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"content": "\u003cp>Rich Lyons is reliving his college years every day at work, leading UC Berkeley, his alma mater, as its 12th chancellor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like I thought it was very likely. But I did start thinking, ‘Wow, that would be a crazy job,’” he said, sporting an unusually non-presidential look — faded jeans, white sneakers and a Berkeley-branded sweatshirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyons, who took office in July, was dressed for move-in day, a week before the start of the new semester, which begins Wednesday. His large office — the kind befitting the president of a flagship university — belies the personable tenor of its primary occupant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do you stay with any institution for so darn long? It’s because your values align well with what the institution is about,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyons was a member of Cal’s undergraduate class of 1982 and went on to become an economist. He returned to campus about a decade later to teach at the Haas School of Business, eventually becoming the school’s dean. Most recently, he led efforts to promote entrepreneurship and innovation on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyons — who grew up in the South Bay and attended Los Altos High School — says the Silicon Valley spirit, rooted in the potential for start-ups to generate social good, is at the core of his vision for the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I view this next decade as among the most positively exciting, in terms of higher education, of my lifetime,” he said. “Berkeley’s undergraduates, over the last 10 years, have produced more funded start-ups than any university in the world. It’s like we’re all entrepreneurs with the way we manage our careers and our lives. So that’s a really good development for Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that optimism, being a university president is probably one of the hardest jobs in higher education right now. Just in the last year, three presidents of Ivy League universities have resigned over their responses to protests over Israel’s war in Gaza that rocked campuses across the country last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pro-Palestinian demonstrators camped out for weeks. They echoed calls for a global cease-fire and demanded that administrators divest from companies that do business with Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001778 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-GAZACAMPUSPROTESTS-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions flared at some California campuses, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984636/violence-erupts-at-ucla-as-protests-over-israels-war-in-gaza-escalate-across-the-u-s\">UCLA.\u003c/a> In one incident, counter-demonstrators attacked pro-Palestinian protesters. It took police hours to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Berkeley, the home of the Free Speech Movement and 1960s anti-war protests, hundreds of students rallied peacefully and eventually dismantled their encampments after reaching an agreement with the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While UC Regents alone make investment-related decisions, Carol Christ, Lyons’ predecessor, \u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\">said\u003c/a> she supported a review of investments in certain industries that profit from “weapons manufacturing, mass incarceration and/or surveillance industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That discussion is actually taking place,” Lyons said. “[Christ] drew a firm line around any kind of divestment connected to Israel or Israeli companies, and that was absolutely the right thing to hold the line on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the prospect of pro-Palestinian demonstrations recommencing this semester, Michael V. Drake, president of the UC system, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000770/uc-president-orders-new-rules-on-encampments-masks-as-students-return-to-school\">recently directed chancellors\u003c/a>, in a controversial move, to strictly enforce rules against encampments and protests that block hallways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make sure people across all different kinds of needs and wants are feeling welcome at Berkeley and that they’re not being met with harassment and intimidation in their daily lives here,” Lyons said in response to the order. “These are not easy things to balance because if there’s a free speech university, it is Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lyons spoke more with KQED’s Brian Watt about how he plans to navigate this challenging political moment, his thoughts on the controversy over housing at historic People’s Park, and where he stands on the future of Cal’s athletic program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Here’s an excerpt from their conversation, edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian Watt: Activism is part of the Berkeley brand. Do you remember that being part of the culture when you were a student?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rich Lyons:\u003c/strong> And it’s still here. So we sometimes use the phrase ‘Question the status quo,’ right? This mindset — there’s got to be a better way to do this. Oh, I love people who think that way; I really do. I thrive on that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conjure in your mind the president of a great private university in this country. I won’t specify anyone, but just imagine one that you’re very familiar with. And then imagine me as the president of that university standing up and saying, ‘This university, we’re all about questioning the status quo.’ Ain’t going to happen. It doesn’t mean their scholars aren’t questioning the status quo. But it’s not where they come from. It’s not their history. It’s sort of like, are you ready to say ‘question the status quo’ and stand by it? So Berkeley still says that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Activism is probably the biggest issue on college campuses right now. How are you thinking about that as this new school year, the first of your tenure as chancellor, begins?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the things that’s distinguishing what we’re going through right now is if you thought about the Free Speech Movement or anti-Vietnam, a lot of those were sort of students versus the administration. Here, it’s students opposing students. It’s faculty opposing faculty. It’s staff opposing staff. And we’re up against that in society. The idea that being in Berkeley is a reflection of society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we think about how do we manage that? There’s actually an opportunity to lead. How do we get people talking to each other more and understanding a little bit better and empathizing a little bit more across these deep divisions, these identity divisions in many cases?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when people ask me, ‘What are you going to do if X happens?’ it’s sort of like, OK, if X happens, are we talking about a Berkeley student? Or is X driven by an unaffiliated person who’s on the Berkeley campus? That’s a consideration. Is it designed to be intimidating and harassing? Or is it not? There are limits to free speech in this country. Inciting lawlessness is not OK under the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way I think about it is there are hundreds of places on the Berkeley campus and hundreds of ways for our students to express their free speech rights. We don’t just condone that; we encourage it. So if a student is standing in front of the main gate on campus and is professing views, it’s sort of like, good on you. If they then block an opening, then the idea is you’ve just stepped into civil disobedience, which is a different thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One of the criticisms about the way UCLA handled its protests was that it didn’t equally protect both Jewish and pro-Palestinian students. How do you work to feel that both of those student communities feel safe on a campus like UC Berkeley?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We actually have a positive obligation under what’s called Title IX of the Civil Rights Act to make sure that students are given full access to all the educational opportunities without harassment, without intimidation. And at the same time, we have a positive obligation to allow for free speech under the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I think part of it is how do we do the best that we can in a content-neutral way? That’s the key idea here. If somebody says, we’re going to allow that to happen because it feels like it’s more likely to be on the right side of history, it’s like, No! We’re not going to do that anymore. I’m moving this university in the direction of institutional neutrality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='uc-berkeley']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let’s talk a little bit about housing. Construction of a new housing project has begun at People’s Park. And there’s a lot of controversy, partly due to the history of that place. This decision predates your chancellorship. But do you think it was the right call to build housing there?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We go back to the mission. I know it sounds hokey to do that, but that’s what we do. And then you start thinking about, how do we get students who can’t afford private housing to be able to come to Berkeley when we have a housing stock at Berkeley that covers so much lower a percentage of our students than a lot of other public universities? We’re not providing the access and the excellence together that we are promising people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So now we have an opportunity to build 1,000 more beds, to make affordable and accessible 1,000 more living situations. And were there trade-offs? Absolutely. Was it hard on the community? Absolutely. Are we going to make sure that we codify and celebrate that part of Berkeley’s history? Absolutely. And I think Berkeley made the right decision, and I’m going to continue down that path. But I recognize that this was not the right decision for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On sports, Cal has joined the Atlantic Coast Conference. That is going to require student-athletes traveling thousands of miles during an academic year to be competitive. Are you concerned about that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have to be [traveling]. That’s a reality. We believe we can manage it, and we’re doing everything we can to support our scholar-athletes. They’re really students first. And we’re putting a lot of investment into trying to mitigate that and support that. But it is a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Some students have recommended that “Cal Berkeley” be on the school’s athletic uniforms rather than just “Cal.” How do you feel about that? Do you feel like that’s an important distinction in terms of how people come to know the institution?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The root source of Berkeley’s reputation is fundamental research. We are known the world around because CRISPR comes out of Berkeley because immunotherapy in cancer comes out of Berkeley. That’s a UC Berkeley thing. Cal is largely historically an athletics brand. I believe what we have to end is the idea that you walk into New York City or Atlanta or name your city, and people don’t know that Cal or California is UC Berkeley. That does not serve us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, are we going to force everybody into Cal or into Berkeley or into some kind of crazy permutation of the two? That’s not necessary. But for example, when I go into Memorial Stadium on a Saturday, I want people to see not just Cal, which is all appropriate and all over there, but you don’t see Berkeley in very many places. You have to really look for it. And I promise you, this fall, you will see UC Berkeley in California Memorial Stadium. We want people to understand that these are the same great institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why do you stay with any institution for so darn long? It’s because your values align well with what the institution is about,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyons was a member of Cal’s undergraduate class of 1982 and went on to become an economist. He returned to campus about a decade later to teach at the Haas School of Business, eventually becoming the school’s dean. Most recently, he led efforts to promote entrepreneurship and innovation on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lyons — who grew up in the South Bay and attended Los Altos High School — says the Silicon Valley spirit, rooted in the potential for start-ups to generate social good, is at the core of his vision for the university.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I view this next decade as among the most positively exciting, in terms of higher education, of my lifetime,” he said. “Berkeley’s undergraduates, over the last 10 years, have produced more funded start-ups than any university in the world. It’s like we’re all entrepreneurs with the way we manage our careers and our lives. So that’s a really good development for Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that optimism, being a university president is probably one of the hardest jobs in higher education right now. Just in the last year, three presidents of Ivy League universities have resigned over their responses to protests over Israel’s war in Gaza that rocked campuses across the country last spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pro-Palestinian demonstrators camped out for weeks. They echoed calls for a global cease-fire and demanded that administrators divest from companies that do business with Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions flared at some California campuses, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984636/violence-erupts-at-ucla-as-protests-over-israels-war-in-gaza-escalate-across-the-u-s\">UCLA.