> was produced in collaboration between The Marshall Project and CatchLight as part of a three-year \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.catchlight.io/mental-health-details\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Mental Health Visual Desk Reporting Initiative.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One morning in July 2013, tens of thousands of California prisoners made history when they refused to eat. They were participating in a state-wide hunger strike, protesting policies that kept people locked in solitary confinement indefinitely. Hundreds of people in Pelican Bay State Prison, the state’s supermax facility near the Oregon state line, had been in \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2016/10/resource-PB-monitoring-stats.pdf\">isolation for over a decade\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most were sent to solitary, known as the Security Housing Unit (SHU), for being labeled gang members. But that designation could be based on evidence as thin as reading a certain book, knowing someone in a gang, or sketching an Aztec warrior, incarcerated people and attorneys reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 60 days of refusing food, and along with a \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/home/what-we-do/our-cases/ashker-v-brown\">concurrent lawsuit\u003c/a>, the hunger strikers ultimately won \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2015/08/2015-09-01-Ashker-settlement-summary.pdf\">major policy changes\u003c/a> from the California corrections department. Among them was an agreement to move most people in long-term solitary back into the general population, giving many a renewed chance at parole. Now, back in the community and over a decade since the protest, these men are working to rebuild their lives, help others inside, and make sense of the trauma they endured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Photographer Brian L. Frank has been capturing this journey through portraits of people who were in solitary and who participated in the 2013 strike. The project primarily took place at Alcatraz, a site whose history echoes the experience of those in Pelican Bay. As a federal penitentiary, Alcatraz housed men who were deemed too dangerous for other facilities. Most were locked in small single cells. The prison, which closed in 1963, has since become a national park with exhibits exploring the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/thebiglockup.htm\">past and present\u003c/a> of incarceration in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank had photographed men inside the Pelican Bay SHU in 2014, on assignment for The Atlantic magazine. “It was a traumatizing and defining experience,” he said. “To think that I might be the only human from outside the prison they really spoke to, maybe in 10 years. It was something that stuck with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071908\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071908\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"998\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_02.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_02-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An incarcerated man paces in the “exercise yard” of the solitary unit at Pelican Bay prison in 2014. SHU prisoners spend roughly 23 hours a day in their cells and often less than an hour in the concrete yard, with a partially open roof — their only exposure to sunlight and fresh air. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Participants in the portrait series include strike leaders like Sitawa Jamaa, one of four members of the Short Corridor Collective who \u003ca href=\"https://nymag.com/news/features/solitary-secure-housing-units-2014-2/?src=longreads\">organized the strike\u003c/a>. The Collective formed when its members were isolated in a specific section of Pelican Bay’s SHU, intended to cut them off from members of their alleged gangs. Instead, the four men formed a multiracial coalition that drafted an “agreement to end hostilities” among incarcerated people and planned the protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t care what label you put on any of us, you can’t keep us in the hole because of a label,” Jamaa said. “They keep you in there forever, unless you snitch. That ain’t fair. I never had an incident in 34 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank also photographed hunger striker Jack Morris in Los Angeles. Morris, who spent over 30 years in solitary confinement, came home in 2017 and now runs the reentry program for a community health clinic. “When I think of guys having to do time in solitary confinement, I can’t even begin to make a suggestion as to how to endure that,” he said. “Because I don’t know if I could survive again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071909\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12071909 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1494\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_03-1536x1147.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Solitary confinement cell at the Solitary Housing Unit (SHU) at Pelican Bay penitentiary. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While in the SHU at Pelican Bay, men were alone in their cells for roughly 23 hours a day, with every meal provided through a slot in their door. Many said they never received a phone call, unless a family member died. Visits with loved ones were behind a thick plexiglass window. And any time spent outside their cells to exercise took place in an open-air cement room, with walls so high they couldn’t see their surroundings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had guys ask me, ‘Where are we in the world, where are we in the state?’” said psychologist Craig Haney, who studies the mental toll of long-term isolation. He has interviewed over 100 men in the SHU at Pelican Bay as an expert witness. “They could have been on Mars because they never got visually in contact with the world around them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it was built in the late 1980s, the solitary unit at Pelican Bay was a new kind of incarceration, Haney said. Human contact between incarcerated people and officers was largely eliminated. Cell doors were operated by the push of a button, messages were communicated via intercom, and surveillance was done with cameras instead of officers making rounds.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Haney’s research found that such prolonged isolation led to paranoia, anxiety, despair, anger and, eventually, numbness among people in the SHU. “When you’re in the SHU, you don’t feel,” said Frank Reyna, who spent 20 years in solitary at Pelican Bay. “If you feel, you start getting weak. When people die, you just move on. You lose your emotions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prison officials had built a fortress designed to keep people away from each other. But locked alone in their cells, the men at Pelican Bay found any way they could to connect — by talking through their cell doors, the vents in the walls, or in cracks in the corners of their recreation cages.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People found different ways to pass time, and make what meaning they could. Jamaa organized reading groups on his tier, with men taking turns reading different passages to each other and analyzing the text. Many spent hours in the morning with fastidious workout routines. During the strike, Brian James at Corcoran prison, south of Fresno, found himself counting and re-counting the perforations on his cell door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were only three ways out of the SHU, prisoners concluded: “snitch, parole, or die.” To snitch meant to provide information on another alleged gang member, and open yourself to the risk of retaliatory violence. Parole was unlikely for those whom prison officials had deemed among “the worst of the worst.” The only way out of the Pelican Bay SHU, hunger strikers reasoned, was in a body bag. They had nothing to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the strike began, “there was something in front of me to reach for, or hope for,” said James. “You spend your life inside of a box alone. So to know I’m in solidarity with [so many] people, it gave me that push in the right direction. I immediately knew we were a part of something really big.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071918\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071918\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1466\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04-160x117.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_04-1536x1126.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of concertina wire and flood lighting surround the solitary unit at Pelican Bay in 2014. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Participants remember how, after a few days of fasting, the tier grew quiet. Where there used to be the sounds of morning exercise routines and chatter between cells, people began to spend more time in bed, conserving their energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, a growing chorus of activists outside the prison were amplifying their message. The strike made international news. Celebrities like Danny Glover and Jay Leno lent their support. Groups held frequent rallies outside state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dolores Canales’ son was on hunger strike in the SHU in Corcoran prison. She and other family members organized the California Families Against Solitary Confinement to pressure the corrections department to change their policies. “I felt like they would probably let them starve to death before meeting any demands,” she said. “There was such an urgency that if we did not do something, it would never change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071919\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071919\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1705\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-2000x1332.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_06-2048x1364.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photograph of the Reyna family, with a young Frank at the bottom right, in front of his Los Angeles home. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After a two-month strike, state lawmakers agreed to hold a hearing on the issue, and the men returned to eating. The protest had a long-lasting impact in California and beyond. In December 2012, before the strike, there were \u003ca href=\"https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2016/10/resource-PB-monitoring-stats.pdf\">9,870 \u003c/a>men in some form of isolation in California state prisons. This past December, the most recent data available, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/research/wp-content/uploads/sites/174/2026/01/STA429-010526-M.pdf\">there were 3,030\u003c/a>. The strike also sparked a nationwide movement against isolation — the next year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2014/12/23/shifting-away-from-solitary\">10 states\u003c/a> passed laws restricting its use. Many more states \u003ca href=\"https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/reforming-solitary-confinement-without-high-court\">have since followed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the hunger strikers’ wins, the fight against the use of solitary continues. State activists are pushing for the \u003ca href=\"https://camandela.org/\">California Mandela Act on Solitary Confinement\u003c/a>, which would put strict limits on the length of isolation in state facilities, and ban it outright for pregnant people and people with disabilities. The act is named for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/Nelson_Mandela_Rules-E-ebook.pdf\">U.N. Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners\u003c/a>, known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/09/california-solitary-confinement-bill/\">vetoed a version\u003c/a> of the bill in 2022, calling it “overly broad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a long-term fast, people need to return to eating very slowly, to avoid serious health complications. And after being starved of human contact, prisoners describe how they needed to also slowly readjust to being around people. Psychiatrist Terry Kupers called it the “SHU post-release syndrome.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071921\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071921\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1705\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-2000x1332.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-1536x1023.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/EchoesOfIsolation_09-2048x1364.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alcatraz Island, initially constructed as a military prison in the 1850s, was later converted into a maximum-security federal penitentiary until its closure in 1963. \u003ccite>(Brian L. Frank/CatchLight)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When people get out of solitary, they isolate themselves,” Kupers said. “They dread crowds. They can’t look for a job. They don’t want to be near people they don’t know. I have mothers in the community calling me saying, ‘My kid will not come out of the room. What should I do?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reyna came home to Los Angeles in October after over 38 years in prison. “Sometimes I could have a beautiful day, man, and then I just feel empty, like I’m back to where I was,” he said. “But now I can release things. My feelings are coming back. Now, I don’t care, I cry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003cu>ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS:\u003c/u>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Thank you to the individuals who shared their time and stories to \u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/2026/01/28/california-los-angeles-prison-solitary\">make this project possible\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>With additional gratitude to Minister King X (Director, California Prison Focus/K.A.G.E Universal), \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.c-note.org/\">\u003cem>Donald C-Note Hooker\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, Lundi Shackleton, and the Golden Gate National Parks Conservancy staff at Alcatraz and organizers of the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/alca/planyourvisit/formerly-incarcerated-speaker-series.htm\">\u003cem>Formerly Incarcerated Speaker Series. \u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This project is dedicated to the memory and enduring legacy of \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.parksconservancy.org/article/unlocking-truth-how-alcatraz-changing-conversation-incarceration\">\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Stanford Chatfield \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>(1956-2025)\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Historical Interpreter at Alcatraz for the Golden Gate National Parks Conservancy)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>\u003cu>CREDITS:\u003c/u>\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>PHOTOGRAPHER: \u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Brian L. Frank/CatchLight\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>REPORTER:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Christie Thompson/The Marshall Project \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>MULTIMEDIA EDITORS:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Celina Fang/The Marshall Project, Jenny Stratton/CatchLight\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>EDITORS:\u003c/strong> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manuel Torres/The Marshall Project, Raghu Vadarevu/The Marshall Project \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>DEVELOPER:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem> Aithne Feay/The Marshall Project\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>COPY EDITORS:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lauren Hardie/The Marshall Project, Ghazala Irshad/The Marshall Project\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>PRODUCTION COORDINATOR:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Mara Corbett\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>AUDIENCE ENGAGEMENT:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Ashley Dye/The Marshall Project, Adriana Garcia/CatchLight \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>About The Marshall Project: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003cem>The Marshall Project is a nonprofit news organization covering the U.S. criminal justice system. Sign up for their \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.themarshallproject.org/newsletters\">\u003cem>newsletters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, and follow them on \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>Instagram\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>TikTok\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>Reddit\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/marshallproj/?hl=en\">\u003cem>Facebook\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "child-care-in-california-was-already-hard-to-find-the-immigration-crackdown-has-made-it-worse",
"title": "Child Care in California Was Already Hard to Find — the Immigration Crackdown Has Made It Worse",
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"headTitle": "Child Care in California Was Already Hard to Find — the Immigration Crackdown Has Made It Worse | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weekday morning in Los Angeles, a young mother dropped off her 2-year-old and 4-year-old at a child care center located in a neighbor’s home. It was the 2-year-old’s birthday, so she also brought a treat for the staff and kids: a “Cars”-themed red velvet cake, the child’s favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then she went off to her job as an office cleaner. The child care provider never saw her again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was picked up,” said the provider, Adriana, who asked to be identified only by her first name because although she is a legal resident of the U.S. she fears wrongful deportation. She also asked not to name the mother and children. “The kids were saying, ‘Where’s mommy? Where’s mommy?’ It was hard for us providers to explain. It was heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s sweeping crackdown on immigrants has taken a particularly high toll on the child care industry – both for families and providers. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/blog/nearly-half-a-million-early-childhood-educators-are-immigrants/\">almost 40%\u003c/a> of the workforce is foreign-born and more than a million parents — immigrant and otherwise — rely on child care providers so they can go to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Absenteeism and empty classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several recent reports have found that since Trump beefed up immigration enforcement, child care centers have lost staff — immigrants who are afraid to come to work — as well as immigrant parents who are afraid to drop their children off for fear of being arrested and separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/immigration-policies-harm-ece/\">One study\u003c/a>, from the Center for Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley, found the effects to be wide-ranging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A daycare worker hugs a child in a play room at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The administration’s policies targeting immigrant populations not only harm the immigrant (early childhood education) workforce, they also have the potential to destabilize the already-fragile ECE system that immigrant and nonimmigrant children, families, and ECE professionals rely on,” the authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss of staff and revenue has \u003ca href=\"https://d1y8sb8igg2f8e.cloudfront.net/documents/ICE_and_Child_Care__Media_1-Pager.pdf\">affected all families\u003c/a>, not just immigrants, because it means the already-tight child care market has shrunk even further, according to New America, a left-leaning think tank based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aggressive immigration enforcement has already caused closures, empty classrooms, and absenteeism in day care centers in some communities,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/report/immigrant-workers-childcare-crisis/\">according to a report \u003c/a>by the American Immigration Council, a research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Bigger than we can imagine’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is home to about 1.7 million babies and toddlers, the vast majority of whom spend at least some time in child care while their parents work. Some are enrolled in licensed day care centers, some have nannies, and others have informal arrangements with neighbors or family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tightening of the child care industry has been an extra burden on families who are already juggling the demands of work and home life. Child care is \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-crisis-high-unmet-need-and-regional-disparities/\">expensive and hard to find\u003c/a> in California — the immigration crackdown has made it even harder.[aside postID=news_12070762 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-01_qed.jpg']“The impact, especially on women, is bigger than we can imagine,” said Patricia Lozano, executive director of Early Edge California, which advocates for early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s the children who might suffer the most, she said. Not only are some missing their regular child care providers, but those with immigrant parents may be experiencing stress at home and a disruption of their routine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids benefit from going to child care. That’s a healthy, safe place for them to be,” Lozano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lozano’s group encourages immigrant families to make a plan for their children in case a parent is arrested, and inform the child care provider. The group also reminds child care providers they shouldn’t allow immigration enforcement officers into a child care center unless the agents have a signed judicial warrant. Early Edge California and other groups have published a website, \u003ca href=\"https://allinforhealth.org/safe-schools/\">All in for Safe Schools\u003c/a>, that offers guidance to schools and child care centers on how to help immigrant families and LGBTQ students. In addition, the Service Employees International Union, which represents more than 30,000 chid care providers in California, also provides resources for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Know your rights, have a plan, be prepared,” Lozano said. “And talk to your kids about it in a way they can understand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Locked doors, pulled shades\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, where 34% of the population is foreign-born, the immigration crackdown has had a noticeable effect on families and child care providers, even though the county has not seen significant immigration enforcement compared to other regions, said Kym Johnson, chief executive officer of BANANAS, a nonprofit child care referral and family resource service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some child care providers are avoiding public places, such as parks and playgrounds, while some immigrant families have dropped out of playgroups or kept their children home from day care when immigration agents are spotted in the neighborhood, Johnson said.