\u003c/a> In one incident, counter-demonstrators attacked pro-Palestinian protesters. It took police hours to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Berkeley, the home of the Free Speech Movement and 1960s anti-war protests, hundreds of students rallied peacefully and eventually dismantled their encampments after reaching an agreement with the administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While UC Regents alone make investment-related decisions, Carol Christ, Lyons’ predecessor, \u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\">said\u003c/a> she supported a review of investments in certain industries that profit from “weapons manufacturing, mass incarceration and/or surveillance industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That discussion is actually taking place,” Lyons said. “[Christ] drew a firm line around any kind of divestment connected to Israel or Israeli companies, and that was absolutely the right thing to hold the line on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the prospect of pro-Palestinian demonstrations recommencing this semester, Michael V. Drake, president of the UC system, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000770/uc-president-orders-new-rules-on-encampments-masks-as-students-return-to-school\">recently directed chancellors\u003c/a>, in a controversial move, to strictly enforce rules against encampments and protests that block hallways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to make sure people across all different kinds of needs and wants are feeling welcome at Berkeley and that they’re not being met with harassment and intimidation in their daily lives here,” Lyons said in response to the order. “These are not easy things to balance because if there’s a free speech university, it is Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lyons spoke more with KQED’s Brian Watt about how he plans to navigate this challenging political moment, his thoughts on the controversy over housing at historic People’s Park, and where he stands on the future of Cal’s athletic program.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Here’s an excerpt from their conversation, edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian Watt: Activism is part of the Berkeley brand. Do you remember that being part of the culture when you were a student?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rich Lyons:\u003c/strong> And it’s still here. So we sometimes use the phrase ‘Question the status quo,’ right? This mindset — there’s got to be a better way to do this. Oh, I love people who think that way; I really do. I thrive on that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Conjure in your mind the president of a great private university in this country. I won’t specify anyone, but just imagine one that you’re very familiar with. And then imagine me as the president of that university standing up and saying, ‘This university, we’re all about questioning the status quo.’ Ain’t going to happen. It doesn’t mean their scholars aren’t questioning the status quo. But it’s not where they come from. It’s not their history. It’s sort of like, are you ready to say ‘question the status quo’ and stand by it? So Berkeley still says that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Activism is probably the biggest issue on college campuses right now. How are you thinking about that as this new school year, the first of your tenure as chancellor, begins?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the things that’s distinguishing what we’re going through right now is if you thought about the Free Speech Movement or anti-Vietnam, a lot of those were sort of students versus the administration. Here, it’s students opposing students. It’s faculty opposing faculty. It’s staff opposing staff. And we’re up against that in society. The idea that being in Berkeley is a reflection of society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we think about how do we manage that? There’s actually an opportunity to lead. How do we get people talking to each other more and understanding a little bit better and empathizing a little bit more across these deep divisions, these identity divisions in many cases?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So when people ask me, ‘What are you going to do if X happens?’ it’s sort of like, OK, if X happens, are we talking about a Berkeley student? Or is X driven by an unaffiliated person who’s on the Berkeley campus? That’s a consideration. Is it designed to be intimidating and harassing? Or is it not? There are limits to free speech in this country. Inciting lawlessness is not OK under the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way I think about it is there are hundreds of places on the Berkeley campus and hundreds of ways for our students to express their free speech rights. We don’t just condone that; we encourage it. So if a student is standing in front of the main gate on campus and is professing views, it’s sort of like, good on you. If they then block an opening, then the idea is you’ve just stepped into civil disobedience, which is a different thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>One of the criticisms about the way UCLA handled its protests was that it didn’t equally protect both Jewish and pro-Palestinian students. How do you work to feel that both of those student communities feel safe on a campus like UC Berkeley?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We actually have a positive obligation under what’s called Title IX of the Civil Rights Act to make sure that students are given full access to all the educational opportunities without harassment, without intimidation. And at the same time, we have a positive obligation to allow for free speech under the First Amendment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I think part of it is how do we do the best that we can in a content-neutral way? That’s the key idea here. If somebody says, we’re going to allow that to happen because it feels like it’s more likely to be on the right side of history, it’s like, No! We’re not going to do that anymore. I’m moving this university in the direction of institutional neutrality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Let’s talk a little bit about housing. Construction of a new housing project has begun at People’s Park. And there’s a lot of controversy, partly due to the history of that place. This decision predates your chancellorship. But do you think it was the right call to build housing there?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We go back to the mission. I know it sounds hokey to do that, but that’s what we do. And then you start thinking about, how do we get students who can’t afford private housing to be able to come to Berkeley when we have a housing stock at Berkeley that covers so much lower a percentage of our students than a lot of other public universities? We’re not providing the access and the excellence together that we are promising people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So now we have an opportunity to build 1,000 more beds, to make affordable and accessible 1,000 more living situations. And were there trade-offs? Absolutely. Was it hard on the community? Absolutely. Are we going to make sure that we codify and celebrate that part of Berkeley’s history? Absolutely. And I think Berkeley made the right decision, and I’m going to continue down that path. But I recognize that this was not the right decision for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>On sports, Cal has joined the Atlantic Coast Conference. That is going to require student-athletes traveling thousands of miles during an academic year to be competitive. Are you concerned about that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have to be [traveling]. That’s a reality. We believe we can manage it, and we’re doing everything we can to support our scholar-athletes. They’re really students first. And we’re putting a lot of investment into trying to mitigate that and support that. But it is a challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Some students have recommended that “Cal Berkeley” be on the school’s athletic uniforms rather than just “Cal.” How do you feel about that? Do you feel like that’s an important distinction in terms of how people come to know the institution?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The root source of Berkeley’s reputation is fundamental research. We are known the world around because CRISPR comes out of Berkeley because immunotherapy in cancer comes out of Berkeley. That’s a UC Berkeley thing. Cal is largely historically an athletics brand. I believe what we have to end is the idea that you walk into New York City or Atlanta or name your city, and people don’t know that Cal or California is UC Berkeley. That does not serve us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, are we going to force everybody into Cal or into Berkeley or into some kind of crazy permutation of the two? That’s not necessary. But for example, when I go into Memorial Stadium on a Saturday, I want people to see not just Cal, which is all appropriate and all over there, but you don’t see Berkeley in very many places. You have to really look for it. And I promise you, this fall, you will see UC Berkeley in California Memorial Stadium. We want people to understand that these are the same great institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> on Tuesday signed two bills intended to ease California’s housing and homelessness crisis amid increased pressure from voters to address the growing number of unhoused people across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One bill makes it easier for people experiencing homelessness to stay longer at a hotel or motel that has been converted into a shelter, and the other streamlines the approval process for smaller accessory dwelling units — often called “granny flats” or “in-law” apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The homelessness crisis demands immediate and innovative action, not the status quo,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/27/governor-newsom-signs-new-laws-to-help-communities-further-address-homelessness/\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. “With these new laws, local governments have even more tools to provide housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, many hotels and motels were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921155/last-days-at-the-radisson-as-state-shelter-program-shutters-formerly-unhoused-residents-in-oakland-brace-for-next-steps\">transformed into temporary shelters\u003c/a> for people experiencing homelessness. Although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877000/californias-homekey-is-revolutionizing-homeless-housing-but-can-it-last\">Newsom’s Homekey grant program \u003c/a>converted some of those shelters into permanent housing, some cities have continued to use the hotels and motels as temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: When people stay at these types of shelters for longer than 30 days, they could be considered tenants and afforded certain rights under landlord-tenant law. To avoid that, building owners then shuffle people staying there every four weeks, which can be disruptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB2835/id/2957405\">AB 2835\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel (D-Encino), would allow these shelters to continue providing services for longer than 30 days without the landlord-tenant laws kicking in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991885 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"682\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“The homelessness crisis demands immediate and innovative action, not the status quo,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement on Tuesday. “With these new laws, local governments have even more tools to provide housing.” \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We need solutions to our homelessness crisis that are both compassionate and effective,” he said. “AB 2835 will deliver on both fronts by providing much-needed stability to kids and families experiencing homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the supply side of housing politics, Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB3057/id/2932367\">AB 3057\u003c/a>, which would streamline the permit and approval process for junior accessory dwelling units, smaller versions of the increasingly popular granny flat or in-law unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001621 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/006_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granny flats have allowed cities to add a new option for homeowners to build housing, but they can cost \u003ca href=\"https://boxconstructioncorp.com/how-much-does-an-adu-cost-in-california/\">$500,000 or more\u003c/a> to build. Junior ADUs are much smaller — \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-research/docs/faqsadujr.pdf\">only a maximum of 500 square feet by state law\u003c/a>, as opposed to an ADU’s 1,200 square foot size — making them cheaper to construct and a potentially more affordable option for renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Junior ADUs have to include a