[aside postID=news_12069711 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00057_TV-KQED.jpg']At one playgroup in East Oakland, organizers started locking the door and closing the blinds to make families feel safe. At another playgroup, located at a library, staff helped families create safety plans in case immigration agents arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bananas used to hold monthly diaper give-aways in a parking lot that would regularly attract 200 families. Fewer people started showing up after Trump took office, Johnson said, so now the group holds the giveaways several times a month, attracting smaller crowds, and moved the event indoors, so families can’t be seen from the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been trying to stay under the radar when they can,” Johnson said. “We do what we can to help people, because so many of these families don’t have a voice. And the kiddos especially don’t have a voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They’re targeting everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adriana, the child care provider in Los Angeles, has been in the child care business for 23 years. She tends to a dozen or so children in her home and is also raising her own four children. The day of the 2-year-old’s “Cars”-themed birthday, Adriana called the children’s grandmother after the mother didn’t arrive to pick them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alarmed, the grandmother tried unsuccessfully to reach the children’s mother and then brought the children to her house. Eventually the family learned what happened: Both the children’s parents plus their uncle were arrested and deported to Colombia. After a few weeks, the grandmother and children moved to Colombia, as well, so the family could be united.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Adriana started bringing her passport everywhere she went. She also started locking both gates at her house, not opening the front door unless she knows who’s ringing the bell, and working with parents — even those with legal status — to create back-up plans in case they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here legally, but they’re targeting everyone,” she said. “I’m just scared. What if my kids are in school and I can’t call? I try not to let it affect me, but it’s always in the back of my mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often feels frustrated and helpless, but tries to create a safe, welcoming environment for the children in her care so they can focus on having fun — and find some relief from the anxiety they may be feeling at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sad. (Immigration agents) are targeting hard-working people, not criminals,” she said. “People who are just trying to make ends meet for their families. But my job is to take care of children. So we try not to put that fear onto the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2026/02/child-care-california-2/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In California, almost 40% of the workforce is foreign-born and more than a million parents — immigrant and otherwise — rely on child care providers so they can go to work.\r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a recent weekday morning in Los Angeles, a young mother dropped off her 2-year-old and 4-year-old at a child care center located in a neighbor’s home. It was the 2-year-old’s birthday, so she also brought a treat for the staff and kids: a “Cars”-themed red velvet cake, the child’s favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then she went off to her job as an office cleaner. The child care provider never saw her again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was picked up,” said the provider, Adriana, who asked to be identified only by her first name because although she is a legal resident of the U.S. she fears wrongful deportation. She also asked not to name the mother and children. “The kids were saying, ‘Where’s mommy? Where’s mommy?’ It was hard for us providers to explain. It was heartbreaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration’s sweeping crackdown on immigrants has taken a particularly high toll on the child care industry – both for families and providers. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/blog/nearly-half-a-million-early-childhood-educators-are-immigrants/\">almost 40%\u003c/a> of the workforce is foreign-born and more than a million parents — immigrant and otherwise — rely on child care providers so they can go to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Absenteeism and empty classrooms\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Several recent reports have found that since Trump beefed up immigration enforcement, child care centers have lost staff — immigrants who are afraid to come to work — as well as immigrant parents who are afraid to drop their children off for fear of being arrested and separated from their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cscce.berkeley.edu/publications/brief/immigration-policies-harm-ece/\">One study\u003c/a>, from the Center for Study of Child Care Employment at UC Berkeley, found the effects to be wide-ranging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A daycare worker hugs a child in a play room at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The administration’s policies targeting immigrant populations not only harm the immigrant (early childhood education) workforce, they also have the potential to destabilize the already-fragile ECE system that immigrant and nonimmigrant children, families, and ECE professionals rely on,” the authors wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss of staff and revenue has \u003ca href=\"https://d1y8sb8igg2f8e.cloudfront.net/documents/ICE_and_Child_Care__Media_1-Pager.pdf\">affected all families\u003c/a>, not just immigrants, because it means the already-tight child care market has shrunk even further, according to New America, a left-leaning think tank based in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aggressive immigration enforcement has already caused closures, empty classrooms, and absenteeism in day care centers in some communities,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/report/immigrant-workers-childcare-crisis/\">according to a report \u003c/a>by the American Immigration Council, a research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Bigger than we can imagine’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California is home to about 1.7 million babies and toddlers, the vast majority of whom spend at least some time in child care while their parents work. Some are enrolled in licensed day care centers, some have nannies, and others have informal arrangements with neighbors or family members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tightening of the child care industry has been an extra burden on families who are already juggling the demands of work and home life. Child care is \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californias-child-care-crisis-high-unmet-need-and-regional-disparities/\">expensive and hard to find\u003c/a> in California — the immigration crackdown has made it even harder.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The impact, especially on women, is bigger than we can imagine,” said Patricia Lozano, executive director of Early Edge California, which advocates for early childhood education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s the children who might suffer the most, she said. Not only are some missing their regular child care providers, but those with immigrant parents may be experiencing stress at home and a disruption of their routine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids benefit from going to child care. That’s a healthy, safe place for them to be,” Lozano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lozano’s group encourages immigrant families to make a plan for their children in case a parent is arrested, and inform the child care provider. The group also reminds child care providers they shouldn’t allow immigration enforcement officers into a child care center unless the agents have a signed judicial warrant. Early Edge California and other groups have published a website, \u003ca href=\"https://allinforhealth.org/safe-schools/\">All in for Safe Schools\u003c/a>, that offers guidance to schools and child care centers on how to help immigrant families and LGBTQ students. In addition, the Service Employees International Union, which represents more than 30,000 chid care providers in California, also provides resources for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Know your rights, have a plan, be prepared,” Lozano said. “And talk to your kids about it in a way they can understand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Locked doors, pulled shades\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, where 34% of the population is foreign-born, the immigration crackdown has had a noticeable effect on families and child care providers, even though the county has not seen significant immigration enforcement compared to other regions, said Kym Johnson, chief executive officer of BANANAS, a nonprofit child care referral and family resource service in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some child care providers are avoiding public places, such as parks and playgrounds, while some immigrant families have dropped out of playgroups or kept their children home from day care when immigration agents are spotted in the neighborhood, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At one playgroup in East Oakland, organizers started locking the door and closing the blinds to make families feel safe. At another playgroup, located at a library, staff helped families create safety plans in case immigration agents arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bananas used to hold monthly diaper give-aways in a parking lot that would regularly attract 200 families. Fewer people started showing up after Trump took office, Johnson said, so now the group holds the giveaways several times a month, attracting smaller crowds, and moved the event indoors, so families can’t be seen from the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been trying to stay under the radar when they can,” Johnson said. “We do what we can to help people, because so many of these families don’t have a voice. And the kiddos especially don’t have a voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘They’re targeting everyone’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Adriana, the child care provider in Los Angeles, has been in the child care business for 23 years. She tends to a dozen or so children in her home and is also raising her own four children. The day of the 2-year-old’s “Cars”-themed birthday, Adriana called the children’s grandmother after the mother didn’t arrive to pick them up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alarmed, the grandmother tried unsuccessfully to reach the children’s mother and then brought the children to her house. Eventually the family learned what happened: Both the children’s parents plus their uncle were arrested and deported to Colombia. After a few weeks, the grandmother and children moved to Colombia, as well, so the family could be united.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Adriana started bringing her passport everywhere she went. She also started locking both gates at her house, not opening the front door unless she knows who’s ringing the bell, and working with parents — even those with legal status — to create back-up plans in case they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m here legally, but they’re targeting everyone,” she said. “I’m just scared. What if my kids are in school and I can’t call? I try not to let it affect me, but it’s always in the back of my mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She often feels frustrated and helpless, but tries to create a safe, welcoming environment for the children in her care so they can focus on having fun — and find some relief from the anxiety they may be feeling at home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s sad. (Immigration agents) are targeting hard-working people, not criminals,” she said. “People who are just trying to make ends meet for their families. But my job is to take care of children. So we try not to put that fear onto the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2026/02/child-care-california-2/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-rep-david-valadao-voted-for-medi-cal-cuts-will-voters-hold-it-against-him",
"title": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him?",
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"headTitle": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-valadao\">David Valadao\u003c/a> has some explaining to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly two-thirds of constituents in his Central Valley district — approximately 527,000 Californians — are enrolled in Medi-Cal, the state Medicaid program that provides health care coverage to low-income Americans and those with disabilities. At 64%, Valadao’s district has the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicaid/congressional-district-interactive-map-medicaid-enrollment-by-eligibility-group/\">highest \u003c/a>Medicaid enrollment rate of any Republican seat in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033802/how-cuts-medicaid-republican-gains-california\">Republican cast what would become\u003c/a> the decisive vote to pass President Donald Trump’s domestic policy megabill, a law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051681/local-health-providers-prepare-for-medi-cal-cuts\">slashed more than $1 trillion\u003c/a> from Medicaid and other programs that help the poorest Americans to pay for tax cuts that will mostly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/11/us/politics/trump-gop-policy-bill-rich-poor.html\">benefit \u003c/a>the country’s richest. One of the most drastic changes is stricter eligibility requirements for Medicaid that California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gT9_aI0TD5U\">estimate \u003c/a>will kick two million Californians off their health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans across the country will face an uphill battle in the midterms as they toil to defend — and sell — the record of their party’s widely unpopular and polarizing president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Valadao in particular has the unenviable task of justifying why he consistently supported — not just on final passage, but at each procedural step along the way — a measure that bears such dire consequences for so many of the constituents whose votes he’ll need to win reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. David Valadao stands in his milo field on Oct. 21, 2022 in Hanford, King’s County. \u003ccite>(Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His two Democratic opponents are already arguing that Valadao’s vote in favor of the “one big beautiful bill,” which came after he suggested he wouldn’t support cutting Medicaid, amounts to a breach of trust that should cost him his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was the deciding vote. His one vote could have stopped that,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/jasmeet-bains-165424\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a>, a Bakersfield physician who’s challenging Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randy Villegas, a Visalia school board trustee and college professor who is also vying for the chance to unseat Valadao, put it more bluntly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He “lied to our faces,” Villegas said, using an expletive for emphasis. “We have somebody in office who is willing to try and do or say whatever is politically convenient to save his own butt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the six-term congressman declined CalMatters’ requests for an interview, saying his schedule was full.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman David Valadao has consistently fought for Central Valley families and real solutions to strengthen rural health care, not played politics for headlines,” wrote Christian Martinez, regional press secretary for the National Republican Congressional Committee, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after his final vote on the megabill, Valadao stressed that even though he \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">still had concerns\u003c/a> with the bill, he ultimately voted for it to avoid tax hikes that would result from the expiration of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts. While Valadao and other Republicans have marketed those cuts as tax relief for middle- and low-income families, economists agree that they \u003ca href=\"https://economics.ucla.edu/how-a-historic-corporate-tax-cut-reshaped-the-u-s-economy/#:~:text=The%20researchers%20identify%20a%20substantial,costs%20required%20to%20produce%20them.\">disproportionately benefit wealthy Americans and corporations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can Democrats replicate 2018?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Out of seven elections, Valadao has only lost once – in 2018, as part of the decisive “blue wave” that flipped control of the House during Trump’s first midterm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Democrats leveraged the GOP’s multiple failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, a program that since its creation has grown broadly popular with Americans across the political spectrum. Also looming then was the White House’s controversial practice of separating immigrant children from their parents and detaining them to deter border crossings.[aside postID=news_12033802 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250323-DEM-TOWN-HALLS-MD-14-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']Even casual observers of politics can draw the parallels between 2018 — a Trump midterm election defined by Republican attacks on health care and aggressive immigration enforcement — and 2026. And national Democrats for months have said they plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/01/us/politics/trump-budget-medicaid.html\">run the same playbook\u003c/a> as they push to flip the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican strategists agree this will be the most difficult reelection that incumbent House Republicans have faced since the last time Trump was in office, even for someone like Valadao who has consistently outperformed as a Republican in a Democratic-leaning district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think this is the year that Valadao is in deep trouble,” said Mike Madrid, Republican political consultant and cofounder of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project. “Nine times out of 10, I don’t say that. But this year is going to look a lot like 2018 — probably more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Valadao reclaimed his seat in 2020, he’s twice fended off challenges from former Democratic Assemblyman Rudy Salas, a moderate with strong backing from national Democrats. (Salas \u003ca href=\"https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00791756/1932283/\">filed candidate paperwork\u003c/a> but \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2026/01/27/republicans-navigate-alex-prettis-killing-00748773\">recently stated\u003c/a> he has not yet decided whether he’ll enter the race.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also sought to further burnish his reputation as a moderate and an independent thinker rather than a Trump acolyte. Of the 10 Republican defectors who voted with Democrats in 2021 to impeach Trump for inciting an insurrection on Jan. 6, Valadao is the only one left in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Will Medicaid vote cost Valadao his job?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Trump won reelection in 2024 and congressional Republicans started crafting the president’s first big legislative package, Valadao repeatedly signaled that he wouldn’t support a bill that threatened Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one letter to House leadership, Valadao and some Hispanic lawmakers argued that such cuts “would have serious consequences, particularly in rural and predominantly Hispanic communities where hospitals and nursing homes are already struggling to keep their doors open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/092525_Redistricting-Day-2_LV_CM_12-1024x682.jpg\" alt='A red political sign is seen near a highways with cars passing through. That sign, that includes an image of a lawmaker next to an image of a child, reads \" Rep. Valadao cut our healthcare to give tax breaks to billionaires.\"'>\u003cfigcaption>A political sign against U.S. Rep. David Valadao off of Highway 198 in Lemoore on Sept. 26, 2025. Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters via CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, he voted several times to advance Trump’s domestic policy agenda, which health care advocates and constituents lambasted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think there was really a sense of betrayal among at least some of his voters, who thought, ‘You know, this is not what I elected him to Congress to do — I thought he was a different kind of Republican who would represent the needs of the district,’” said Amanda McAllister-Wallner, executive director of Health Access. She helped lead the coalition known as “Fight for Our Health,” which lobbied Valadao and other California House Republicans to vote against the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s vote was especially significant given that the 22nd Congressional District, which he represents, is home to a higher percentage of Medicaid enrollees than any other Republican district in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao has defended his votes and said he ultimately supported the legislation because it preserved the Medicaid program “for its intended recipients — children, pregnant women, the disabled and elderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the more stringent eligibility requirements will cause patients of all ages to lose coverage, since proving eligibility can be a confusing and laborious process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know how important the program is for my constituents,” Valadao \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">wrote in a statement\u003c/a> after he voted to approve the bill. He added that several of the most concerning policy changes that “would have devastated healthcare in my district,” were removed as a result of his “many months of meetings” with Republican leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Valadao does damage control\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the vote, Valadao has seemingly worked to insulate himself from potentially difficult questions, declining multiple interviews with CalMatters for several different stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to the issue that lost him the 2018 race, Valadao also joined Democrats and 16 other Republicans to buck House GOP leadership in a symbolic vote to extend the already-expired Affordable Care Act tax subsidies. More than 85,000 of his constituents on ACA plans saw their health premiums skyrocket by an average of $85 per month, \u003ca href=\"https://fightforourhealth.org/wp-content/uploads/FFOH-District-22-Fact-Sheet-23636-1.pdf\">according to health advocates\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_12071841 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg']When he has received questions about Medicaid funding, he has pointed repeatedly to the “Rural Health Transformation Project,” a $50 billion fund tucked into the Trump megabill designed to help some rural hospitals keep their doors open as \u003ca href=\"https://calhospital.org/federal-medicaid-cuts-will-strip-up-to-128-billion-from-ca-hospitals-cha-estimates/\">they prepare to lose billions in Medicaid revenue\u003c/a>. Critics have pointed out that California would only receive $230 million from the program in 2026, a fraction of the estimated $15 billion the state’s hospitals would have received in Medicaid dollars this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao co-hosted a roundtable last month with local health care industry leaders and advocates, Rep. Vince Fong and Dr. Mehmet Oz, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services under Trump. The event was closed to the press, and one attendee said there was little time to address specific questions or concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that it felt performative,” said Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board. She said she was frustrated that the conversation was largely scripted and felt more like a sales pitch for Oz and the White House’s agenda than a genuine discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a great roundtable of people who would have loved to have a more robust conversation around true impacts and what solutions exist,” Hedrick said. “And those solutions would be congressional fixes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘It felt performative.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board.\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But as much as Valadao’s opponents hope to leverage the Medicaid cuts, political strategists warn that they should not fixate too much on health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were running the campaign against him, I would not pin all my hopes on that,” said Madrid. He argued that Democrats should tap into Americans’ concerns about the economy and the cost of living, which consistently poll as the top issue for voters and are “politically poisonous” for Republicans given that prices have only risen since their party took control of Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Stutzman, a veteran Republican political strategist, posited that Medicaid wouldn’t be as strong a motivator as the Affordable Care Act was to get voters out. The people most affected by those cuts, low-income families and those with disabilities, are not the typical demographic of likely midterm voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s as equipped to weather a Trump midterm as a lot of Republicans in similar situations across the country,” Stutzman said of Valadao. “He’s now a long-term incumbent. He’s got a lot of muscle and strength in that district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/congress-valadao-medicaid-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Democrats hope to oust him again by leveraging his vote for the GOP megabill that will cut funding to Medi-Cal, which provides health coverage for nearly two-thirds of his constituents.\r\n\r\n",