kitchen, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-research/docs/faqsadujr.pdf\">not necessarily a bathroom\u003c/a> or parking. And many local ordinances governing junior ADUs require the owner to live on the property, unlike with granny flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), AB 3057 would exempt junior ADUs from the California Environmental Quality Act, a controversial law that some argue blocks new developments from being added to the state’s housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accessory dwelling units are exempt from this law due to their small size and construction on a property that already has housing on it, but state law does not specifically exempt junior ADUs from CEQA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 3057 represents a small but significant technical change that offers Californians more accessible and efficient options to build affordable housing solutions,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> on Tuesday signed two bills intended to ease California’s housing and homelessness crisis amid increased pressure from voters to address the growing number of unhoused people across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One bill makes it easier for people experiencing homelessness to stay longer at a hotel or motel that has been converted into a shelter, and the other streamlines the approval process for smaller accessory dwelling units — often called “granny flats” or “in-law” apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The homelessness crisis demands immediate and innovative action, not the status quo,” Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/27/governor-newsom-signs-new-laws-to-help-communities-further-address-homelessness/\">said in a statement\u003c/a>. “With these new laws, local governments have even more tools to provide housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, many hotels and motels were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11921155/last-days-at-the-radisson-as-state-shelter-program-shutters-formerly-unhoused-residents-in-oakland-brace-for-next-steps\">transformed into temporary shelters\u003c/a> for people experiencing homelessness. Although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11877000/californias-homekey-is-revolutionizing-homeless-housing-but-can-it-last\">Newsom’s Homekey grant program \u003c/a>converted some of those shelters into permanent housing, some cities have continued to use the hotels and motels as temporary housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One problem: When people stay at these types of shelters for longer than 30 days, they could be considered tenants and afforded certain rights under landlord-tenant law. To avoid that, building owners then shuffle people staying there every four weeks, which can be disruptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB2835/id/2957405\">AB 2835\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel (D-Encino), would allow these shelters to continue providing services for longer than 30 days without the landlord-tenant laws kicking in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991885\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11991885 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"682\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1252545130-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“The homelessness crisis demands immediate and innovative action, not the status quo,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement on Tuesday. “With these new laws, local governments have even more tools to provide housing.” \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We need solutions to our homelessness crisis that are both compassionate and effective,” he said. “AB 2835 will deliver on both fronts by providing much-needed stability to kids and families experiencing homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the supply side of housing politics, Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB3057/id/2932367\">AB 3057\u003c/a>, which would streamline the permit and approval process for junior accessory dwelling units, smaller versions of the increasingly popular granny flat or in-law unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granny flats have allowed cities to add a new option for homeowners to build housing, but they can cost \u003ca href=\"https://boxconstructioncorp.com/how-much-does-an-adu-cost-in-california/\">$500,000 or more\u003c/a> to build. Junior ADUs are much smaller — \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-research/docs/faqsadujr.pdf\">only a maximum of 500 square feet by state law\u003c/a>, as opposed to an ADU’s 1,200 square foot size — making them cheaper to construct and a potentially more affordable option for renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Junior ADUs have to include a kitchen, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/policy-research/docs/faqsadujr.pdf\">not necessarily a bathroom\u003c/a> or parking. And many local ordinances governing junior ADUs require the owner to live on the property, unlike with granny flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by Assemblymember Lori Wilson (D-Fairfield), AB 3057 would exempt junior ADUs from the California Environmental Quality Act, a controversial law that some argue blocks new developments from being added to the state’s housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Accessory dwelling units are exempt from this law due to their small size and construction on a property that already has housing on it, but state law does not specifically exempt junior ADUs from CEQA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“AB 3057 represents a small but significant technical change that offers Californians more accessible and efficient options to build affordable housing solutions,” Wilson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you were a college student in the latter half of the 20th century, you might have experienced a then-common ritual: Once a week, you’d call home on a landline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just wasn’t expected that you would want to be [more] in touch if you’re an independent adult,” \u003cem>Atlantic\u003c/em> staff writer Faith Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill has been writing about politics and culture for almost a decade, and while reporting on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2024/01/living-alone-adulthood-growing-up/677235/\">modern American coming-of-age experiences\u003c/a>, she noticed a shift in the frequency of communication between young adult children and their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weekly landline calls are now a thing of the past — and it’s not just the technology that has changed. Recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2024/01/25/parents-young-adult-children-and-the-transition-to-adulthood/\">Pew surveys\u003c/a> found that more than 70% of parents with kids between 18 and 34 talk with them multiple times a week — and nearly 60% helped their adult kids financially in the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A significant portion of adults are now relying on their parents for financial support, career, or relationship advice well into their thirties, Hill said. In many cases, they’re also cohabitating. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-09-20/nearly-half-of-young-adults-are-living-back-home-with-parents?embedded-checkout=true\">Harris poll\u003c/a> found that young adults living with their parents has become \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/09/04/a-majority-of-young-adults-in-the-u-s-live-with-their-parents-for-the-first-time-since-the-great-depression/\">the most common living arrangement for people under 30 since the Great Depression\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/08/24/americans-more-likely-to-say-its-a-bad-thing-than-a-good-thing-that-more-young-adults-live-with-their-parents/\">view this increased reliance on parents as a sign of overdependence\u003c/a>, suggesting that young adults struggle to become independent — but Hill said this overlooks how the parent-child relationship has evolved over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We haven’t always associated adulthood with independence and leaving family behind, she explained, pointing to the prevalence of family-owned businesses and multigenerational households up until the early 20th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was only after World War II that federal programs like the GI Bill, for instance, gave young people the incentive to buy their own house. And then that led to couples both marrying earlier and being more likely to go live on their own,” she said. “[It] started changing the culture and the way we think of maturity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s close-knit relationships between parents and their adult children reflect a return to earlier forms of interdependence. That may not be a bad thing, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of times the assumption is that these adult kids are… a drain on their parents who are just hoping to sort of retire and have their own life and not worry about this. But that isn’t really what the research shows,” Hill said. “It seems like both parents and adult kids are benefiting from these relationships.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social trends toward more “enmeshed” parent-child relationships are the subject of Faith Hill’s recent Atlantic article, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2024/07/modern-parenting-grown-children/678942/\">The New Age of Endless Parenting\u003c/a>. Research indicates that the close relationships between parents and adult children are generally positive, with both parties benefiting from mutual support. Young adults who live with their parents often contribute to household income or caregiving, creating a balanced, interdependent relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Forum host Mina Kim \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906693/endless-parenting-how-our-definition-of-child-rearing-is-changing\">recently spoke with Hill\u003c/a> about her reporting and took a closer look at the benefits and challenges of long-term parenting. KQED listeners also shared their parenting experiences, and licensed psychotherapist Kelly Nguyen gave advice on how to navigate these hyper-connected family relationships.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Economics and the benefits of multigenerational living\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Multigenerational living has grown steadily more common. Hill said this is partly due to higher living and housing costs — meaning that many young adults are now eating, working, and hanging out with their parents every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While young people in the previous century may have helped their parents work a farm or run a business, she notes that the current model looks more casual and less centered on labor. Children are hanging out with their parents after school or work, talking about life details and watching television shows together. Though economic factors play a role, Hill said many families experience social benefits to multigenerational households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff, a listener, wrote: “My 30-year-old daughter lives with my wife and me. The money she saves on rent enables her to build wealth for herself rather than some landlord. She’s welcome to stay here with us as long as she wants to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener, Marie, shared that the economic downturn in 2020 “benefited us in the sense that we did develop a three-generational household.” Marie’s mother moved in with her and her children — and became a source of support during a stressful time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother was parenting my kids in a different way than I was. And she could do things because of her age and wisdom that I couldn’t,” Marie said. “She did a lot of modeling. She didn’t, like, tell them what to do, but she showed them what to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike in Cupertino called to share that he lives with his parents now. The money he’s saving by paying a discounted rent to his parents allows him to pay for his own children’s school and life expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m able to help my two young adult kids pay rent and survive out here,” Mike said. “It’s a good thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001910\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001910\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“I think a lot of times the assumption is that these adult kids are… a drain on their parents who are just hoping to sort of retire and have their own life and not worry about this. But that isn’t really what the research shows,” \u003cem>Atlantic\u003c/em> staff writer Faith Hill said. “It seems like both parents and adult kids are benefiting from these relationships.” \u003ccite>(Getty Images/MoMo Productions)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>The age of hyperconnectivity\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even when young adults and their parents are not living together, smartphone and internet access make it possible to stay more connected on a daily basis, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s common for family members to text each other, sharing “the little things that you’re seeing when you’re in the grocery store, the funny thing that happened at work… or the thing that’s upsetting you that doesn’t feel worth bringing up to other people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evolving technology has given people an easy way to exchange the “minutiae of everyday lives,” and that has led to opportunities for closer emotional connection, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom and I talk a few times a week, and I love it,” a listener wrote. “Our relationship has actually improved as we share more small details about our lives. We swap Wordle scores and talk about movies, which makes it a lot easier to navigate more difficult conversations within our family when they come up. We’ve got more understanding and rapport than when I was a teenager.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Redefining maturity milestones\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The transition to adulthood is also taking longer, on average, Hill said. Traditional maturity milestones like getting married, having children, or owning a home happen later in life for many young people — if they happen at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People still need some kind of role like that the spouse used to take,” she said. “Some guaranteed support, someone who’s always gonna be there.” For many young adults who are getting married later (or never), this supportive partner has become their parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assignment is just different now when you have a kid,” Hill observed. “It used to be more, like, you are supposed to raise your kid well enough so that they are equipped to go out and live their own life independently.” Now, she said, it’s an assignment that takes longer: “A lifelong commitment to being in your kid’s life even when they’re an adult and fostering a deep, meaningful relationship with them that will last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building healthy relationship boundaries\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>This life-long parenting assignment can lead to conflict — especially as parents and young adults learn to express themselves and define their independent lives in close quarters, licensed psychotherapist Kelly Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a close relationship with your parents, [but] they’re completely hovering and, like, getting in the way of other relationships in your life,” honest communication is the best strategy, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen recommended sitting down with your parent or young adult child and approaching a conversation about boundaries with “curiosity.” And embrace humility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is there room in your relationship… to make space for feelings?” Nguyen encouraged listeners to ask themselves. “Not just positive feelings in the relationship, but is there room to kinda hear about what’s not going well in the relationship? And can there be space to think about that together?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listeners shared their own challenges — and successes — navigating boundaries with both parents and children in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have enjoyed a fairly close relationship with my father, who lives just a few miles from me,” one listener wrote. “I noticed, however, that as my own children grow up, new tensions arise in my relationship with my dad, who often blurs the line between being a grandparent and parent to my children. I had to explicitly ask him to let me parent my children while he can be their grandparent. We are still navigating this dynamic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener shared their struggle, as a parent, to balance protective instincts with their child’s need for independence, saying: “Our [daughter] is intellectually disabled and still lives at home with us. This is common in such situations, but she does not appreciate that it isn’t as different from typically developed young adults as it was in the past few decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen added that “letting go” can be especially difficult on the parenting side of a relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, as parents,” she said, “You could… try to learn more [about your child’s life] without telling them what to do or not.” She suggested approaching conversations with the intention of thinking together and sharing ideas — not advice, which may be less appreciated. That subtle distinction “creates more of an open relationship with both parties where it encourages more talking together,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Balancing support with independence\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001913\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001913\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Two people sitting on a bench facing the ocean.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1702\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-2048x1361.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-1920x1276.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“My mom and I talk a few times a week, and I love it,” a listener wrote. “Our relationship has actually improved as we share more small details about our lives. We swap Wordle scores and talk about movies, which makes it a lot easier to navigate more difficult conversations within our family when they come up. We’ve got more understanding and rapport than when I was a teenager.” \u003ccite>(Getty Images/hutchyb)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not everyone was convinced that increasingly enmeshed parent-child relationships are a good thing. Listener Noel cautioned: “We need to redefine how we see maturity, but also keep in mind how this trend can stifle independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several listeners reflected on the importance of allowing young people to experience new things for themselves and make choices independent of their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have an incoming college freshman, and it’s just kind of funny but also sad to see other parents of these young adults trying to set up pre-dorm move-in playdate[s] for these kids,” listener Lilly said. “I think parents are sometimes trying to do too much for them… we want to be really close with our kids, our adult children, of course, but [we need to let] them experience these new things and be there for them when they fail, which they invariably will because those are all learning experiences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew, another listener, agreed. He added, “My experience as an exchange student in Barcelona in 1976 was so different… the expense of long-distance calls at the time [allowed] me to be more autonomous. What are young folks missing out on in the era of constant contact?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener, Hari in Fremont, observed that the experience of placing weekly phone calls to one’s parents didn’t apply to all households — even in previous decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Multigenerational households are still kind of the norm in Far East Asia, at least the way I grew up,” Hari said. “And it has a lot of benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag=\"forum, kqed-forum\" label=\"More From Forum\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hari went on to share that many of his friends and family members still live in multigenerational homes, and that’s allowed them to plan with their children for big expenses like college tuition or first homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharing household labor and caretaking for loved ones was another common theme. Gail wrote that her son and daughter-in-law lived with her during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, “and we absolutely loved having them with us.” It was practical to share household chores between four adults, she said, and the emotional support during a time of uncertainty was even more valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie in Los Altos added that she benefited from a family support network as a single mother. “I married unwisely the first time around,” she said, “And my grandmother took us in and built us a little house behind her house and helped me raise my girls.” Now, Maggie explained, she and her daughters help to care for the woman who supported them when they needed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonia in San Francisco said she’s not worried about “freeloader” children being supported by their parents. In fact, she was one: “ I am a first-generation American [and] my brother and I wanted for nothing. Emotionally, physically, financially, our parents made sure that we had all of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that her parents are older and in poor health, Sonia said she and her brother have “kicked into high gear” to give back all of “the love and support that they gave us unconditionally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you were a college student in the latter half of the 20th century, you might have experienced a then-common ritual: Once a week, you’d call home on a landline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just wasn’t expected that you would want to be [more] in touch if you’re an independent adult,” \u003cem>Atlantic\u003c/em> staff writer Faith Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill has been writing about politics and culture for almost a decade, and while reporting on \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2024/01/living-alone-adulthood-growing-up/677235/\">modern American coming-of-age experiences\u003c/a>, she noticed a shift in the frequency of communication between young adult children and their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weekly landline calls are now a thing of the past — and it’s not just the technology that has changed. Recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/social-trends/2024/01/25/parents-young-adult-children-and-the-transition-to-adulthood/\">Pew surveys\u003c/a> found that more than 70% of parents with kids between 18 and 34 talk with them multiple times a week — and nearly 60% helped their adult kids financially in the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A significant portion of adults are now relying on their parents for financial support, career, or relationship advice well into their thirties, Hill said. In many cases, they’re also cohabitating. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-09-20/nearly-half-of-young-adults-are-living-back-home-with-parents?embedded-checkout=true\">Harris poll\u003c/a> found that young adults living with their parents has become \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/09/04/a-majority-of-young-adults-in-the-u-s-live-with-their-parents-for-the-first-time-since-the-great-depression/\">the most common living arrangement for people under 30 since the Great Depression\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/08/24/americans-more-likely-to-say-its-a-bad-thing-than-a-good-thing-that-more-young-adults-live-with-their-parents/\">view this increased reliance on parents as a sign of overdependence\u003c/a>, suggesting that young adults struggle to become independent — but Hill said this overlooks how the parent-child relationship has evolved over time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We haven’t always associated adulthood with independence and leaving family behind, she explained, pointing to the prevalence of family-owned businesses and multigenerational households up until the early 20th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was only after World War II that federal programs like the GI Bill, for instance, gave young people the incentive to buy their own house. And then that led to couples both marrying earlier and being more likely to go live on their own,” she said. “[It] started changing the culture and the way we think of maturity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today’s close-knit relationships between parents and their adult children reflect a return to earlier forms of interdependence. That may not be a bad thing, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of times the assumption is that these adult kids are… a drain on their parents who are just hoping to sort of retire and have their own life and not worry about this. But that isn’t really what the research shows,” Hill said. “It seems like both parents and adult kids are benefiting from these relationships.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social trends toward more “enmeshed” parent-child relationships are the subject of Faith Hill’s recent Atlantic article, \u003ca href=\"https://www.theatlantic.com/family/archive/2024/07/modern-parenting-grown-children/678942/\">The New Age of Endless Parenting\u003c/a>. Research indicates that the close relationships between parents and adult children are generally positive, with both parties benefiting from mutual support. Young adults who live with their parents often contribute to household income or caregiving, creating a balanced, interdependent relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Forum host Mina Kim \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906693/endless-parenting-how-our-definition-of-child-rearing-is-changing\">recently spoke with Hill\u003c/a> about her reporting and took a closer look at the benefits and challenges of long-term parenting. KQED listeners also shared their parenting experiences, and licensed psychotherapist Kelly Nguyen gave advice on how to navigate these hyper-connected family relationships.