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"title": "California Rep. David Valadao Voted for Medi-Cal Cuts. Will Voters Hold It Against Him? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-valadao\">David Valadao\u003c/a> has some explaining to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly two-thirds of constituents in his Central Valley district — approximately 527,000 Californians — are enrolled in Medi-Cal, the state Medicaid program that provides health care coverage to low-income Americans and those with disabilities. At 64%, Valadao’s district has the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicaid/congressional-district-interactive-map-medicaid-enrollment-by-eligibility-group/\">highest \u003c/a>Medicaid enrollment rate of any Republican seat in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033802/how-cuts-medicaid-republican-gains-california\">Republican cast what would become\u003c/a> the decisive vote to pass President Donald Trump’s domestic policy megabill, a law that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051681/local-health-providers-prepare-for-medi-cal-cuts\">slashed more than $1 trillion\u003c/a> from Medicaid and other programs that help the poorest Americans to pay for tax cuts that will mostly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/11/us/politics/trump-gop-policy-bill-rich-poor.html\">benefit \u003c/a>the country’s richest. One of the most drastic changes is stricter eligibility requirements for Medicaid that California officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gT9_aI0TD5U\">estimate \u003c/a>will kick two million Californians off their health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans across the country will face an uphill battle in the midterms as they toil to defend — and sell — the record of their party’s widely unpopular and polarizing president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Valadao in particular has the unenviable task of justifying why he consistently supported — not just on final passage, but at each procedural step along the way — a measure that bears such dire consequences for so many of the constituents whose votes he’ll need to win reelection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11977150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11977150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/GettyImages-1255046317-scaled-e1770053296326.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. David Valadao stands in his milo field on Oct. 21, 2022 in Hanford, King’s County. \u003ccite>(Irfan Khan/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His two Democratic opponents are already arguing that Valadao’s vote in favor of the “one big beautiful bill,” which came after he suggested he wouldn’t support cutting Medicaid, amounts to a breach of trust that should cost him his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was the deciding vote. His one vote could have stopped that,” said Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/jasmeet-bains-165424\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a>, a Bakersfield physician who’s challenging Valadao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Randy Villegas, a Visalia school board trustee and college professor who is also vying for the chance to unseat Valadao, put it more bluntly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He “lied to our faces,” Villegas said, using an expletive for emphasis. “We have somebody in office who is willing to try and do or say whatever is politically convenient to save his own butt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the six-term congressman declined CalMatters’ requests for an interview, saying his schedule was full.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman David Valadao has consistently fought for Central Valley families and real solutions to strengthen rural health care, not played politics for headlines,” wrote Christian Martinez, regional press secretary for the National Republican Congressional Committee, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after his final vote on the megabill, Valadao stressed that even though he \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">still had concerns\u003c/a> with the bill, he ultimately voted for it to avoid tax hikes that would result from the expiration of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts. While Valadao and other Republicans have marketed those cuts as tax relief for middle- and low-income families, economists agree that they \u003ca href=\"https://economics.ucla.edu/how-a-historic-corporate-tax-cut-reshaped-the-u-s-economy/#:~:text=The%20researchers%20identify%20a%20substantial,costs%20required%20to%20produce%20them.\">disproportionately benefit wealthy Americans and corporations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Can Democrats replicate 2018?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Out of seven elections, Valadao has only lost once – in 2018, as part of the decisive “blue wave” that flipped control of the House during Trump’s first midterm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Democrats leveraged the GOP’s multiple failed attempts to repeal the Affordable Care Act, a program that since its creation has grown broadly popular with Americans across the political spectrum. Also looming then was the White House’s controversial practice of separating immigrant children from their parents and detaining them to deter border crossings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even casual observers of politics can draw the parallels between 2018 — a Trump midterm election defined by Republican attacks on health care and aggressive immigration enforcement — and 2026. And national Democrats for months have said they plan to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/01/us/politics/trump-budget-medicaid.html\">run the same playbook\u003c/a> as they push to flip the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican strategists agree this will be the most difficult reelection that incumbent House Republicans have faced since the last time Trump was in office, even for someone like Valadao who has consistently outperformed as a Republican in a Democratic-leaning district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think this is the year that Valadao is in deep trouble,” said Mike Madrid, Republican political consultant and cofounder of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project. “Nine times out of 10, I don’t say that. But this year is going to look a lot like 2018 — probably more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Valadao reclaimed his seat in 2020, he’s twice fended off challenges from former Democratic Assemblyman Rudy Salas, a moderate with strong backing from national Democrats. (Salas \u003ca href=\"https://docquery.fec.gov/cgi-bin/forms/C00791756/1932283/\">filed candidate paperwork\u003c/a> but \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2026/01/27/republicans-navigate-alex-prettis-killing-00748773\">recently stated\u003c/a> he has not yet decided whether he’ll enter the race.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also sought to further burnish his reputation as a moderate and an independent thinker rather than a Trump acolyte. Of the 10 Republican defectors who voted with Democrats in 2021 to impeach Trump for inciting an insurrection on Jan. 6, Valadao is the only one left in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Will Medicaid vote cost Valadao his job?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After Trump won reelection in 2024 and congressional Republicans started crafting the president’s first big legislative package, Valadao repeatedly signaled that he wouldn’t support a bill that threatened Medicaid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one letter to House leadership, Valadao and some Hispanic lawmakers argued that such cuts “would have serious consequences, particularly in rural and predominantly Hispanic communities where hospitals and nursing homes are already struggling to keep their doors open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/092525_Redistricting-Day-2_LV_CM_12-1024x682.jpg\" alt='A red political sign is seen near a highways with cars passing through. That sign, that includes an image of a lawmaker next to an image of a child, reads \" Rep. Valadao cut our healthcare to give tax breaks to billionaires.\"'>\u003cfigcaption>A political sign against U.S. Rep. David Valadao off of Highway 198 in Lemoore on Sept. 26, 2025. Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters via CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, he voted several times to advance Trump’s domestic policy agenda, which health care advocates and constituents lambasted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think there was really a sense of betrayal among at least some of his voters, who thought, ‘You know, this is not what I elected him to Congress to do — I thought he was a different kind of Republican who would represent the needs of the district,’” said Amanda McAllister-Wallner, executive director of Health Access. She helped lead the coalition known as “Fight for Our Health,” which lobbied Valadao and other California House Republicans to vote against the cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao’s vote was especially significant given that the 22nd Congressional District, which he represents, is home to a higher percentage of Medicaid enrollees than any other Republican district in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao has defended his votes and said he ultimately supported the legislation because it preserved the Medicaid program “for its intended recipients — children, pregnant women, the disabled and elderly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the more stringent eligibility requirements will cause patients of all ages to lose coverage, since proving eligibility can be a confusing and laborious process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know how important the program is for my constituents,” Valadao \u003ca href=\"https://valadao.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=3103\">wrote in a statement\u003c/a> after he voted to approve the bill. He added that several of the most concerning policy changes that “would have devastated healthcare in my district,” were removed as a result of his “many months of meetings” with Republican leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Valadao does damage control\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the vote, Valadao has seemingly worked to insulate himself from potentially difficult questions, declining multiple interviews with CalMatters for several different stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to the issue that lost him the 2018 race, Valadao also joined Democrats and 16 other Republicans to buck House GOP leadership in a symbolic vote to extend the already-expired Affordable Care Act tax subsidies. More than 85,000 of his constituents on ACA plans saw their health premiums skyrocket by an average of $85 per month, \u003ca href=\"https://fightforourhealth.org/wp-content/uploads/FFOH-District-22-Fact-Sheet-23636-1.pdf\">according to health advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When he has received questions about Medicaid funding, he has pointed repeatedly to the “Rural Health Transformation Project,” a $50 billion fund tucked into the Trump megabill designed to help some rural hospitals keep their doors open as \u003ca href=\"https://calhospital.org/federal-medicaid-cuts-will-strip-up-to-128-billion-from-ca-hospitals-cha-estimates/\">they prepare to lose billions in Medicaid revenue\u003c/a>. Critics have pointed out that California would only receive $230 million from the program in 2026, a fraction of the estimated $15 billion the state’s hospitals would have received in Medicaid dollars this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valadao co-hosted a roundtable last month with local health care industry leaders and advocates, Rep. Vince Fong and Dr. Mehmet Oz, administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services under Trump. The event was closed to the press, and one attendee said there was little time to address specific questions or concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say that it felt performative,” said Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board. She said she was frustrated that the conversation was largely scripted and felt more like a sales pitch for Oz and the White House’s agenda than a genuine discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a great roundtable of people who would have loved to have a more robust conversation around true impacts and what solutions exist,” Hedrick said. “And those solutions would be congressional fixes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>‘It felt performative.’\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ccite>Virginia Hedrick, CEO of the California Rural Indian Health Board.\u003c/cite>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But as much as Valadao’s opponents hope to leverage the Medicaid cuts, political strategists warn that they should not fixate too much on health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were running the campaign against him, I would not pin all my hopes on that,” said Madrid. He argued that Democrats should tap into Americans’ concerns about the economy and the cost of living, which consistently poll as the top issue for voters and are “politically poisonous” for Republicans given that prices have only risen since their party took control of Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rob Stutzman, a veteran Republican political strategist, posited that Medicaid wouldn’t be as strong a motivator as the Affordable Care Act was to get voters out. The people most affected by those cuts, low-income families and those with disabilities, are not the typical demographic of likely midterm voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s as equipped to weather a Trump midterm as a lot of Republicans in similar situations across the country,” Stutzman said of Valadao. “He’s now a long-term incumbent. He’s got a lot of muscle and strength in that district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/02/congress-valadao-medicaid-cuts/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "no-real-id-tsa-fee-fine-feb-1-how-to-pay-requirements-passport-california-sfo-oak",
"title": "No REAL ID? TSA Will Now Charge You $45 at the Airport",
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"headTitle": "No REAL ID? TSA Will Now Charge You $45 at the Airport | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Are you taking a domestic flight soon?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You should know: As of Sunday, if you don’t have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without\">a REAL ID driver’s license\u003c/a> — or another \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643609/what-you-need-to-know-about-california-real-id-drivers-licenses\">federally approved document like a passport \u003c/a>— you’ll now need to pay a $45 fee at the airport to be able to get on your flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new fee was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without\">announced by the Transportation Security Administration\u003c/a> back in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal REAL ID requirements were originally introduced for domestic air travelers in May 2025. Until now, anyone who lacked a REAL ID license or other acceptable form of identification was still allowed to go through airport security, albeit with additional screening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting Feb. 1, every person 18 or older attempting to board a domestic flight without a REAL ID will face the $45 fee – or won’t be allowed through TSA screening to board their flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/news/press/releases/2025/12/01/tsa-introduces-new-45-fee-option-for-travelers-without-real-id\">TSA says that “more than 94% of passengers already use their REAL ID \u003c/a>or other acceptable forms of identification,” in 2025, the California DMV reported that only about 58% of all driver’s license and ID cardholders in the state were REAL ID-compliant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if you’re one of those people who \u003cem>doesn’t \u003c/em>have a REAL ID yet, here’s what to know about making sure you’re still able to travel, from how to swiftly apply for a REAL ID driver’s license to how to pay the $45 TSA fee, either the day you travel or before you arrive at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Howdoesthenew45TSAfeework\">How does the new $45 TSA fee work?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#HowcanIapplyforREALIDASAP\">How can I apply for REAL ID ASAP?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>What kind of REAL ID identification do I need to avoid the new $45 TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remember, if you’ve applied for or renewed your driver’s license in the past few years, there’s a good chance you already \u003cem>have\u003c/em> a REAL ID. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#do-i-already-have-real-id\">Here’s more information on how to tell\u003c/a>, but in short: look for the golden bear with a white star in the top right of your license.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you don’t have a REAL ID driver’s license yet, you might have access to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#may\">several other documents you can show TSA instead of a REAL ID\u003c/a>, like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027114\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1185\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-800x494.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-1020x630.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-160x99.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-1536x948.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A side-by-side comparison of a REAL ID driver’s license (left) with a non-REAL ID driver’s license. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California DMV)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A U.S. or foreign passport\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A green card (permanent resident card)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A Department of Homeland Security (DHS) trusted traveler card, like Global Entry\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A military ID\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A Tribal Nation ID\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>See \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">other federally recognized documents\u003c/a> that TSA says are an “acceptable alternative” to a REAL ID.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I don’t have a REAL ID, a passport or other compliant documents. Why will I now be charged a $45 TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since REAL ID requirements were introduced across U.S. airports for domestic flights in May 2025, passengers who don’t have REAL ID-compliant identification have still been able to fly — but they’ve been asked to undergo extra checks to verify their identity before entering the TSA security line, through a process called TSA ConfirmID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to TSA, this \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">entails completing “an identity verification process\u003c/a> which includes collecting information such as your name and current address to confirm your identity.”[aside postID=news_12065737 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/YosemiteGetty.jpg']And while TSA says using TSA ConfirmID is “optional,” they warn that if you choose not to use it “and don’t have an acceptable ID, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id\">you may not be allowed through security and may miss your flight.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed on Feb. 1: TSA is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">passing on the costs of those extra checks directly \u003cem>to \u003c/em>the passenger\u003c/a>, by charging them this $45 fee to receive the TSA ConfirmID identity verification and make their flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be warned, though: TSA says even if you pay the new $45 TSA fee, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">“there is no guarantee” they’ll be able to successfully verify your identity \u003c/a>through TSA ConfirmID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for TSA confirmed to KQED by email that the $45 fee is non-refundable in this instance. But because payments are “valid for a 10-day period after their original first flight date,” travelers who miss their flight because their identity couldn’t be verified can “use the receipt once they are able to rebook their flight within that 10-day period,” the spokesperson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howdoesthenew45TSAfeework\">\u003c/a>Where do I pay the $45 TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can pay at the airport itself, or beforehand, but either way, TSA says you have to \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id\">pay online at \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a>, the same federal website that processes payments like Department of Veterans Affairs medical bills and Social Security remittances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can’t pay TSA staff directly at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passengers walk through Terminal 2 at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can create a \u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a> account to make the $45 payment or check out as a guest. TSA says it will accept credit cards, debit cards, bank account details, PayPal and Venmo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Make sure you enter an email address you have instant access to, as you’ll need to open the \u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a> receipt that will be sent to that inbox and show it to TSA staff at the airport to prove you’ve paid the $45 fee for TSA ConfirmID identity verification.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will TSA automatically know I’ve paid my $45 fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, TSA says \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">you’ll need to manually show staff in the security line\u003c/a> proof of payment by producing the email receipt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency says that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pay.gov/public/form/start/1820857221\">your receipt should arrive via email “immediately”\u003c/a> after payment. Consider screenshotting the email receipt as soon as you receive it to be sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a traveler is unable to produce a confirmation email at the checkpoint, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">you may need to pay again,” TSA says.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If I’m having trouble paying online, can someone else do it for me?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, as long as the name and travel dates match the traveler who needs TSA ConfirmID identity verification, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">someone else can pay online for you, TSA says. \u003c/a>The payment card does not have to match the traveler’s name.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will I have to pay another $45 TSA fee when I fly home?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>TSA says\u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id\"> the ConfirmID service is valid for 10 days\u003c/a>, so if your trip is 10 days or less, you won’t have to pay again — but \u003ca href=\"https://www.pay.gov/public/form/start/1820857221\">“any travel beyond the expiration date will require a new payment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you’ll need to show your original receipt of payment to \u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a> that arrived in your email when you first paid online, so make sure you don’t delete it on your trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How long will all this take?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In general, TSA warns you to expect \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/news/press/releases/2025/12/01/tsa-introduces-new-45-fee-option-for-travelers-without-real-id\">“increased wait times for passengers who do not provide an acceptable ID.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one thing, expect the actual process of verifying your identity through TSA ConfirmID to take a while. Even if you pay the $45 in advance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">the actual identity verification will take place at the airport itself\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067051\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067051\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person walks to their destination at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You should also factor in the time required beforehand for paying your $45 online, either before you leave or at the airport itself. And if you don’t have a REAL ID-compliant ID and you haven’t already paid the $45 fee when you arrive for your flight, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">TSA says that “you must leave the [security] line to pay” \u003c/a>and return to the end of the line once you’ve done it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in short, if you don’t have a REAL ID driver’s license or other compatible ID, you should arrive at the airport with a lot of time to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do the REAL ID requirements and TSA fee apply to children?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">TSA says it “does not require children under 18 to provide identification\u003c/a> when traveling within the United States” — so the REAL ID requirements, and the TSA fee for those who don’t have them, don’t apply to kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, “unaccompanied minors who are eligible for TSA PreCheck must show an acceptable ID to receive expedited screening,” and the agency suggests you contact the airline you’re flying with about any specific ID requirements they may have for passengers under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"HowcanIapplyforREALIDASAP\">\u003c/a>OK, how do I get a REAL ID ASAP to avoid this new TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Firstly, remember that even if you don’t have a REAL ID driver’s licence yet, you might have access to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#may\">several other documents you can show TSA instead of a REAL ID\u003c/a> — like a U.S. or foreign passport, a green card (permanent resident card) or a Tribal Nation ID — that mean you won’t have to pay the $45 TSA fee as of Feb. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#where\">apply for a REAL ID driver’s license\u003c/a> or identification card in California, you’ll need \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/real-id/real-id-checklist/\">several documents, including one that proves your identity \u003c/a>and contains your full name, like a U.S. passport or a permanent resident card (green card).[aside postID=news_12067167 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-62-BL-KQED.jpg']You’ll need to visit a California DMV office to obtain your REAL ID card, with or without an appointment, but you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/real-id/\">upload your documents online in advance to save time\u003c/a> in the field office. Check \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/current-field-office-wait-times/\">current wait times for your closest California DMV office \u003c/a>without an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the REAL ID Act, states must require individuals to prove that they are either U.S. citizens or are in the country “lawfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/real-id/what-is-real-id/real-id-info-non-u-s-citizens/\">Non-U.S. citizens who can apply for a REAL ID\u003c/a> include permanent residents (green card holders), holders of a valid student or employment visa and recipients of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you don’t have any type of legal status, like the ones above, then you will not be able to request a REAL ID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s\u003c/em> \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "TSA is now charging air travelers without a REAL ID driver’s license — or other acceptable ID — a $45 fee. How will this all work?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Are you taking a domestic flight soon?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You should know: As of Sunday, if you don’t have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without\">a REAL ID driver’s license\u003c/a> — or another \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11643609/what-you-need-to-know-about-california-real-id-drivers-licenses\">federally approved document like a passport \u003c/a>— you’ll now need to pay a $45 fee at the airport to be able to get on your flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This new fee was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without\">announced by the Transportation Security Administration\u003c/a> back in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal REAL ID requirements were originally introduced for domestic air travelers in May 2025. Until now, anyone who lacked a REAL ID license or other acceptable form of identification was still allowed to go through airport security, albeit with additional screening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But starting Feb. 1, every person 18 or older attempting to board a domestic flight without a REAL ID will face the $45 fee – or won’t be allowed through TSA screening to board their flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/news/press/releases/2025/12/01/tsa-introduces-new-45-fee-option-for-travelers-without-real-id\">TSA says that “more than 94% of passengers already use their REAL ID \u003c/a>or other acceptable forms of identification,” in 2025, the California DMV reported that only about 58% of all driver’s license and ID cardholders in the state were REAL ID-compliant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So if you’re one of those people who \u003cem>doesn’t \u003c/em>have a REAL ID yet, here’s what to know about making sure you’re still able to travel, from how to swiftly apply for a REAL ID driver’s license to how to pay the $45 TSA fee, either the day you travel or before you arrive at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#Howdoesthenew45TSAfeework\">How does the new $45 TSA fee work?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#HowcanIapplyforREALIDASAP\">How can I apply for REAL ID ASAP?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>What kind of REAL ID identification do I need to avoid the new $45 TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Remember, if you’ve applied for or renewed your driver’s license in the past few years, there’s a good chance you already \u003cem>have\u003c/em> a REAL ID. (\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#do-i-already-have-real-id\">Here’s more information on how to tell\u003c/a>, but in short: look for the golden bear with a white star in the top right of your license.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you don’t have a REAL ID driver’s license yet, you might have access to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#may\">several other documents you can show TSA instead of a REAL ID\u003c/a>, like:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12027114\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12027114\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1185\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-800x494.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-1020x630.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-160x99.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/DL-real-id-768x986-1-1536x948.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A side-by-side comparison of a REAL ID driver’s license (left) with a non-REAL ID driver’s license. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of California DMV)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A U.S. or foreign passport\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A green card (permanent resident card)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A Department of Homeland Security (DHS) trusted traveler card, like Global Entry\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A military ID\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A Tribal Nation ID\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>See \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">other federally recognized documents\u003c/a> that TSA says are an “acceptable alternative” to a REAL ID.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>I don’t have a REAL ID, a passport or other compliant documents. Why will I now be charged a $45 TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since REAL ID requirements were introduced across U.S. airports for domestic flights in May 2025, passengers who don’t have REAL ID-compliant identification have still been able to fly — but they’ve been asked to undergo extra checks to verify their identity before entering the TSA security line, through a process called TSA ConfirmID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to TSA, this \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">entails completing “an identity verification process\u003c/a> which includes collecting information such as your name and current address to confirm your identity.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And while TSA says using TSA ConfirmID is “optional,” they warn that if you choose not to use it “and don’t have an acceptable ID, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id\">you may not be allowed through security and may miss your flight.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What changed on Feb. 1: TSA is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">passing on the costs of those extra checks directly \u003cem>to \u003c/em>the passenger\u003c/a>, by charging them this $45 fee to receive the TSA ConfirmID identity verification and make their flight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be warned, though: TSA says even if you pay the new $45 TSA fee, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">“there is no guarantee” they’ll be able to successfully verify your identity \u003c/a>through TSA ConfirmID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for TSA confirmed to KQED by email that the $45 fee is non-refundable in this instance. But because payments are “valid for a 10-day period after their original first flight date,” travelers who miss their flight because their identity couldn’t be verified can “use the receipt once they are able to rebook their flight within that 10-day period,” the spokesperson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howdoesthenew45TSAfeework\">\u003c/a>Where do I pay the $45 TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can pay at the airport itself, or beforehand, but either way, TSA says you have to \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id\">pay online at \u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a>, the same federal website that processes payments like Department of Veterans Affairs medical bills and Social Security remittances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can’t pay TSA staff directly at the airport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-80-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Passengers walk through Terminal 2 at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You can create a \u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a> account to make the $45 payment or check out as a guest. TSA says it will accept credit cards, debit cards, bank account details, PayPal and Venmo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Make sure you enter an email address you have instant access to, as you’ll need to open the \u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a> receipt that will be sent to that inbox and show it to TSA staff at the airport to prove you’ve paid the $45 fee for TSA ConfirmID identity verification.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will TSA automatically know I’ve paid my $45 fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No, TSA says \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">you’ll need to manually show staff in the security line\u003c/a> proof of payment by producing the email receipt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency says that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pay.gov/public/form/start/1820857221\">your receipt should arrive via email “immediately”\u003c/a> after payment. Consider screenshotting the email receipt as soon as you receive it to be sure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a traveler is unable to produce a confirmation email at the checkpoint, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">you may need to pay again,” TSA says.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If I’m having trouble paying online, can someone else do it for me?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, as long as the name and travel dates match the traveler who needs TSA ConfirmID identity verification, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">someone else can pay online for you, TSA says. \u003c/a>The payment card does not have to match the traveler’s name.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will I have to pay another $45 TSA fee when I fly home?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>TSA says\u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id\"> the ConfirmID service is valid for 10 days\u003c/a>, so if your trip is 10 days or less, you won’t have to pay again — but \u003ca href=\"https://www.pay.gov/public/form/start/1820857221\">“any travel beyond the expiration date will require a new payment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you’ll need to show your original receipt of payment to \u003ca href=\"http://pay.gov\">pay.gov\u003c/a> that arrived in your email when you first paid online, so make sure you don’t delete it on your trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How long will all this take?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In general, TSA warns you to expect \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/news/press/releases/2025/12/01/tsa-introduces-new-45-fee-option-for-travelers-without-real-id\">“increased wait times for passengers who do not provide an acceptable ID.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For one thing, expect the actual process of verifying your identity through TSA ConfirmID to take a while. Even if you pay the $45 in advance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">the actual identity verification will take place at the airport itself\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12067051\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12067051\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/251210-SFOEATING-49-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person walks to their destination at San Francisco International Airport on Dec. 10, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>You should also factor in the time required beforehand for paying your $45 online, either before you leave or at the airport itself. And if you don’t have a REAL ID-compliant ID and you haven’t already paid the $45 fee when you arrive for your flight, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/tsaconfirm-id/confirmid-faqs\">TSA says that “you must leave the [security] line to pay” \u003c/a>and return to the end of the line once you’ve done it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in short, if you don’t have a REAL ID driver’s license or other compatible ID, you should arrive at the airport with a lot of time to spare.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Do the REAL ID requirements and TSA fee apply to children?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.tsa.gov/travel/security-screening/identification\">TSA says it “does not require children under 18 to provide identification\u003c/a> when traveling within the United States” — so the REAL ID requirements, and the TSA fee for those who don’t have them, don’t apply to kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, “unaccompanied minors who are eligible for TSA PreCheck must show an acceptable ID to receive expedited screening,” and the agency suggests you contact the airline you’re flying with about any specific ID requirements they may have for passengers under 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"HowcanIapplyforREALIDASAP\">\u003c/a>OK, how do I get a REAL ID ASAP to avoid this new TSA fee?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Firstly, remember that even if you don’t have a REAL ID driver’s licence yet, you might have access to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#may\">several other documents you can show TSA instead of a REAL ID\u003c/a> — like a U.S. or foreign passport, a green card (permanent resident card) or a Tribal Nation ID — that mean you won’t have to pay the $45 TSA fee as of Feb. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027050/apply-for-real-id-deadline-may-7-can-i-fly-without#where\">apply for a REAL ID driver’s license\u003c/a> or identification card in California, you’ll need \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/real-id/real-id-checklist/\">several documents, including one that proves your identity \u003c/a>and contains your full name, like a U.S. passport or a permanent resident card (green card).\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>You’ll need to visit a California DMV office to obtain your REAL ID card, with or without an appointment, but you can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/real-id/\">upload your documents online in advance to save time\u003c/a> in the field office. Check \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/current-field-office-wait-times/\">current wait times for your closest California DMV office \u003c/a>without an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the REAL ID Act, states must require individuals to prove that they are either U.S. citizens or are in the country “lawfully.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/driver-licenses-identification-cards/real-id/what-is-real-id/real-id-info-non-u-s-citizens/\">Non-U.S. citizens who can apply for a REAL ID\u003c/a> include permanent residents (green card holders), holders of a valid student or employment visa and recipients of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you don’t have any type of legal status, like the ones above, then you will not be able to request a REAL ID.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story contains reporting from KQED’s\u003c/em> \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "super-bowl-lx-promises-big-bucks-for-the-bay-area-cities-are-trying-to-cash-in",
"title": "Super Bowl LX Promises Big Bucks for the Bay Area. Cities Are Trying to Cash In",