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Economics and the benefits of multigenerational living\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Multigenerational living has grown steadily more common. Hill said this is partly due to higher living and housing costs — meaning that many young adults are now eating, working, and hanging out with their parents every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While young people in the previous century may have helped their parents work a farm or run a business, she notes that the current model looks more casual and less centered on labor. Children are hanging out with their parents after school or work, talking about life details and watching television shows together. Though economic factors play a role, Hill said many families experience social benefits to multigenerational households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff, a listener, wrote: “My 30-year-old daughter lives with my wife and me. The money she saves on rent enables her to build wealth for herself rather than some landlord. She’s welcome to stay here with us as long as she wants to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener, Marie, shared that the economic downturn in 2020 “benefited us in the sense that we did develop a three-generational household.” Marie’s mother moved in with her and her children — and became a source of support during a stressful time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother was parenting my kids in a different way than I was. And she could do things because of her age and wisdom that I couldn’t,” Marie said. “She did a lot of modeling. She didn’t, like, tell them what to do, but she showed them what to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike in Cupertino called to share that he lives with his parents now. The money he’s saving by paying a discounted rent to his parents allows him to pay for his own children’s school and life expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m able to help my two young adult kids pay rent and survive out here,” Mike said. “It’s a good thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001910\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001910\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-1363285199_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“I think a lot of times the assumption is that these adult kids are… a drain on their parents who are just hoping to sort of retire and have their own life and not worry about this. But that isn’t really what the research shows,” \u003cem>Atlantic\u003c/em> staff writer Faith Hill said. “It seems like both parents and adult kids are benefiting from these relationships.” \u003ccite>(Getty Images/MoMo Productions)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>The age of hyperconnectivity\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Even when young adults and their parents are not living together, smartphone and internet access make it possible to stay more connected on a daily basis, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s common for family members to text each other, sharing “the little things that you’re seeing when you’re in the grocery store, the funny thing that happened at work… or the thing that’s upsetting you that doesn’t feel worth bringing up to other people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evolving technology has given people an easy way to exchange the “minutiae of everyday lives,” and that has led to opportunities for closer emotional connection, Hill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mom and I talk a few times a week, and I love it,” a listener wrote. “Our relationship has actually improved as we share more small details about our lives. We swap Wordle scores and talk about movies, which makes it a lot easier to navigate more difficult conversations within our family when they come up. We’ve got more understanding and rapport than when I was a teenager.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Redefining maturity milestones\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The transition to adulthood is also taking longer, on average, Hill said. Traditional maturity milestones like getting married, having children, or owning a home happen later in life for many young people — if they happen at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People still need some kind of role like that the spouse used to take,” she said. “Some guaranteed support, someone who’s always gonna be there.” For many young adults who are getting married later (or never), this supportive partner has become their parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The assignment is just different now when you have a kid,” Hill observed. “It used to be more, like, you are supposed to raise your kid well enough so that they are equipped to go out and live their own life independently.” Now, she said, it’s an assignment that takes longer: “A lifelong commitment to being in your kid’s life even when they’re an adult and fostering a deep, meaningful relationship with them that will last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building healthy relationship boundaries\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>This life-long parenting assignment can lead to conflict — especially as parents and young adults learn to express themselves and define their independent lives in close quarters, licensed psychotherapist Kelly Nguyen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have a close relationship with your parents, [but] they’re completely hovering and, like, getting in the way of other relationships in your life,” honest communication is the best strategy, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen recommended sitting down with your parent or young adult child and approaching a conversation about boundaries with “curiosity.” And embrace humility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Is there room in your relationship… to make space for feelings?” Nguyen encouraged listeners to ask themselves. “Not just positive feelings in the relationship, but is there room to kinda hear about what’s not going well in the relationship? And can there be space to think about that together?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listeners shared their own challenges — and successes — navigating boundaries with both parents and children in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have enjoyed a fairly close relationship with my father, who lives just a few miles from me,” one listener wrote. “I noticed, however, that as my own children grow up, new tensions arise in my relationship with my dad, who often blurs the line between being a grandparent and parent to my children. I had to explicitly ask him to let me parent my children while he can be their grandparent. We are still navigating this dynamic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener shared their struggle, as a parent, to balance protective instincts with their child’s need for independence, saying: “Our [daughter] is intellectually disabled and still lives at home with us. This is common in such situations, but she does not appreciate that it isn’t as different from typically developed young adults as it was in the past few decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nguyen added that “letting go” can be especially difficult on the parenting side of a relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, as parents,” she said, “You could… try to learn more [about your child’s life] without telling them what to do or not.” She suggested approaching conversations with the intention of thinking together and sharing ideas — not advice, which may be less appreciated. That subtle distinction “creates more of an open relationship with both parties where it encourages more talking together,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Balancing support with independence\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001913\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001913\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Two people sitting on a bench facing the ocean.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1702\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-1536x1021.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-2048x1361.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-111928895-1920x1276.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“My mom and I talk a few times a week, and I love it,” a listener wrote. “Our relationship has actually improved as we share more small details about our lives. We swap Wordle scores and talk about movies, which makes it a lot easier to navigate more difficult conversations within our family when they come up. We’ve got more understanding and rapport than when I was a teenager.” \u003ccite>(Getty Images/hutchyb)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not everyone was convinced that increasingly enmeshed parent-child relationships are a good thing. Listener Noel cautioned: “We need to redefine how we see maturity, but also keep in mind how this trend can stifle independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several listeners reflected on the importance of allowing young people to experience new things for themselves and make choices independent of their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have an incoming college freshman, and it’s just kind of funny but also sad to see other parents of these young adults trying to set up pre-dorm move-in playdate[s] for these kids,” listener Lilly said. “I think parents are sometimes trying to do too much for them… we want to be really close with our kids, our adult children, of course, but [we need to let] them experience these new things and be there for them when they fail, which they invariably will because those are all learning experiences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew, another listener, agreed. He added, “My experience as an exchange student in Barcelona in 1976 was so different… the expense of long-distance calls at the time [allowed] me to be more autonomous. What are young folks missing out on in the era of constant contact?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another listener, Hari in Fremont, observed that the experience of placing weekly phone calls to one’s parents didn’t apply to all households — even in previous decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Multigenerational households are still kind of the norm in Far East Asia, at least the way I grew up,” Hari said. “And it has a lot of benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hari went on to share that many of his friends and family members still live in multigenerational homes, and that’s allowed them to plan with their children for big expenses like college tuition or first homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharing household labor and caretaking for loved ones was another common theme. Gail wrote that her son and daughter-in-law lived with her during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, “and we absolutely loved having them with us.” It was practical to share household chores between four adults, she said, and the emotional support during a time of uncertainty was even more valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie in Los Altos added that she benefited from a family support network as a single mother. “I married unwisely the first time around,” she said, “And my grandmother took us in and built us a little house behind her house and helped me raise my girls.” Now, Maggie explained, she and her daughters help to care for the woman who supported them when they needed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonia in San Francisco said she’s not worried about “freeloader” children being supported by their parents. In fact, she was one: “ I am a first-generation American [and] my brother and I wanted for nothing. Emotionally, physically, financially, our parents made sure that we had all of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that her parents are older and in poor health, Sonia said she and her brother have “kicked into high gear” to give back all of “the love and support that they gave us unconditionally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "they-delivered-5600-babies-they-blame-california-rules-for-putting-them-out-of-business",
"title": "They Delivered 5,600 Babies. They Blame California Rules for Putting Them Out of Business",