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"headTitle": "Super Bowl LX Promises Big Bucks for the Bay Area. Cities Are Trying to Cash In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the Bay Area gears up to host \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/super-bowl\">Super Bowl LX\u003c/a>, cities across the region are looking for ways to cash in on one of the biggest annual sporting events in the world, this time happening in their backyard at Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Host Committee projects that football fans could generate up to $630 million across the region, including nearly $16 million in revenues directly to local governments. But those dollars won’t be distributed equally, leaving some cities feeling shortchanged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want a bigger slice of the pie, obviously,” said Christine Lawson, CEO of Discover Santa Clara, the city’s marketing organization. “There’s a monetary and economic impact factor, which every city is eager to get their part of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Santa Clara will host the big game between the Seattle Seahawks and New England Patriots on Feb. 8, the city is projected to rake in just a fraction of what San Francisco will claim. And after losing several major sports teams in recent years, Oakland and the East Bay are projected to get even less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 Super Bowl – the first held at Levi’s – brought an estimated $240 million to the entire Bay Area, according to \u003ca href=\"https://levisstadium.com/2016/08/study-super-bowl-50-brought-240-million-boost-to-bay-area-economy/\">one analysis\u003c/a>, which factored in everything from hotel and restaurant bookings to transit ridership. More than 57% of that revenue went to San Francisco; 12.3% went to San Jose; 7.2% went to Santa Clara; 7.1% went to areas near San Francisco International Airport; and 3.7% went to Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070880\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255009703-scaled-e1769191193398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070880\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255009703-scaled-e1769191193398.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A general overall aerial view of Levi’s Stadium on Dec.3, 2025, in Santa Clara, California. \u003ccite>(Kirby Lee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year, the Bay Area Host Committee, a nonprofit established by the 49ers, estimates that San Francisco could receive up to $440 million, while Santa Clara County could bring in around $160 million and other counties such as Alameda and Contra Costa could collectively see about a $30 million boost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders across the Bay Area are working furiously to draw tourists, and their dollars, to their downtowns with live events, food tours and celebrity appearances. San José is slated to host a weekend of concerts, including by Bay Area-born hip-hop star Kehlani, along with a lineup of free activities in San Pedro Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We made it a point to have as many experiences that are free or low cost so that people can experience the Super Bowl even without a ticket to the big game,” said Frances Wong, director of marketing for Visit San José, which promotes tourism to the Silicon Valley hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong hopes the widely accessible public events will draw people to the South Bay, as events the NFL plans to host in San Francisco will cost money this year, a shift from many of the offerings around the Embarcadero and Union Square during the 2016 Super Bowl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you’re just walking down the street and you see a bar cheering over a football game, you’re invited to grab a drink and watch with everybody else and create great memories that way,” Wong said.[aside postID=news_12071347 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/Moscone_Super_Bowl_closures.jpg']Compared with other Bay Area cities, San Francisco’s great advantage for the Super Bowl is its vast hotel market and ability to host tourists traveling in from Seattle, Boston and all over the globe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while city leaders may publicly bemoan the 49ers’ failure to make the Super Bowl this year, those looking at game revenue say teams traveling across state lines actually bring in more money than visitors from across the state’s bridges and highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s say a Southern California team gets in, that might be a two-night stay [for a fan], but if an East Coast team comes in, that’s a four- or five-night stay,” said Anna Marie Presutti, CEO of the San Francisco Travel Association. “The beauty of it is that they’ll come into the neighborhoods and become tourists before the big game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Bellisario, executive director of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute, a think tank focused on the nine-county region, said “the real economic impacts” from Super Bowl 50 in 2016 were from “people that are outside of the region and outside of this state coming here to spend new dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the Bay Area hosted the Super Bowl, San Francisco’s hotel occupancy rates reached nearly 90%, according to Presutti. But the city’s tourism industry took a hard hit during the pandemic. Now, she’s hoping the game will not only give the industry a much-needed boost, but that sparkly images of the city on TVs around the world will inspire skeptical travelers to visit the Bay Area in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants and other venues are already seeing bookings go up in the days leading up to the game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071804\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicki Ewell, NFL vice president of fan events and engagement, speaks with reporters during a media first look as the NFL begins transforming the Moscone Center into Super Bowl Experience ahead of Super Bowl LX, Jan. 30, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Business looks like it is going to be booming,” said Amy Cleary, director of public policy for the Golden Gate Restaurant Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cleary expects smaller businesses will see some uptick in traffic around the game also. Unlike with some other major events, such as the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967004/thousands-are-coming-to-sf-next-week-heres-how-itll-affect-life-in-the-city\"> Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) conference\u003c/a>, when high-security levels prompted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966960/san-francisco-is-clearing-homeless-encampments-ahead-of-apec\">closure of several streets downtown\u003c/a> and blocked foot traffic to some local establishments, she’s projecting smaller coffee shops and other local staples will reap the benefits of more people around town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simpler than APEC. Then, you had certain areas in the city which you could not access. And if you obviously operated your business in those zones, that was really problematic,” Cleary said. Obviously there is security for Super Bowl-related things, but it is not at that level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all will be winners, however. Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/01/16/super-bowl-lx-clean-zone/\">street vendors\u003c/a> in Santa Clara have already been told they must clear their regular trading posts to make way for Super Bowl activities, sending them to less busy parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Security will also pose a significant cost to any city in the Bay Area that’s hoping to court tourists, whether they’re traveling from far away or across town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Economists would pretty much agree on the one real down side for the city of Santa Clara: They confront the risk,” said Michael Kevane, professor of economics at Santa Clara University. “The city has to spend a lot of money on prevention, on disaster preparedness, overtime for police and fire to be prepared for that eventuality.”[aside postID=news_12071370 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260128-SUPERBOWLFILE00037_TV-KQED.jpg']In August 2025, Santa Clara officials estimated that it would cost the city more than \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/post/super-bowl-lx-santa-clara-estimates-60th-anniversary-game-could-cost-63-million-when-levis-stadium-hosts-2026/17669428/\">$6 million\u003c/a> to host this year’s Super Bowl, primarily for event security and policing. The Bay Area Host Committee is reimbursing Santa Clara about $6.2 million to cover event expenses, according to their \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaraca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/88749/639034860541370000\">agreement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s Super Bowl comes during a particularly fraught time in big cities across the country, as demonstrations have escalated in recent weeks after federal immigration enforcement officials killed multiple protestors in Minneapolis. Ahead of the football game, Bay Area cities are preparing for the possibility of immigration officers and protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the reimbursements, some Santa Clara leaders have criticized the high cost of hosting the event, especially since the city takes in such a small portion of the regional revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara City Council passed an agreement with the Bay Area Host Committee and the stadium’s operations company, StadCo, last fall. But Santa Clara Mayor Lisa Gillmor and Vice Mayor Kelly Cox voted against the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know why we aren’t asking for a letter of credit for this. This is a massive risk,” Cox said at a \u003ca href=\"https://santaclara.granicus.com/player/clip/2398?view_id=1&redirect=true\">meeting\u003c/a> in September 2025 when the agreement was approved. Gillmor echoed her concerns, saying, “The onerous system you have to go through to get reimbursed is unlike anything I’ve ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1983px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071805\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1983\" height=\"1322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED.jpg 1983w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1983px) 100vw, 1983px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A forklift moves across the Moscone Center floor as preparations begin for Super Bowl Experience, Jan. 30, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even this year’s mind-boggling revenue estimates (which are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/97920/economist-challenges-estimates-on-super-bowl-benefits-to-the-bay-area\">not always agreed upon\u003c/a>) for cities who will claim a significant portion, like San Francisco, won’t close looming budget deficits (around $1 billion in the city’s case).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not talking about dollars that’ll be big enough to fill budget gaps,” said Bellisario of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. “But the spending that does occur will have sales tax implications. Some people might be hired for a short amount of time. Maybe some people will be hired even for a longer amount of time. All of these things add to the economic vitality of the place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Super Bowl is only the tip off for world-class sporting events taking place in the region. The Bay Area Host Committee estimates that the region will generate roughly $1.4 billion across all counties between the Super Bowl, last year’s NBA All Star Game and FIFA World Cup in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re the first city in history to host both the Super Bowl and FIFA in the same year,” said Lawson of Discover Santa Clara. “We’re vying for everybody’s time and attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Super Bowl LX Promises Big Bucks for the Bay Area. Cities Are Trying to Cash In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the Bay Area gears up to host \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/super-bowl\">Super Bowl LX\u003c/a>, cities across the region are looking for ways to cash in on one of the biggest annual sporting events in the world, this time happening in their backyard at Levi’s Stadium in Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Host Committee projects that football fans could generate up to $630 million across the region, including nearly $16 million in revenues directly to local governments. But those dollars won’t be distributed equally, leaving some cities feeling shortchanged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want a bigger slice of the pie, obviously,” said Christine Lawson, CEO of Discover Santa Clara, the city’s marketing organization. “There’s a monetary and economic impact factor, which every city is eager to get their part of.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Santa Clara will host the big game between the Seattle Seahawks and New England Patriots on Feb. 8, the city is projected to rake in just a fraction of what San Francisco will claim. And after losing several major sports teams in recent years, Oakland and the East Bay are projected to get even less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2016 Super Bowl – the first held at Levi’s – brought an estimated $240 million to the entire Bay Area, according to \u003ca href=\"https://levisstadium.com/2016/08/study-super-bowl-50-brought-240-million-boost-to-bay-area-economy/\">one analysis\u003c/a>, which factored in everything from hotel and restaurant bookings to transit ridership. More than 57% of that revenue went to San Francisco; 12.3% went to San Jose; 7.2% went to Santa Clara; 7.1% went to areas near San Francisco International Airport; and 3.7% went to Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12070880\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255009703-scaled-e1769191193398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12070880\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/GettyImages-2255009703-scaled-e1769191193398.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A general overall aerial view of Levi’s Stadium on Dec.3, 2025, in Santa Clara, California. \u003ccite>(Kirby Lee/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This year, the Bay Area Host Committee, a nonprofit established by the 49ers, estimates that San Francisco could receive up to $440 million, while Santa Clara County could bring in around $160 million and other counties such as Alameda and Contra Costa could collectively see about a $30 million boost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders across the Bay Area are working furiously to draw tourists, and their dollars, to their downtowns with live events, food tours and celebrity appearances. San José is slated to host a weekend of concerts, including by Bay Area-born hip-hop star Kehlani, along with a lineup of free activities in San Pedro Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We made it a point to have as many experiences that are free or low cost so that people can experience the Super Bowl even without a ticket to the big game,” said Frances Wong, director of marketing for Visit San José, which promotes tourism to the Silicon Valley hub.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wong hopes the widely accessible public events will draw people to the South Bay, as events the NFL plans to host in San Francisco will cost money this year, a shift from many of the offerings around the Embarcadero and Union Square during the 2016 Super Bowl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you’re just walking down the street and you see a bar cheering over a football game, you’re invited to grab a drink and watch with everybody else and create great memories that way,” Wong said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Compared with other Bay Area cities, San Francisco’s great advantage for the Super Bowl is its vast hotel market and ability to host tourists traveling in from Seattle, Boston and all over the globe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while city leaders may publicly bemoan the 49ers’ failure to make the Super Bowl this year, those looking at game revenue say teams traveling across state lines actually bring in more money than visitors from across the state’s bridges and highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s say a Southern California team gets in, that might be a two-night stay [for a fan], but if an East Coast team comes in, that’s a four- or five-night stay,” said Anna Marie Presutti, CEO of the San Francisco Travel Association. “The beauty of it is that they’ll come into the neighborhoods and become tourists before the big game.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Bellisario, executive director of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute, a think tank focused on the nine-county region, said “the real economic impacts” from Super Bowl 50 in 2016 were from “people that are outside of the region and outside of this state coming here to spend new dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the Bay Area hosted the Super Bowl, San Francisco’s hotel occupancy rates reached nearly 90%, according to Presutti. But the city’s tourism industry took a hard hit during the pandemic. Now, she’s hoping the game will not only give the industry a much-needed boost, but that sparkly images of the city on TVs around the world will inspire skeptical travelers to visit the Bay Area in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants and other venues are already seeing bookings go up in the days leading up to the game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071804\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071804\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_001_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicki Ewell, NFL vice president of fan events and engagement, speaks with reporters during a media first look as the NFL begins transforming the Moscone Center into Super Bowl Experience ahead of Super Bowl LX, Jan. 30, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Business looks like it is going to be booming,” said Amy Cleary, director of public policy for the Golden Gate Restaurant Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cleary expects smaller businesses will see some uptick in traffic around the game also. Unlike with some other major events, such as the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967004/thousands-are-coming-to-sf-next-week-heres-how-itll-affect-life-in-the-city\"> Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) conference\u003c/a>, when high-security levels prompted the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966960/san-francisco-is-clearing-homeless-encampments-ahead-of-apec\">closure of several streets downtown\u003c/a> and blocked foot traffic to some local establishments, she’s projecting smaller coffee shops and other local staples will reap the benefits of more people around town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is simpler than APEC. Then, you had certain areas in the city which you could not access. And if you obviously operated your business in those zones, that was really problematic,” Cleary said. Obviously there is security for Super Bowl-related things, but it is not at that level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all will be winners, however. Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2026/01/16/super-bowl-lx-clean-zone/\">street vendors\u003c/a> in Santa Clara have already been told they must clear their regular trading posts to make way for Super Bowl activities, sending them to less busy parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Security will also pose a significant cost to any city in the Bay Area that’s hoping to court tourists, whether they’re traveling from far away or across town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Economists would pretty much agree on the one real down side for the city of Santa Clara: They confront the risk,” said Michael Kevane, professor of economics at Santa Clara University. “The city has to spend a lot of money on prevention, on disaster preparedness, overtime for police and fire to be prepared for that eventuality.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In August 2025, Santa Clara officials estimated that it would cost the city more than \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/post/super-bowl-lx-santa-clara-estimates-60th-anniversary-game-could-cost-63-million-when-levis-stadium-hosts-2026/17669428/\">$6 million\u003c/a> to host this year’s Super Bowl, primarily for event security and policing. The Bay Area Host Committee is reimbursing Santa Clara about $6.2 million to cover event expenses, according to their \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaraca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/88749/639034860541370000\">agreement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s Super Bowl comes during a particularly fraught time in big cities across the country, as demonstrations have escalated in recent weeks after federal immigration enforcement officials killed multiple protestors in Minneapolis. Ahead of the football game, Bay Area cities are preparing for the possibility of immigration officers and protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the reimbursements, some Santa Clara leaders have criticized the high cost of hosting the event, especially since the city takes in such a small portion of the regional revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Clara City Council passed an agreement with the Bay Area Host Committee and the stadium’s operations company, StadCo, last fall. But Santa Clara Mayor Lisa Gillmor and Vice Mayor Kelly Cox voted against the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know why we aren’t asking for a letter of credit for this. This is a massive risk,” Cox said at a \u003ca href=\"https://santaclara.granicus.com/player/clip/2398?view_id=1&redirect=true\">meeting\u003c/a> in September 2025 when the agreement was approved. Gillmor echoed her concerns, saying, “The onerous system you have to go through to get reimbursed is unlike anything I’ve ever seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1983px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071805\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1983\" height=\"1322\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED.jpg 1983w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/013026_SUPERBOWLECONOMICDEV_GH_007_QED-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1983px) 100vw, 1983px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A forklift moves across the Moscone Center floor as preparations begin for Super Bowl Experience, Jan. 30, 2026, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But even this year’s mind-boggling revenue estimates (which are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/97920/economist-challenges-estimates-on-super-bowl-benefits-to-the-bay-area\">not always agreed upon\u003c/a>) for cities who will claim a significant portion, like San Francisco, won’t close looming budget deficits (around $1 billion in the city’s case).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re not talking about dollars that’ll be big enough to fill budget gaps,” said Bellisario of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute. “But the spending that does occur will have sales tax implications. Some people might be hired for a short amount of time. Maybe some people will be hired even for a longer amount of time. All of these things add to the economic vitality of the place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Super Bowl is only the tip off for world-class sporting events taking place in the region. The Bay Area Host Committee estimates that the region will generate roughly $1.4 billion across all counties between the Super Bowl, last year’s NBA All Star Game and FIFA World Cup in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re the first city in history to host both the Super Bowl and FIFA in the same year,” said Lawson of Discover Santa Clara. “We’re vying for everybody’s time and attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">launched his campaign for governor\u003c/a> this week, touting his record in office as a potential blueprint for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Mahan begins a four-month sprint to the June 2 primary amid a crowded Democratic field, he still has a day job to worry about: leading the state’s third-largest city in the face of fiscal headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s allies and critics on the council are split over whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">his run for higher office\u003c/a> is a distraction or an opportunity for San José. The campaign overlaps with the busiest time of year at city hall, when the mayor and council negotiate a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That task could be complicated by a $55 million to $65 million budget shortfall facing the city, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/127403/639019929003530000\">early estimate\u003c/a> by the city manager’s office released in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that deficit represents a much smaller share of San José’s general fund than shortfalls in San Francisco and Oakland, it still sets up difficult choices for Mahan and the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how he plans to balance leading the city while reaching for the brass ring of state politics, Mahan replied: “I still wake up every day thinking about my primary job, which is being mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San José from San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s campaign is likely to lean heavily on his mayoral resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2023, Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">led a major change\u003c/a> in the city’s strategy for reducing homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">consecutive budgets\u003c/a>, he has won support for shifting money from Measure E, a voter-approved real estate tax, away from funding affordable apartments and toward building interim housing and shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has touted a 10% decline in unsheltered homelessness during his time in office. And he has vowed that if elected governor, he would give cities such as San José more money to keep people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a story to tell about how we can bring that same spirit of pragmatism and spirit of problem solving to the entire state of California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Mahan’s critics at city hall, his run for governor is a confirmation of their view that he has used his job as mayor as a political stepping stone.