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"headTitle": "They Delivered 5,600 Babies. They Blame California Rules for Putting Them Out of Business | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story, produced by CalMatters, is published jointly with San Diego Magazine.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorful collages line the hallways of Best Start Birth Center in San Diego, the squishy faces of hundreds of newborns carefully cut out and framed. A picture of executive director Karen Roslie’s son, born in 2003, hangs among the smiling, crying and squinting babies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years ago, Roslie’s mother, Roberta Frank, opened Best Start after training to become a certified nurse midwife. Since that time, state agencies and national organizations have recognized the birth center as a model for alternative birth practices. The Canadian health ministry even visited in the 1990s as it developed plans to fund midwifery services, Roslie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in March, Best Start closed its doors, unable to keep up with escalating costs. TRICARE, a major military insurer and Best Start’s biggest contractor, wouldn’t pay for licensed midwives — only nurses, who can make much more money in a hospital. In a community where the Navy is a major employer, it was a debilitating blow to the birth center. The photos Roslie meticulously framed over the years will most likely have to be destroyed to avoid any medical privacy violations — evidence of more than 5,600 births shredded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like I’m mourning a death,” Roslie said, gazing at the pictures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Best Start was the first licensed and accredited birth center in California, and even those credentials couldn’t save it. In fact, they may have hindered the birth center’s survival, requiring expensive renovations that many midwives say aren’t relevant to the care they provide or the safety of their practice. Its closure was one of at least 19 birth center shutdowns and service reductions in the past four years, according to the California chapter of the American Association of Birth Centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those closures deepen a crisis of declining women’s health services across California. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/no-deliveries-maternity-care/\">More than 50 California hospital labor and delivery wards have closed\u003c/a> in the past decade, creating maternity care deserts in rural communities and overburdening the remaining labor wards in cities and suburbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health experts have pointed to birth centers as a way to expand capacity in communities where hospitals no longer deliver babies. The midwife-run clinics handle low-risk births and direct higher-risk pregnancies to hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001858\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-12001858\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-800x1000.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing. One sitting, one standing. \" width=\"280\" height=\"350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 280px) 100vw, 280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right, Founder Roberta Frank and Executive Director Karen Rosalie at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, California has some of the toughest licensing requirements in the country, according to the American Association of Birth Centers, and facilities such as Best Start have long argued that California’s onerous regulations and an uncooperative Public Health Department prevent them from succeeding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only six operating birth centers are licensed in California. Another 26 are unlicensed. Licensure isn’t required, but it helps enable a practice to work with insurance plans and serve lower-income families who can’t pay birthing costs out of pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, only wealthy families who pay cash can afford a midwife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system is just a mess. It’s flawed. It’s set up to prevent providers that can provide really good care from even getting started,” Frank, the founder of Best Start, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most California births happen in hospitals, birth centers serve a small but growing number of families. Planned out-of-hospital births attended by midwives have doubled over the past decade even as birth rates overall declined, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mbc.ca.gov/Resources/Publications/Licensed-Midwife-Annual-Report.aspx\">data from the Medical Board of California\u003c/a>. And a statewide survey conducted in 2018 by the California Health Care Foundation indicated that more than one-third of pregnant people would be\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/ListeningMothersCAFullSurveyReport2018.pdf\"> interested in having a midwife for a future birth (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frequently, those who seek the services of midwives and birth centers cite the desire for more personalized care or poor experiences with previous hospital births. Studies show that for low-risk pregnancies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK555483/\">midwife-led deliveries at birth centers\u003c/a> are safe and lead to fewer interventions such as cesarean sections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women deserve this,” Frank said. “Every human deserves to find their own strength, find their place, exercise their initiative, and I wanted to share it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as demand for out-of-hospital births increases, birth centers across the state are shutting their doors, unable to withstand the joint battering ram of financial and regulatory challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/if-you-dont-want-to-give-birth-in-a-hospital-your-options-are-few-in-sono/\">Santa Rosa Birth Center stopped delivering babies\u003c/a>, reducing options in a Wine Country community that recently lost a hospital maternity ward and another birth center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/midwife-medi-cal/\">Sacramento midwife closed her birth center\u003c/a> in February and left the country because she said California’s health system was too unfriendly to make ends meet. Another Sacramento birth center is also on the verge of closure because it cannot get a state license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001860\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12001860\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Collage of two images: On the left a pregnant belly being measured and on the right a woman with a face mask.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Midwife Madeleine Wisner measures and checks Chloé Mick’s belly during a maternity care consultation at Mick’s home in Sacramento on Feb. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In September, Monterey Birth and Wellness Center will close, citing high costs and poor insurance reimbursement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Health Department refused multiple requests for an interview about licensing, responding only to emailed questions. Licensing requires facilities to meet “minimum standards” for patient care, which include regulations about proper equipment and staff competency, the department said in an unsigned statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot speculate or comment on any reason why providers chose to close these facilities, aren’t seeking licensure for new (birth centers), or what could be done to improve the process,” the department statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Years-long wait for a health department license\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nancy Myrick, a co-founder of the San Francisco Birth Center, said it took four-and-a-half years of back-and-forth with the state health department to obtain a license. In one instance, Myrick said, she asked for a list of items an inspector would check and the health department referred her to regulations that had not yet been written.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the process of opening, the state bureaucracy was like the Great Wall of China. It was such a horrible barrier,” Myrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Myrick called her state assemblymember’s office to complain about the inability to get licensed and see Medi-Cal patients that the application was approved, she said. The birth center was licensed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It literally took calling in the political dogs to get it done,” Myrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many providers noticed that getting a license became much more difficult after the state centralized the process under the public health department in 2018. Since then, nearly all birth center applications —11 out of 13 — have been rejected, according to department-provided data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said in a statement the change was necessary to improve “standardization and consistency” in licensing multiple kinds of facilities. Previously, the department’s 14 regional offices processed applications and approved 11 out of 12 applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet midwives and advocates say obstacles continue to plague the process. It’s slow, often taking years; it’s expensive, costing tens of thousands of dollars to retrofit buildings and maintain a license; and the standards are frequently at odds with midwives’ scope of practice. What results is a “de facto ban” on birth center licensure in California, said Sandra Poole, a lobbyist with the Western Center on Law and Poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without licensing reform, more birth centers will close, said Bethany Sasaki, president of the state chapter of the American Association of Birth Centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18.jpg\" alt=\"Pregnant woman sits in a room with a monitor, clock and greyish walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sally K., right, 38-weeks pregnant, talks to midwife Andrea Bergleen, left, during a check-up at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A key problem, Sasaki said, is that birth centers are expected to comply with \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/2022_1226.6-Primary-Care-Clinic_Checklist_102023.pdf\">building standards designed for hospitals (PDF)\u003c/a>. For example, the standards include negative pressure rooms for infection control and cast iron plumbing for water supply and drainage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many midwives argue the standards don’t make sense because their patients are legally required to be healthy with low-risk pregnancies. Any condition that would require the additional medical intervention the standards are meant to accommodate, such as surgery, would force the patient to be transferred to a doctor or hospital, Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reason to hold a birth center to the same standards as a hospital because it’s not a hospital, and that’s the whole point, Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state Department of Health Care Access and Information, which sets building codes for health facilities, it would take legislative changes to make exceptions for birth centers. Poole and a number of groups representing midwives and Black maternal health advocates tried to introduce a bill earlier this year that would ease licensing requirements but could not find a legislator to carry it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state denied Sasaki’s licensure application for Midtown Nurse Midwives in Sacramento in 2020. The holdup is the building’s ventilation system, which doesn’t meet hospital building code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, Sasaki requested an appeal and emergency license after TRICARE, the same insurer that Best Start relied on, stopped contracting with unlicensed facilities. As of mid-July, she has not received a response from the state, though the department told CalMatters the appeal deadline for Sasaki’s application had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the TRICARE contract, which made up about 30% of her clients, Sasaki said the birth center will close by November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had to turn away so many people that we stopped answering our phone because I don’t want to listen to another person cry,” Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Birth centers must get licensed for Medi-Cal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Why is licensure such a stumbling block for birth centers? Medi-Cal, the state’s public insurance program for low-income families, pays for half of all births in the state, requiring birth centers to be licensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The single biggest thing that will help with sustainability is if birth centers can take Medi-Cal and if Medi-Cal can actually reimburse appropriately,” Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Medi-Cal births — more than 80% — are babies of color. A statewide survey also indicates that people of color, particularly Black women, \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/ListeningMothersCAFullSurveyReport2018.pdf\">want alternative birth support, such as midwives and doulas, more than any other demographic group (PDF)\u003c/a>. White women and those with private insurance were the highest users of midwives, the survey shows. While those who wanted a midwife but didn’t use one most commonly cited lack of insurance coverage as a barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001870\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12001870 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489.jpg\" alt=\"Image collage with two rooms, one with a small blue pool and one with a white bathtub.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"646\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-800x269.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-1020x343.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-160x54.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-1536x517.