[aside postID=news_12071306 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250312-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-02-KQED-1.jpg']“This mayor has demonstrated to us that he leverages the communications of this city to his political benefit,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said. “And too often when we see decisions that are driven by what sounds good or what looks good in the moment, it doesn’t always mean it’s what is best for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Mahan’s tenure could be appealing targets for the Democrats running against him. Mahan has sparred with organized labor throughout his time as mayor, most notably in 2023, when he was the lone vote on the city council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">against giving city workers\u003c/a> a 6% raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said Mahan’s signature move on homelessness embodies what she sees as the mayor’s prioritization of quick wins over lasting impact, by diverting city spending on permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redirecting Measure E funds is a reflection of short-term thinking, rather than long-term housing stability for San José,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Mahan leads weekly council meetings and spearheads the budget process, the city manager runs the day-to-day operations of city departments. That “weak mayor” system could make it easier for Mahan to hit the campaign trail and introduce himself to voters across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can produce a governor from the city of San José, I think it would be a boon for the South Bay and San José specifically,” Councilmember Michael Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matt Mahan has more energy than any person I think I’ve ever met, and I think he will do the right thing for the city of San José by making sure he’s paying the attention he needs to in this very critical budget cycle,” Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Matt Mahan speaks with a reporter during an election night party for Matthew Quevedo, San José Council District 3 candidate, in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s budget report highlighted slow growth in property and sales tax revenue, combined with higher-than-expected costs for retiree benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local economy continues to be relatively weak, with stagnant job growth and a suppressed real estate market,” City Manager Jennifer Maguire wrote. “Unfortunately, several major General Fund revenue categories have weakened further since prior forecasts or continue at the previously forecasted low levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan is expected to unveil his initial spending plan in early March. After months of hearings and negotiations, the council will vote on a final budget on June 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that point, Mahan could be on his way to Sacramento — or back on the 18th floor of city hall, licking his political wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">launched his campaign for governor\u003c/a> this week, touting his record in office as a potential blueprint for California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Mahan begins a four-month sprint to the June 2 primary amid a crowded Democratic field, he still has a day job to worry about: leading the state’s third-largest city in the face of fiscal headwinds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s allies and critics on the council are split over whether \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12070167/governors-race-takes-shape-as-bonta-opts-out-mahan-weighs-run\">his run for higher office\u003c/a> is a distraction or an opportunity for San José. The campaign overlaps with the busiest time of year at city hall, when the mayor and council negotiate a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That task could be complicated by a $55 million to $65 million budget shortfall facing the city, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/127403/639019929003530000\">early estimate\u003c/a> by the city manager’s office released in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While that deficit represents a much smaller share of San José’s general fund than shortfalls in San Francisco and Oakland, it still sets up difficult choices for Mahan and the council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked how he plans to balance leading the city while reaching for the brass ring of state politics, Mahan replied: “I still wake up every day thinking about my primary job, which is being mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044175\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044175\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/241002-EllenandRosemaryKamei-24-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view of San José from San José City Hall on Oct. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mahan’s campaign is likely to lean heavily on his mayoral resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since taking office in 2023, Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989926/san-jose-council-approves-budget-with-historic-shift-in-unhoused-spending\">led a major change\u003c/a> in the city’s strategy for reducing homelessness. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">consecutive budgets\u003c/a>, he has won support for shifting money from Measure E, a voter-approved real estate tax, away from funding affordable apartments and toward building interim housing and shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has touted a 10% decline in unsheltered homelessness during his time in office. And he has vowed that if elected governor, he would give cities such as San José more money to keep people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a story to tell about how we can bring that same spirit of pragmatism and spirit of problem solving to the entire state of California,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to Mahan’s critics at city hall, his run for governor is a confirmation of their view that he has used his job as mayor as a political stepping stone.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This mayor has demonstrated to us that he leverages the communications of this city to his political benefit,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said. “And too often when we see decisions that are driven by what sounds good or what looks good in the moment, it doesn’t always mean it’s what is best for our community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Mahan’s tenure could be appealing targets for the Democrats running against him. Mahan has sparred with organized labor throughout his time as mayor, most notably in 2023, when he was the lone vote on the city council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">against giving city workers\u003c/a> a 6% raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos said Mahan’s signature move on homelessness embodies what she sees as the mayor’s prioritization of quick wins over lasting impact, by diverting city spending on permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redirecting Measure E funds is a reflection of short-term thinking, rather than long-term housing stability for San José,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Mahan leads weekly council meetings and spearheads the budget process, the city manager runs the day-to-day operations of city departments. That “weak mayor” system could make it easier for Mahan to hit the campaign trail and introduce himself to voters across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we can produce a governor from the city of San José, I think it would be a boon for the South Bay and San José specifically,” Councilmember Michael Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Matt Mahan has more energy than any person I think I’ve ever met, and I think he will do the right thing for the city of San José by making sure he’s paying the attention he needs to in this very critical budget cycle,” Mulcahy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12035111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12035111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250408-SanJoseSpecialElection-17-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Matt Mahan speaks with a reporter during an election night party for Matthew Quevedo, San José Council District 3 candidate, in San José on April 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s budget report highlighted slow growth in property and sales tax revenue, combined with higher-than-expected costs for retiree benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The local economy continues to be relatively weak, with stagnant job growth and a suppressed real estate market,” City Manager Jennifer Maguire wrote. “Unfortunately, several major General Fund revenue categories have weakened further since prior forecasts or continue at the previously forecasted low levels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan is expected to unveil his initial spending plan in early March. After months of hearings and negotiations, the council will vote on a final budget on June 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By that point, Mahan could be on his way to Sacramento — or back on the 18th floor of city hall, licking his political wounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Chief Justice Steps Up Monitoring of Immigration Arrests at Courthouses",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a> Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero said she is taking a more proactive stance to preserve access to the judicial system as the Trump administration continues to make arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday, Guerrero — the high court’s first Latina chief — expressed concern over the “chilling effects” of federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066492/us-judge-hears-lawsuits-over-ice-arrests-at-courthouses-immigration-check-ins\">immigration enforcement in California courthouses\u003c/a> and said the Judicial Council has been closely monitoring the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The type of immigration enforcement action that we’ve seen instills fear in witnesses, litigants that creates problems for them being able to access the courts,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration enforcement agencies in general did not make arrests in courthouses during the Biden administration, a policy meant to ensure that people would feel safe participating in the judicial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when President Donald Trump took office. The Republican administration has allowed agents to arrest people in and around courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero’s office has documented immigration enforcement incidents in 17 courthouses, with the most activity reported by the Superior Court of Shasta County. The data tracking has been informal so far, she said, but the Judicial Council will \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/system/files/itc/sp25-05.pdf\">consider a proposal to formalize it on April 24\u003c/a>. That would require courts to regularly submit data to the Judicial Council on civil arrests in and around superior courthouses.[aside postID=news_12068969 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250820-ICEActivity-05_qed.jpg']“The proposal will help ensure consistent and coordinated statewide collection and reporting of data to better assess broader implications for access to justice,” wrote the Trial Court Presiding Judges Advisory Committee and Court Executives Advisory Committee in their proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said the monitoring is passed onto the attorney general’s office and serves to “be better prepared to take any additional further actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president is not going to listen to me if I try to tell him what to do, so what really is the point of that?” she said. “I’m less interested in making statements, trying to tell people what they’re doing wrong, and instead trying to find a way forward so that our courts are informed — that we are available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means looking for ways for state courts to assert their authority, she said. She pointed to remote hearings, educating the branch about its legal authority, and connecting the public with resources so they can pursue additional remedies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic senators this month \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/democrats-immigration-legislation/\">introduced new efforts\u003c/a> to bolster protections in courthouse. Sen. Susan Rubio, a Democrat from West Covina, introduced a bill that would allow remote courthouse appearances for the majority of civil or criminal state court hearings, trials or conferences until January 2029. Sen. Eloise Gómez Reyes, a Democrat from San Bernardino, introduced legislation to prevent federal immigration agents from making “unannounced and indiscriminate” arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/chief-justice-immigration-arrests/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s top judge wants to deter immigration agents from making arrests in courthouses, a practice that she says instills fear in witnesses and litigants.\r\n\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-supreme-court\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a> Chief Justice Patricia Guerrero said she is taking a more proactive stance to preserve access to the judicial system as the Trump administration continues to make arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference on Thursday, Guerrero — the high court’s first Latina chief — expressed concern over the “chilling effects” of federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12066492/us-judge-hears-lawsuits-over-ice-arrests-at-courthouses-immigration-check-ins\">immigration enforcement in California courthouses\u003c/a> and said the Judicial Council has been closely monitoring the situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The type of immigration enforcement action that we’ve seen instills fear in witnesses, litigants that creates problems for them being able to access the courts,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration enforcement agencies in general did not make arrests in courthouses during the Biden administration, a policy meant to ensure that people would feel safe participating in the judicial system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed when President Donald Trump took office. The Republican administration has allowed agents to arrest people in and around courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero’s office has documented immigration enforcement incidents in 17 courthouses, with the most activity reported by the Superior Court of Shasta County. The data tracking has been informal so far, she said, but the Judicial Council will \u003ca href=\"https://courts.ca.gov/system/files/itc/sp25-05.pdf\">consider a proposal to formalize it on April 24\u003c/a>. That would require courts to regularly submit data to the Judicial Council on civil arrests in and around superior courthouses.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The proposal will help ensure consistent and coordinated statewide collection and reporting of data to better assess broader implications for access to justice,” wrote the Trial Court Presiding Judges Advisory Committee and Court Executives Advisory Committee in their proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guerrero said the monitoring is passed onto the attorney general’s office and serves to “be better prepared to take any additional further actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The president is not going to listen to me if I try to tell him what to do, so what really is the point of that?” she said. “I’m less interested in making statements, trying to tell people what they’re doing wrong, and instead trying to find a way forward so that our courts are informed — that we are available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means looking for ways for state courts to assert their authority, she said. She pointed to remote hearings, educating the branch about its legal authority, and connecting the public with resources so they can pursue additional remedies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Democratic senators this month \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2026/01/democrats-immigration-legislation/\">introduced new efforts\u003c/a> to bolster protections in courthouse. Sen. Susan Rubio, a Democrat from West Covina, introduced a bill that would allow remote courthouse appearances for the majority of civil or criminal state court hearings, trials or conferences until January 2029. Sen. Eloise Gómez Reyes, a Democrat from San Bernardino, introduced legislation to prevent federal immigration agents from making “unannounced and indiscriminate” arrests in courthouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a California Local News fellow.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/chief-justice-immigration-arrests/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-year-after-the-la-fires-a-journalist-looks-back-on-the-stories-from-his-neighborhood",
"title": "A Year After the LA Fires, a Journalist Looks Back on the Stories From His Neighborhood",
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"content": "\u003cp>My biggest concern on the morning of Jan. 7, 2025, was the wind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weather warnings said the Santa Anas would roll in hard with hurricane force velocity. Before sunset, mean wind gusts were already rattling windows and knocking over lawn furniture. Tree branches groaned and palm trees bowed toward the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We followed reports of a fire getting bigger out by the ocean, in the wealthy enclave of Pacific Palisades. Then, around 6:30 p.m., word got out of a brush fire igniting in Eaton Canyon, a few miles from my neighborhood on the southern edge of Altadena. By complying with \u003ca href=\"https://fastfirewatchguards.com\">NFPA fire watch requirements\u003c/a>, commercial and residential buildings will be better protected from fire disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 7 p.m., people were voluntarily evacuating parts of east Altadena and north Pasadena, right below the canyon, as the wind-driven fire exploded and began its destructive western march, eventually tearing a six-mile path across the whole of Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I headed out into the windstorm on foot, around 8:30 p.m. After two decades as a reporter in Southern California, I’ve seen how the Santa Anas can turn a modest brush fire into a virtually unstoppable destructive force that will erase neighborhoods. But this one felt different. There was a fury in the wind that I’d never experienced. And this was my own community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even knowing what I’d do with the material, I started walking east, recording and narrating what I saw.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/KdII2e2Nw7s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake Avenue cuts through the middle of Altadena, cleaving it into two distinct halves. I could see a fiery glow to the northeast. Embers were starting to blow down like burning snowflakes. I picked up the unmistakable smell of burning structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I crept out a few more times, snapping pictures and shooting video, trying to stay upright. The wind only seemed to grow angrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 2:30 a.m., I went out once last time. The windstorm of embers was bigger, and hotter, the fire obviously closer. A small fire crew from the city of Alhambra was just around the corner at the intersection of El Molino Avenue and Highland Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two firefighters had pulled out a manhole cover and were somehow drawing water from the sewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Get the f–k out of here, now!” one of the firefighters yelled through the howling winds. Houses just two blocks southeast were fully engulfed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I packed a few things and evacuated to the parking lot of a nearby grocery store, but returned on foot at sunrise. By then the winds had calmed, but the sky above West Altadena was black as ink, the sunrise extinguished.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The stay-behinds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033286/in-fire-scarred-altadena-these-residents-refused-to-leave\">first people I interviewed\u003c/a> after the fire was Justin Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his brother evacuated their 94-year-old mom, Jane, from her home in East Altadena. Then they raced back up to the house to meet the fire head-on as it tore through the neighborhood. They saved Jane’s house and one across the street. Every other house on the cul-de-sac was destroyed.[aside postID=news_12033286 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250312_Stay-Behinds_JB_00010-1020x680.jpg']Murphy chose to stay behind after the fire, to mop up hot spots and protect the house from looters. Everyone else in the neighborhood was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I lived through the fire, and I lived after the fire, and I lived kind of as an outcast really,” Murphy told me, still a bit rattled by his experience. “But in a weird way, it made me look at myself and do some self-review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, I’ve kept walking Altadena, trying to make sense of what happened with as many people who would talk to me, including Eshele Williams. Her family has lived in the same West Altadena neighborhood for 60 years. They lost four houses, all within a block or two of each other. I asked Williams why she and her family have been so willing to tell their story and speak out at local town hall events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve grown up in this community and the only thing that I can do is shine a really bright light on it, on us, and who we have always been and potentially talk about where we should go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Loss and resurrection\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Eaton Fire not only brought flames of destructive fury, it created a demographic earthquake that will shake-up Altadena’s racial and class complexion for the foreseeable future. But that’s something Williams saw coming long before the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Altadena has been in transition for a long time, when I grew up here all of my neighbors were Black,” Williams said. “And that has changed over the years, this gentrification of Altadena.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1170px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1170\" height=\"831\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg 1170w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1170px) 100vw, 1170px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From top left: Steven Cuevas, artist Alma Cielo, photographer James Bernal and journalist Sasha Khokha pose for a selfie on Dec. 28, 2025 at the site of Cielo’s former home and studio, which were completely destroyed in West Altadena during the Eaton fire. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Alma Cielo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, I invited my old friend and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report-magazine\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> host Sasha Khokha to come down from Northern California and see Altadena in the slow process of recovery. I wanted to introduce her to some of the people that I’ve featured in my stories over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khokha arrived on a bright Sunday morning, so naturally, I took her to church. Since the fire, St. Mark’s Episcopal Church has been worshipping in the nearby East LA neighborhood of Eagle Rock after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038756/an-historic-altadena-church-lost-to-the-eaton-fire-begins-the-long-journey-to-resurrection\">its entire campus in the heart of Altadena\u003c/a> burned down. After the service, senior Pastor Carri Grindon told us that even though this temporary space is a 20-minute drive from Altadena, they haven’t lost any parishioners. In fact, they’ve gained new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need the community more than they’ve ever needed it before. They need that sense of, we’ve lost so much, but we have each other and we’re not going anywhere,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would compare it to when you’ve had a death in your family. There’s grief, but also there’s tasks. And now people are, at least in my experience, sharing, expressing and processing their grief,” Grindon continued.[aside postID=news_12038756 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/METTE.LAMPCOV.CHURCH.BELL-22-KQED-1020x680.jpg']I’ve talked a lot about grief and trauma over the past year with 94-year-old Jane Murphy. She’s been a mental health therapist for decades and still sees clients every week. Her expansive home, saved from the fire by her sons, is filled with light that floods in from large windows throughout the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love this house. I’ve lived here 64 years,” Murphy told us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy walked us through her later years with grace, irrepressible wonder and with absolute appreciation for whatever or whomever is in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also very funny. Like her answer when I asked her how she’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, I’ve been medium rare,” she said. Now, medium rare for me, is the comedy and the tragedy. Because I walk through all this tragedy every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is literally true. An avid hiker for most of her life, Murphy still gets out and walks a couple of miles every day through her neighborhood, now peppered with vacant lots, reminders of lost homes and neighbors. And she says a blessing in her head as she passes each one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jane Murphy, photographed at her home in Altadena, California, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What I have done is I’ve blessed all these lots, blessed the people. I am deeply grateful more people did not die, but I’m very sad for the people in West Altadena who did die,” Murphy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All but one of the nineteen people who lost their lives in the fire lived in West Altadena. Murphy and I may not have known them personally, but we all shared space together in our community, drove the same streets, hiked the same foothill trails, bought groceries or had our cars repaired at the same places. The connection is undeniable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like me and many others, Murphy worries about what comes next for Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hopeful that Altadena will resurrect,” she said. “My fear is that some builders will come in and want to build condos on lots and change the character,” she says, echoing the sentiments of Williams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rebuilding slowly lurches to a start, outsiders are indeed swooping in and scooping up properties that belonged to Altadena families for decades. Real estate listing firms like Redfin find that roughly half of all vacant lots sold in Altadena since the fire were snapped up by corporate investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire dealt a huge blow not only to homeowners but to renters as well. Scores of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050296/for-altadenas-therapists-trauma-and-healing-from-wildfire-ripple-outwards\">Altadena renters, like Melissa Lopez\u003c/a>, had to scramble to find new places outside Altadena and typically at inflated prices. Standing on the vacant lot where her home once stood on Lake Avenue, Lopez told Khokha and me that coming back to the property is like visiting a grave site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1418\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-1536x1089.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Melissa Lopez photographed a year after her home in Altadena, California was destroyed by the Eaton fire. Right: Melissa Lopez shows the Altadena tattoo she got after the fires. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I know some people are like, ‘I can never go back to Altadena.’ And I always tell folks, I totally respect that, but you can’t avoid grief. It’ll find you, trust me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[But] I find a certain level of comfort when I come, because in many ways, there’s still some foundations, there’s still some rubble, empty lots. It’s the one place where the outsides match my insides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Living now about fifteen miles outside of Altadena, Melissa said renters like her have been largely left out of the re-building process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like we need a survey of — who commits to renting to fire survivors? Who’s committing to rent at reasonable prices?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were starting to really gentrify Altadena even before the fire,” she continued. “There are people saying, yeah, we want renters back. But I haven’t really seen that at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fire followers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Scores of other fire survivors are digging in and taking steps to rebuild. Fresh roots are sinking into the soil that’s come in after the soil that burned. Scorched trees are being rehabilitated, new saplings are being sunk into the earth. Freshly cut wood slats are sinking into freshly poured foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before anyone was drawing up blueprints for a rebuild, others, like Alma Cielo and her husband Paul, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060753/a-look-at-prop-50-meet-the-duduk-whisperer-altadena-homeowners-resettling-in-rvs\">returned with trailers and RVs\u003c/a> to homestead on their scorched lots.[aside postID=news_12050296 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/2-Gabby-Raices-2000x1500.jpg']They’re going to rebuild their place too, in West Altadena, but they’re not quite ready just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to stand here and feel the land healing, and then we’ll be able to know where to go from there,” Alma Cielo said, standing near a cluster of blooming morning glories and next to a fig tree that’s leafing out again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m feeling very grateful, actually, and at peace,” she added. The fire took away a lot of the things that I had been carrying that were simply weight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo lost about thirty years of journals that were destroyed in the fire, notes she thought would be the foundation of a memoir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if I go through those books, you just see a lot of the same cycles of ignorance and trauma. And I really had wanted to burn them years ago, but I didn’t know how I could do that safely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe that’s how she starts the new book, I suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” she continued, “about how it was time to write a whole new story without having to constantly reference the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told Cielo about feeling something similar, about how the fire drew me back to journalism after I’d felt burnt out from covering news for 25 years. The fire gave me a renewed purpose. Maybe I could help my community a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alma Cielo stands for a photograph with a Bodhi tree that survived the fire and is now growing back in the spot where her house once stood. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The fire also deepened my love and appreciation for a place I already held sacred, and helped me connect with my neighbors in a whole new way — by telling their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so much possibility now, there’s so much beauty, there is so much growth,” Cielo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo mentioned the concept of “fire followers,” — the trees and the plants that thrive after a fire, that need the smoke and ash in the soil to get that spark to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She, too, is a fire follower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to be better after this fire than I ever was before,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Steven Cuevas’s life was forever changed after the 2025 Eaton fire destroyed Altadena. He began documenting his and his neighbors’ loss, and the road to recovery. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>My biggest concern on the morning of Jan. 7, 2025, was the wind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weather warnings said the Santa Anas would roll in hard with hurricane force velocity. Before sunset, mean wind gusts were already rattling windows and knocking over lawn furniture. Tree branches groaned and palm trees bowed toward the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We followed reports of a fire getting bigger out by the ocean, in the wealthy enclave of Pacific Palisades. Then, around 6:30 p.m., word got out of a brush fire igniting in Eaton Canyon, a few miles from my neighborhood on the southern edge of Altadena. By complying with \u003ca href=\"https://fastfirewatchguards.com\">NFPA fire watch requirements\u003c/a>, commercial and residential buildings will be better protected from fire disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 7 p.m., people were voluntarily evacuating parts of east Altadena and north Pasadena, right below the canyon, as the wind-driven fire exploded and began its destructive western march, eventually tearing a six-mile path across the whole of Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I headed out into the windstorm on foot, around 8:30 p.m. After two decades as a reporter in Southern California, I’ve seen how the Santa Anas can turn a modest brush fire into a virtually unstoppable destructive force that will erase neighborhoods. But this one felt different. There was a fury in the wind that I’d never experienced. And this was my own community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even knowing what I’d do with the material, I started walking east, recording and narrating what I saw.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/KdII2e2Nw7s'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/KdII2e2Nw7s'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Lake Avenue cuts through the middle of Altadena, cleaving it into two distinct halves. I could see a fiery glow to the northeast. Embers were starting to blow down like burning snowflakes. I picked up the unmistakable smell of burning structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I crept out a few more times, snapping pictures and shooting video, trying to stay upright. The wind only seemed to grow angrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 2:30 a.m., I went out once last time. The windstorm of embers was bigger, and hotter, the fire obviously closer. A small fire crew from the city of Alhambra was just around the corner at the intersection of El Molino Avenue and Highland Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two firefighters had pulled out a manhole cover and were somehow drawing water from the sewer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Get the f–k out of here, now!” one of the firefighters yelled through the howling winds. Houses just two blocks southeast were fully engulfed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I packed a few things and evacuated to the parking lot of a nearby grocery store, but returned on foot at sunrise. By then the winds had calmed, but the sky above West Altadena was black as ink, the sunrise extinguished.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The stay-behinds\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12033286/in-fire-scarred-altadena-these-residents-refused-to-leave\">first people I interviewed\u003c/a> after the fire was Justin Murphy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and his brother evacuated their 94-year-old mom, Jane, from her home in East Altadena. Then they raced back up to the house to meet the fire head-on as it tore through the neighborhood. They saved Jane’s house and one across the street. Every other house on the cul-de-sac was destroyed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Murphy chose to stay behind after the fire, to mop up hot spots and protect the house from looters. Everyone else in the neighborhood was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I lived through the fire, and I lived after the fire, and I lived kind of as an outcast really,” Murphy told me, still a bit rattled by his experience. “But in a weird way, it made me look at myself and do some self-review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, I’ve kept walking Altadena, trying to make sense of what happened with as many people who would talk to me, including Eshele Williams. Her family has lived in the same West Altadena neighborhood for 60 years. They lost four houses, all within a block or two of each other. I asked Williams why she and her family have been so willing to tell their story and speak out at local town hall events.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve grown up in this community and the only thing that I can do is shine a really bright light on it, on us, and who we have always been and potentially talk about where we should go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Loss and resurrection\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Eaton Fire not only brought flames of destructive fury, it created a demographic earthquake that will shake-up Altadena’s racial and class complexion for the foreseeable future. But that’s something Williams saw coming long before the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Altadena has been in transition for a long time, when I grew up here all of my neighbors were Black,” Williams said. “And that has changed over the years, this gentrification of Altadena.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1170px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071474\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1170\" height=\"831\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368.jpg 1170w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/IMG_3368-160x114.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1170px) 100vw, 1170px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From top left: Steven Cuevas, artist Alma Cielo, photographer James Bernal and journalist Sasha Khokha pose for a selfie on Dec. 28, 2025 at the site of Cielo’s former home and studio, which were completely destroyed in West Altadena during the Eaton fire. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Alma Cielo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, I invited my old friend and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/program/the-california-report-magazine\">The California Report Magazine\u003c/a> host Sasha Khokha to come down from Northern California and see Altadena in the slow process of recovery. I wanted to introduce her to some of the people that I’ve featured in my stories over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khokha arrived on a bright Sunday morning, so naturally, I took her to church. Since the fire, St. Mark’s Episcopal Church has been worshipping in the nearby East LA neighborhood of Eagle Rock after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038756/an-historic-altadena-church-lost-to-the-eaton-fire-begins-the-long-journey-to-resurrection\">its entire campus in the heart of Altadena\u003c/a> burned down. After the service, senior Pastor Carri Grindon told us that even though this temporary space is a 20-minute drive from Altadena, they haven’t lost any parishioners. In fact, they’ve gained new ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People need the community more than they’ve ever needed it before. They need that sense of, we’ve lost so much, but we have each other and we’re not going anywhere,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would compare it to when you’ve had a death in your family. There’s grief, but also there’s tasks. And now people are, at least in my experience, sharing, expressing and processing their grief,” Grindon continued.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>I’ve talked a lot about grief and trauma over the past year with 94-year-old Jane Murphy. She’s been a mental health therapist for decades and still sees clients every week. Her expansive home, saved from the fire by her sons, is filled with light that floods in from large windows throughout the house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love this house. I’ve lived here 64 years,” Murphy told us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Murphy walked us through her later years with grace, irrepressible wonder and with absolute appreciation for whatever or whomever is in front of her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also very funny. Like her answer when I asked her how she’s doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Well, I’ve been medium rare,” she said. Now, medium rare for me, is the comedy and the tragedy. Because I walk through all this tragedy every day,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is literally true. An avid hiker for most of her life, Murphy still gets out and walks a couple of miles every day through her neighborhood, now peppered with vacant lots, reminders of lost homes and neighbors. And she says a blessing in her head as she passes each one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068927\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068927\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-002-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jane Murphy, photographed at her home in Altadena, California, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What I have done is I’ve blessed all these lots, blessed the people. I am deeply grateful more people did not die, but I’m very sad for the people in West Altadena who did die,” Murphy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All but one of the nineteen people who lost their lives in the fire lived in West Altadena. Murphy and I may not have known them personally, but we all shared space together in our community, drove the same streets, hiked the same foothill trails, bought groceries or had our cars repaired at the same places. The connection is undeniable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like me and many others, Murphy worries about what comes next for Altadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m hopeful that Altadena will resurrect,” she said. “My fear is that some builders will come in and want to build condos on lots and change the character,” she says, echoing the sentiments of Williams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As rebuilding slowly lurches to a start, outsiders are indeed swooping in and scooping up properties that belonged to Altadena families for decades. Real estate listing firms like Redfin find that roughly half of all vacant lots sold in Altadena since the fire were snapped up by corporate investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire dealt a huge blow not only to homeowners but to renters as well. Scores of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050296/for-altadenas-therapists-trauma-and-healing-from-wildfire-ripple-outwards\">Altadena renters, like Melissa Lopez\u003c/a>, had to scramble to find new places outside Altadena and typically at inflated prices. Standing on the vacant lot where her home once stood on Lake Avenue, Lopez told Khokha and me that coming back to the property is like visiting a grave site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068936\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068936\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1418\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-013-JB-1536x1089.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Melissa Lopez photographed a year after her home in Altadena, California was destroyed by the Eaton fire. Right: Melissa Lopez shows the Altadena tattoo she got after the fires. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I know some people are like, ‘I can never go back to Altadena.’ And I always tell folks, I totally respect that, but you can’t avoid grief. It’ll find you, trust me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[But] I find a certain level of comfort when I come, because in many ways, there’s still some foundations, there’s still some rubble, empty lots. It’s the one place where the outsides match my insides.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Living now about fifteen miles outside of Altadena, Melissa said renters like her have been largely left out of the re-building process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like we need a survey of — who commits to renting to fire survivors? Who’s committing to rent at reasonable prices?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were starting to really gentrify Altadena even before the fire,” she continued. “There are people saying, yeah, we want renters back. But I haven’t really seen that at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fire followers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Scores of other fire survivors are digging in and taking steps to rebuild. Fresh roots are sinking into the soil that’s come in after the soil that burned. Scorched trees are being rehabilitated, new saplings are being sunk into the earth. Freshly cut wood slats are sinking into freshly poured foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before anyone was drawing up blueprints for a rebuild, others, like Alma Cielo and her husband Paul, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12060753/a-look-at-prop-50-meet-the-duduk-whisperer-altadena-homeowners-resettling-in-rvs\">returned with trailers and RVs\u003c/a> to homestead on their scorched lots.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>They’re going to rebuild their place too, in West Altadena, but they’re not quite ready just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to stand here and feel the land healing, and then we’ll be able to know where to go from there,” Alma Cielo said, standing near a cluster of blooming morning glories and next to a fig tree that’s leafing out again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m feeling very grateful, actually, and at peace,” she added. The fire took away a lot of the things that I had been carrying that were simply weight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo lost about thirty years of journals that were destroyed in the fire, notes she thought would be the foundation of a memoir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And if I go through those books, you just see a lot of the same cycles of ignorance and trauma. And I really had wanted to burn them years ago, but I didn’t know how I could do that safely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maybe that’s how she starts the new book, I suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yes,” she continued, “about how it was time to write a whole new story without having to constantly reference the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I told Cielo about feeling something similar, about how the fire drew me back to journalism after I’d felt burnt out from covering news for 25 years. The fire gave me a renewed purpose. Maybe I could help my community a little bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1332\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260107-Altadena-Anniversary-012-JB-1536x1023.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alma Cielo stands for a photograph with a Bodhi tree that survived the fire and is now growing back in the spot where her house once stood. Photographed in Altadena, CA, on Dec. 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(James Bernal/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The fire also deepened my love and appreciation for a place I already held sacred, and helped me connect with my neighbors in a whole new way — by telling their stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so much possibility now, there’s so much beauty, there is so much growth,” Cielo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cielo mentioned the concept of “fire followers,” — the trees and the plants that thrive after a fire, that need the smoke and ash in the soil to get that spark to grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She, too, is a fire follower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to be better after this fire than I ever was before,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The soaring cost of child care has recently led states like New Mexico to offer universal child care and cities like New York and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069711/san-francisco-expands-child-care-subsidies-to-tackle-affordability-issues\">San Francisco to expand\u003c/a> free and low-cost child care to income-eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could it be done in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two papers published Friday, researchers say, in short: Yes. The state could build upon \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-funding-trends-for-early-care-education-programs/\">its ongoing investments in child care\u003c/a> and work toward universal care for infants and toddlers, aged three and under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost could reach up to $21 billion per year to subsidize all families, but it would generate as much as $23 billion in economic output — essentially paying for itself — by allowing mothers of young children to rejoin the workforce, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/economics-market-early-childhood-care-and-education-california#15\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not considering the many other benefits that accrue to the children themselves, to families and to society from having a robust, high-quality, well-functioning early childhood care and education market,” said Chloe Gibbs, a policy fellow at the institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">Child care prices went up 29%\u003c/a> across the country from 2020 to 2024, according to Child Care Aware of America, a national network of child care resource and referral agencies. The prices outpaced overall inflation as increased demand for care collided with a worsening shortage of child care workers, \u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\">according to the business firm KPMG\u003c/a>, which noted that women with young children are increasingly working part-time, missing work or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">leaving the labor force entirely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child care business owner holds one of the younger children attending her home daycare in Manteca on Oct. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Affordability concerns are front and center for American households, and that also means there is a political and policy window of opportunity to take strides,” said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care an example of a market failure because the cost of providing care exceeds what families can afford to pay, resulting in an imbalance between supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care for infants and toddlers is harder to come by and costs the most because babies require constant attention. Providers must maintain a low caregiver-to-child ratio, which limits capacity, but have a hard time retaining workers. Policy experts say subsidies can help close the gap between what parents can afford and what it actually costs to provide high-quality care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Stanford economists estimate that California could subsidize infant and toddler care for low- and middle-income earners at a cost of between $4 billion to $8 billion per year, or between $12 billion to $21 billion to scale the subsidies to all families.[aside postID=news_12069711 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/260115-SFCHILDCARESUBSIDIES00057_TV-KQED.jpg']A universal “zero to three” child care program could allow more than 100,000 mothers of young children to join the workforce, they said. Stanford coordinated the publication of its policy brief with another by researchers at the University of California that outlines ways to build up the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpip.uci.edu/files/briefs/zero-to-three.pdf\">paper by two early childhood policy experts\u003c/a> at UC Irvine and UC Berkeley lays out more than a dozen suggestions to build a child care system that works for families and child providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include consolidating more than a dozen funding streams for child care and simplifying eligibility rules to make it easier for child care providers to enroll families; making Head Start centers eligible for state funding so they can serve more children; cutting fees and easing zoning restrictions to get child care facilities up and running faster; and setting up a comprehensive online portal where families can find the kind of child care they need and providers can respond to market demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We don’t have anybody that’s looking out across California [for child care needs] the way we look at where we should build schools or where we should put bus stops or post offices,” said Jade Jenkins, a professor at UC Irvine’s School of Education. “If we provide families information in this online marketplace to make finding child care as easy as it would be to register for yoga … we could meet families where they are at and draw providers in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said modernizing child care information is one of several low-cost fixes the state can undertake to prepare for expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas called California’s cost of living “the single biggest threat to our future” and set up a select committee to focus on child care costs. He said now that California has fully expanded transitional kindergarten, also known as TK, to offer a free year of schooling for all 4-year-olds, it’s time for the legislature to focus on helping families afford child care for the youngest kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day care worker hugs a child in a playroom at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The committee held three hearings last year but has yet to propose any solution. At a hearing held in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article312533574.html\">only one of 13 members of the committee showed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the most recent hearing in December, Assembly Majority Leader Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, who co-chairs the committee, told KQED that more time is needed to investigate which model of child care expansion works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been working on this ever since I came [to the legislature] in 2016, and I can see that we’ve got more work to do, but we got to do it right, and we just can’t be slapstick,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the quick buildout of TK led to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/transitional-kindergarten-public-preschool-affluent-income-report\">unintended consequences\u003c/a>, including the closure of private or nonprofit-based preschools that lost their 4-year-old students to publicly-funded schools and struggled to pivot to serving younger kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/8658266/dc85b370721c\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"900\" height=\"500\" style=\"overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguiar-Curry said New Mexico could offer universal child care because it has a smaller population and can draw on oil and gas profits to fund the initiative. That’s harder to do in a big state like California, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see how they roll that out,” she said. “I hope that they’re successful and I hope we can all learn from their lessons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email message Thursday, Aguiar-Curry said she looks forward to digging into the new reports. In the meantime, she said she’ll keep working with the legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom to follow through on promises to raise reimbursement rates for child care providers participating in the subsidy system and fund up to 200,000 subsidized child care slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those steps will make a real difference for families across the state, and we’re going to keep pushing to bring costs down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The soaring cost of child care has recently led states like New Mexico to offer universal child care and cities like New York and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12069711/san-francisco-expands-child-care-subsidies-to-tackle-affordability-issues\">San Francisco to expand\u003c/a> free and low-cost child care to income-eligible families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could it be done in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two papers published Friday, researchers say, in short: Yes. The state could build upon \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/california-funding-trends-for-early-care-education-programs/\">its ongoing investments in child care\u003c/a> and work toward universal care for infants and toddlers, aged three and under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost could reach up to $21 billion per year to subsidize all families, but it would generate as much as $23 billion in economic output — essentially paying for itself — by allowing mothers of young children to rejoin the workforce, according to an analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/economics-market-early-childhood-care-and-education-california#15\">Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not considering the many other benefits that accrue to the children themselves, to families and to society from having a robust, high-quality, well-functioning early childhood care and education market,” said Chloe Gibbs, a policy fellow at the institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.childcareaware.org/price-landscape24/\">Child care prices went up 29%\u003c/a> across the country from 2020 to 2024, according to Child Care Aware of America, a national network of child care resource and referral agencies. The prices outpaced overall inflation as increased demand for care collided with a worsening shortage of child care workers, \u003ca href=\"https://kpmg.com/us/en/articles/2025/october-2025-the-great-exit.html\">according to the business firm KPMG\u003c/a>, which noted that women with young children are increasingly working part-time, missing work or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12061802/how-are-child-care-costs-affecting-the-lives-of-bay-area-families-you-told-us\">leaving the labor force entirely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/251008-CHILDCARE-DISCRIMINATION-MD-05_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A child care business owner holds one of the younger children attending her home daycare in Manteca on Oct. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Affordability concerns are front and center for American households, and that also means there is a political and policy window of opportunity to take strides,” said Neale Mahoney, an economics professor and director of the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists call child care an example of a market failure because the cost of providing care exceeds what families can afford to pay, resulting in an imbalance between supply and demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Child care for infants and toddlers is harder to come by and costs the most because babies require constant attention. Providers must maintain a low caregiver-to-child ratio, which limits capacity, but have a hard time retaining workers. Policy experts say subsidies can help close the gap between what parents can afford and what it actually costs to provide high-quality care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, Stanford economists estimate that California could subsidize infant and toddler care for low- and middle-income earners at a cost of between $4 billion to $8 billion per year, or between $12 billion to $21 billion to scale the subsidies to all families.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A universal “zero to three” child care program could allow more than 100,000 mothers of young children to join the workforce, they said. Stanford coordinated the publication of its policy brief with another by researchers at the University of California that outlines ways to build up the child care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpip.uci.edu/files/briefs/zero-to-three.pdf\">paper by two early childhood policy experts\u003c/a> at UC Irvine and UC Berkeley lays out more than a dozen suggestions to build a child care system that works for families and child providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include consolidating more than a dozen funding streams for child care and simplifying eligibility rules to make it easier for child care providers to enroll families; making Head Start centers eligible for state funding so they can serve more children; cutting fees and easing zoning restrictions to get child care facilities up and running faster; and setting up a comprehensive online portal where families can find the kind of child care they need and providers can respond to market demand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>We don’t have anybody that’s looking out across California [for child care needs] the way we look at where we should build schools or where we should put bus stops or post offices,” said Jade Jenkins, a professor at UC Irvine’s School of Education. “If we provide families information in this online marketplace to make finding child care as easy as it would be to register for yoga … we could meet families where they are at and draw providers in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said modernizing child care information is one of several low-cost fixes the state can undertake to prepare for expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas called California’s cost of living “the single biggest threat to our future” and set up a select committee to focus on child care costs. He said now that California has fully expanded transitional kindergarten, also known as TK, to offer a free year of schooling for all 4-year-olds, it’s time for the legislature to focus on helping families afford child care for the youngest kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12071645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12071645\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/231002-ChildCareLaborMovement-011-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A day care worker hugs a child in a playroom at her child care facility in San José on Oct. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The committee held three hearings last year but has yet to propose any solution. At a hearing held in Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article312533574.html\">only one of 13 members of the committee showed up\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the most recent hearing in December, Assembly Majority Leader Cecilia Aguiar-Curry, who co-chairs the committee, told KQED that more time is needed to investigate which model of child care expansion works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been working on this ever since I came [to the legislature] in 2016, and I can see that we’ve got more work to do, but we got to do it right, and we just can’t be slapstick,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the quick buildout of TK led to \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/early-childhood-education-pre-k/transitional-kindergarten-public-preschool-affluent-income-report\">unintended consequences\u003c/a>, including the closure of private or nonprofit-based preschools that lost their 4-year-old students to publicly-funded schools and struggled to pivot to serving younger kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://survey.alchemer.com/s3/8658266/dc85b370721c\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"900\" height=\"500\" style=\"overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aguiar-Curry said New Mexico could offer universal child care because it has a smaller population and can draw on oil and gas profits to fund the initiative. That’s harder to do in a big state like California, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see how they roll that out,” she said. “I hope that they’re successful and I hope we can all learn from their lessons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email message Thursday, Aguiar-Curry said she looks forward to digging into the new reports. In the meantime, she said she’ll keep working with the legislature and Gov. Gavin Newsom to follow through on promises to raise reimbursement rates for child care providers participating in the subsidy system and fund up to 200,000 subsidized child care slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those steps will make a real difference for families across the state, and we’re going to keep pushing to bring costs down,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to impaired driving and the state’s open container law, a rolled and ready joint is more like a can of beer in giving police cause to search a car than a few crumbs of marijuana, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-supreme-court/\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s reasoning: You can smoke a joint and drink a beer, but loose marijuana isn’t readily consumable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www4.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S287164.PDF\">ruling handed down Thursday\u003c/a>, the high court ruled that police must find marijuana in a condition that’s ready to be smoked if they are going to charge a driver with an open container violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hold that at a minimum, to constitute a violation of (the open container law), marijuana in a vehicle must be of a usable quantity, in imminently usable condition, and readily accessible to an occupant,” wrote Associate Justice Goodwin Liu in a unanimous opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loose marijuana found on a car’s floorboards is like spilled beer, the court ruled. “In assessing whether the marijuana is imminently usable or readily accessible, courts should consider whether the marijuana could be consumed with minimal effort by an occupant of the vehicle,” the court found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling reversed a magistrate judge, trial court and the California Court of Appeal, which had all agreed that the loose marijuana constituted an open container violation and gave police cause to search a vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/marijuana/\">Recreational marijuana\u003c/a> has been legal in California since 2016 when voters passed an initiative allowing it. It remains illegal under federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12071253 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/010318-Oakland-PD-CM-01.jpg']The case at issue was out of Sacramento, where police officers stopped a car and searched it, finding 0.36 grams of marijuana crumbs on the floorboards of the backseat, along with a tray on which to roll joints. The driver hadn’t been driving erratically, her registration and license were unblemished and she had no warrants out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No officer suggested he was concerned that (the driver and passenger) could have somehow, while riding in the front of the car, collected the scattered bits of marijuana from the rear floor behind (the passenger) for imminent consumption,” the court ruled. “Nor was there evidence of paraphernalia, such as matches, lighters, rolling papers, blunts, or vaporizers, that could facilitate the marijuana’s consumption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court also found that the officers did not have probable cause to search the car in the first place. The police had argued that the driver’s nervousness and possession of a rolling tray was sufficient to search the car, an argument the court rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/marijauna-laws-driving/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to impaired driving and the state’s open container law, a rolled and ready joint is more like a can of beer in giving police cause to search a car than a few crumbs of marijuana, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/california-supreme-court/\">California Supreme Court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court’s reasoning: You can smoke a joint and drink a beer, but loose marijuana isn’t readily consumable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www4.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/S287164.PDF\">ruling handed down Thursday\u003c/a>, the high court ruled that police must find marijuana in a condition that’s ready to be smoked if they are going to charge a driver with an open container violation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The case at issue was out of Sacramento, where police officers stopped a car and searched it, finding 0.36 grams of marijuana crumbs on the floorboards of the backseat, along with a tray on which to roll joints. The driver hadn’t been driving erratically, her registration and license were unblemished and she had no warrants out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No officer suggested he was concerned that (the driver and passenger) could have somehow, while riding in the front of the car, collected the scattered bits of marijuana from the rear floor behind (the passenger) for imminent consumption,” the court ruled. “Nor was there evidence of paraphernalia, such as matches, lighters, rolling papers, blunts, or vaporizers, that could facilitate the marijuana’s consumption.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court also found that the officers did not have probable cause to search the car in the first place. The police had argued that the driver’s nervousness and possession of a rolling tray was sufficient to search the car, an argument the court rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2026/01/marijauna-laws-driving/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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},
"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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