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Birthing rooms at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caroline Cusenza, a midwife and owner of the Monterey Birth and Wellness Center, said taking insurance allowed her to serve a more diverse population in the working-class Latino enclave where the birth center is located. She wanted to take Medi-Cal patients but couldn’t. Cusenza applied for licensure twice but was also rejected because the building didn’t meet ventilation standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The birth center will close in September after seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a hard decision to walk away, but we really just could see no path forward,” Cusenza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western Center for Law and Poverty has pointed to accreditation as a possible alternative to licensure. The Commission for the Accreditation of Birth Centers is the national organization that sets standards for birth center quality and safety. California regulators have used accreditation to help license \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OSPHLD/LFS/CDPH%20Document%20Library/ACLL--16-01.pdf\">other kinds of health facilities (PDF)\u003c/a>, but health department officials see no need to provide birth centers with alternate options. They argue, in an email to CalMatters, that very few have tried to get a license in the first place. Only 23 birth centers have applied in the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Smith, a certified nurse midwife and co-lead of Midwifery Access California, contends the low number of applicants reflects the difficulty of the process. Midwives know licensure is nearly impossible, so they don’t bother applying, Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If (the Public Health Department) can be much more involved in figuring out solutions to help birth centers exist and be licensed should they want to be, then we would see a greater proliferation of it,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Midwifery Access California is working with another state agency to improve access for low-income patients, Smith said. The advocates hope to convince the Department of Health Care Services to increase Medi-Cal payments to midwives. Right now, a licensed birth center gets about $1,300 per birth, while the midwife gets $400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At those rates, some birth centers say even Medi-Cal wouldn’t be enough to save them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If our birth center were to accept Medi-Cal, we would go bankrupt,” said Trisha Wimbs, owner of the California Birth Center in Rocklin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wimbs’ facility was one of only three birth centers to get licensed since the public health department took over and tightened building codes. It was licensed in 2023. Wimbs said it cost $1 million to build the “hospital grade facility” to code, including $80,000 to move a fire hydrant two feet closer to the building. The birth center does not take Medi-Cal because it pays too little to recoup expenses. Instead, the birth center caters to cash pay and commercially insured clients in the affluent suburb of Sacramento. Licensure was essential to securing commercial insurance contracts, Wimbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To sustain birth centers, Medi-Cal needs to pay around $8,000 per birth, Smith said. At that price point, delivering at a birth center would cost \u003ca href=\"https://healthcostinstitute.org/hcci-originals-dropdown/all-hcci-reports/the-price-of-childbirth-in-the-u-s-tops-13-000-in-2020\">less than half as much as a hospital delivery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Saying goodbye to Best Start\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Eighteen years ago, Ellary Alonso was born at Best Start Birth Center when her mom, a former labor and delivery nurse, sought a more personalized birth experience. Alonso, who was 21 weeks along in March, wanted to deliver her son in the same place, surrounded by midwives she knew, maybe even in a bath. She wanted the emotional support of the team, she said, because her husband is a Marine, and there’s no guarantee he’ll be able to make it to the birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a week before her first prenatal appointment at Best Start, Alonso got a call that the center was closing permanently. No other birth centers in Southern California take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this time when everything is about choice, you can choose not to have a baby, but you can’t choose how to have your baby,” Alonso said. “Hospitals are the only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001873\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26.jpg\" alt=\"Two women, one sitting and one standing pose for the camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ellary Alonso, right, 18 years old and 21-weeks pregnant, with her mom Hannah Fraley, left, at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. Fraley had two of her kids at the center. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Compared to a hospital room, Best Start offers a homey atmosphere and promises that the midwife attending each birth will be familiar to the laboring client. The birthing rooms come with queen-sized beds, floral duvets, and white porcelain tubs for water births. A marble-topped “crash cart” sits in each room. With the doors closed, the cart looks just like an end table that matches the decor. Inside, it’s filled with medical supplies for emergency resuscitations or to stitch up lacerations. The rooms are homey but bear the hallmarks of a by-the-book clinic. Boxes of nitrile gloves are in each room; hazardous waste bins are mounted discreetly to the wall. Best Start was the only birth center in the state to have a licensed clinical laboratory to confirm water breakage. [aside tag=\"health\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has never lost a mother or baby, Roslie said. Its transfer rate for cesarean sections was less than half the statewide target set for low-risk births. In the past five years, no episiotomies have been performed. And 96% of newborns are exclusively breastfed before leaving Best Start compared to the statewide hospital rate of 69%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the center’s recognized success, keeping it running has always been a labor of love, Roslie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never been a thriving business,” Roslie said. “Roberta’s gone without pay. I’ve gone with reduced pay. That’s what it takes to run a birth center.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roberta Frank, Roslie’s mother, graduated from UC San Diego with her nursing midwifery degree in 1981, she was told, “San Diego will never accept midwives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes — in the face of Best Start’s closure — it still feels that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Birth centers are popular options for families who want to deliver a baby outside of a hospital. Nineteen of them closed in California in the past decade, deepening the state’s maternity care crisis.",
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"title": "They Delivered 5,600 Babies. They Blame California Rules for Putting Them Out of Business | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story, produced by CalMatters, is published jointly with San Diego Magazine.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorful collages line the hallways of Best Start Birth Center in San Diego, the squishy faces of hundreds of newborns carefully cut out and framed. A picture of executive director Karen Roslie’s son, born in 2003, hangs among the smiling, crying and squinting babies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thirty years ago, Roslie’s mother, Roberta Frank, opened Best Start after training to become a certified nurse midwife. Since that time, state agencies and national organizations have recognized the birth center as a model for alternative birth practices. The Canadian health ministry even visited in the 1990s as it developed plans to fund midwifery services, Roslie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in March, Best Start closed its doors, unable to keep up with escalating costs. TRICARE, a major military insurer and Best Start’s biggest contractor, wouldn’t pay for licensed midwives — only nurses, who can make much more money in a hospital. In a community where the Navy is a major employer, it was a debilitating blow to the birth center. The photos Roslie meticulously framed over the years will most likely have to be destroyed to avoid any medical privacy violations — evidence of more than 5,600 births shredded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like I’m mourning a death,” Roslie said, gazing at the pictures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Best Start was the first licensed and accredited birth center in California, and even those credentials couldn’t save it. In fact, they may have hindered the birth center’s survival, requiring expensive renovations that many midwives say aren’t relevant to the care they provide or the safety of their practice. Its closure was one of at least 19 birth center shutdowns and service reductions in the past four years, according to the California chapter of the American Association of Birth Centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those closures deepen a crisis of declining women’s health services across California. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/no-deliveries-maternity-care/\">More than 50 California hospital labor and delivery wards have closed\u003c/a> in the past decade, creating maternity care deserts in rural communities and overburdening the remaining labor wards in cities and suburbs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health experts have pointed to birth centers as a way to expand capacity in communities where hospitals no longer deliver babies. The midwife-run clinics handle low-risk births and direct higher-risk pregnancies to hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001858\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 280px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-12001858\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-800x1000.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing. One sitting, one standing. \" width=\"280\" height=\"350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01-1229x1536.jpg 1229w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/02_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_01.jpg 1600w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 280px) 100vw, 280px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left to right, Founder Roberta Frank and Executive Director Karen Rosalie at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, California has some of the toughest licensing requirements in the country, according to the American Association of Birth Centers, and facilities such as Best Start have long argued that California’s onerous regulations and an uncooperative Public Health Department prevent them from succeeding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only six operating birth centers are licensed in California. Another 26 are unlicensed. Licensure isn’t required, but it helps enable a practice to work with insurance plans and serve lower-income families who can’t pay birthing costs out of pocket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Increasingly, only wealthy families who pay cash can afford a midwife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The system is just a mess. It’s flawed. It’s set up to prevent providers that can provide really good care from even getting started,” Frank, the founder of Best Start, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While most California births happen in hospitals, birth centers serve a small but growing number of families. Planned out-of-hospital births attended by midwives have doubled over the past decade even as birth rates overall declined, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.mbc.ca.gov/Resources/Publications/Licensed-Midwife-Annual-Report.aspx\">data from the Medical Board of California\u003c/a>. And a statewide survey conducted in 2018 by the California Health Care Foundation indicated that more than one-third of pregnant people would be\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/ListeningMothersCAFullSurveyReport2018.pdf\"> interested in having a midwife for a future birth (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frequently, those who seek the services of midwives and birth centers cite the desire for more personalized care or poor experiences with previous hospital births. Studies show that for low-risk pregnancies, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK555483/\">midwife-led deliveries at birth centers\u003c/a> are safe and lead to fewer interventions such as cesarean sections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Women deserve this,” Frank said. “Every human deserves to find their own strength, find their place, exercise their initiative, and I wanted to share it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as demand for out-of-hospital births increases, birth centers across the state are shutting their doors, unable to withstand the joint battering ram of financial and regulatory challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/if-you-dont-want-to-give-birth-in-a-hospital-your-options-are-few-in-sono/\">Santa Rosa Birth Center stopped delivering babies\u003c/a>, reducing options in a Wine Country community that recently lost a hospital maternity ward and another birth center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2024/02/midwife-medi-cal/\">Sacramento midwife closed her birth center\u003c/a> in February and left the country because she said California’s health system was too unfriendly to make ends meet. Another Sacramento birth center is also on the verge of closure because it cannot get a state license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001860\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12001860\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Collage of two images: On the left a pregnant belly being measured and on the right a woman with a face mask.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/sidebyside_graphic.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Midwife Madeleine Wisner measures and checks Chloé Mick’s belly during a maternity care consultation at Mick’s home in Sacramento on Feb. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In September, Monterey Birth and Wellness Center will close, citing high costs and poor insurance reimbursement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Public Health Department refused multiple requests for an interview about licensing, responding only to emailed questions. Licensing requires facilities to meet “minimum standards” for patient care, which include regulations about proper equipment and staff competency, the department said in an unsigned statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot speculate or comment on any reason why providers chose to close these facilities, aren’t seeking licensure for new (birth centers), or what could be done to improve the process,” the department statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Years-long wait for a health department license\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Nancy Myrick, a co-founder of the San Francisco Birth Center, said it took four-and-a-half years of back-and-forth with the state health department to obtain a license. In one instance, Myrick said, she asked for a list of items an inspector would check and the health department referred her to regulations that had not yet been written.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the process of opening, the state bureaucracy was like the Great Wall of China. It was such a horrible barrier,” Myrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until Myrick called her state assemblymember’s office to complain about the inability to get licensed and see Medi-Cal patients that the application was approved, she said. The birth center was licensed in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It literally took calling in the political dogs to get it done,” Myrick said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many providers noticed that getting a license became much more difficult after the state centralized the process under the public health department in 2018. Since then, nearly all birth center applications —11 out of 13 — have been rejected, according to department-provided data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said in a statement the change was necessary to improve “standardization and consistency” in licensing multiple kinds of facilities. Previously, the department’s 14 regional offices processed applications and approved 11 out of 12 applications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet midwives and advocates say obstacles continue to plague the process. It’s slow, often taking years; it’s expensive, costing tens of thousands of dollars to retrofit buildings and maintain a license; and the standards are frequently at odds with midwives’ scope of practice. What results is a “de facto ban” on birth center licensure in California, said Sandra Poole, a lobbyist with the Western Center on Law and Poverty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without licensing reform, more birth centers will close, said Bethany Sasaki, president of the state chapter of the American Association of Birth Centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001867\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001867\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18.jpg\" alt=\"Pregnant woman sits in a room with a monitor, clock and greyish walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/05_032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_18-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sally K., right, 38-weeks pregnant, talks to midwife Andrea Bergleen, left, during a check-up at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A key problem, Sasaki said, is that birth centers are expected to comply with \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/2022_1226.6-Primary-Care-Clinic_Checklist_102023.pdf\">building standards designed for hospitals (PDF)\u003c/a>. For example, the standards include negative pressure rooms for infection control and cast iron plumbing for water supply and drainage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many midwives argue the standards don’t make sense because their patients are legally required to be healthy with low-risk pregnancies. Any condition that would require the additional medical intervention the standards are meant to accommodate, such as surgery, would force the patient to be transferred to a doctor or hospital, Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reason to hold a birth center to the same standards as a hospital because it’s not a hospital, and that’s the whole point, Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state Department of Health Care Access and Information, which sets building codes for health facilities, it would take legislative changes to make exceptions for birth centers. Poole and a number of groups representing midwives and Black maternal health advocates tried to introduce a bill earlier this year that would ease licensing requirements but could not find a legislator to carry it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state denied Sasaki’s licensure application for Midtown Nurse Midwives in Sacramento in 2020. The holdup is the building’s ventilation system, which doesn’t meet hospital building code.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, Sasaki requested an appeal and emergency license after TRICARE, the same insurer that Best Start relied on, stopped contracting with unlicensed facilities. As of mid-July, she has not received a response from the state, though the department told CalMatters the appeal deadline for Sasaki’s application had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without the TRICARE contract, which made up about 30% of her clients, Sasaki said the birth center will close by November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had to turn away so many people that we stopped answering our phone because I don’t want to listen to another person cry,” Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Birth centers must get licensed for Medi-Cal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Why is licensure such a stumbling block for birth centers? Medi-Cal, the state’s public insurance program for low-income families, pays for half of all births in the state, requiring birth centers to be licensed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The single biggest thing that will help with sustainability is if birth centers can take Medi-Cal and if Medi-Cal can actually reimburse appropriately,” Sasaki said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of Medi-Cal births — more than 80% — are babies of color. A statewide survey also indicates that people of color, particularly Black women, \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/ListeningMothersCAFullSurveyReport2018.pdf\">want alternative birth support, such as midwives and doulas, more than any other demographic group (PDF)\u003c/a>. White women and those with private insurance were the highest users of midwives, the survey shows. While those who wanted a midwife but didn’t use one most commonly cited lack of insurance coverage as a barrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001870\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12001870 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489.jpg\" alt=\"Image collage with two rooms, one with a small blue pool and one with a white bathtub.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"646\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-800x269.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-1020x343.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-160x54.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/2-e1724696255489-1536x517.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Birthing rooms at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caroline Cusenza, a midwife and owner of the Monterey Birth and Wellness Center, said taking insurance allowed her to serve a more diverse population in the working-class Latino enclave where the birth center is located. She wanted to take Medi-Cal patients but couldn’t. Cusenza applied for licensure twice but was also rejected because the building didn’t meet ventilation standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The birth center will close in September after seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a hard decision to walk away, but we really just could see no path forward,” Cusenza said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western Center for Law and Poverty has pointed to accreditation as a possible alternative to licensure. The Commission for the Accreditation of Birth Centers is the national organization that sets standards for birth center quality and safety. California regulators have used accreditation to help license \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OSPHLD/LFS/CDPH%20Document%20Library/ACLL--16-01.pdf\">other kinds of health facilities (PDF)\u003c/a>, but health department officials see no need to provide birth centers with alternate options. They argue, in an email to CalMatters, that very few have tried to get a license in the first place. Only 23 birth centers have applied in the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Holly Smith, a certified nurse midwife and co-lead of Midwifery Access California, contends the low number of applicants reflects the difficulty of the process. Midwives know licensure is nearly impossible, so they don’t bother applying, Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If (the Public Health Department) can be much more involved in figuring out solutions to help birth centers exist and be licensed should they want to be, then we would see a greater proliferation of it,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Midwifery Access California is working with another state agency to improve access for low-income patients, Smith said. The advocates hope to convince the Department of Health Care Services to increase Medi-Cal payments to midwives. Right now, a licensed birth center gets about $1,300 per birth, while the midwife gets $400.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At those rates, some birth centers say even Medi-Cal wouldn’t be enough to save them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If our birth center were to accept Medi-Cal, we would go bankrupt,” said Trisha Wimbs, owner of the California Birth Center in Rocklin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wimbs’ facility was one of only three birth centers to get licensed since the public health department took over and tightened building codes. It was licensed in 2023. Wimbs said it cost $1 million to build the “hospital grade facility” to code, including $80,000 to move a fire hydrant two feet closer to the building. The birth center does not take Medi-Cal because it pays too little to recoup expenses. Instead, the birth center caters to cash pay and commercially insured clients in the affluent suburb of Sacramento. Licensure was essential to securing commercial insurance contracts, Wimbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To sustain birth centers, Medi-Cal needs to pay around $8,000 per birth, Smith said. At that price point, delivering at a birth center would cost \u003ca href=\"https://healthcostinstitute.org/hcci-originals-dropdown/all-hcci-reports/the-price-of-childbirth-in-the-u-s-tops-13-000-in-2020\">less than half as much as a hospital delivery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Saying goodbye to Best Start\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Eighteen years ago, Ellary Alonso was born at Best Start Birth Center when her mom, a former labor and delivery nurse, sought a more personalized birth experience. Alonso, who was 21 weeks along in March, wanted to deliver her son in the same place, surrounded by midwives she knew, maybe even in a bath. She wanted the emotional support of the team, she said, because her husband is a Marine, and there’s no guarantee he’ll be able to make it to the birth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a week before her first prenatal appointment at Best Start, Alonso got a call that the center was closing permanently. No other birth centers in Southern California take her insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this time when everything is about choice, you can choose not to have a baby, but you can’t choose how to have your baby,” Alonso said. “Hospitals are the only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001873\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26.jpg\" alt=\"Two women, one sitting and one standing pose for the camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/032024_Best-Start-Birthing_AD_CM_26-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ellary Alonso, right, 18 years old and 21-weeks pregnant, with her mom Hannah Fraley, left, at the Best Start Birthing Center in San Diego on March 20, 2024. Fraley had two of her kids at the center. \u003ccite>(Ariana Drehsler/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Compared to a hospital room, Best Start offers a homey atmosphere and promises that the midwife attending each birth will be familiar to the laboring client. The birthing rooms come with queen-sized beds, floral duvets, and white porcelain tubs for water births. A marble-topped “crash cart” sits in each room. With the doors closed, the cart looks just like an end table that matches the decor. Inside, it’s filled with medical supplies for emergency resuscitations or to stitch up lacerations. The rooms are homey but bear the hallmarks of a by-the-book clinic. Boxes of nitrile gloves are in each room; hazardous waste bins are mounted discreetly to the wall. Best Start was the only birth center in the state to have a licensed clinical laboratory to confirm water breakage. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has never lost a mother or baby, Roslie said. Its transfer rate for cesarean sections was less than half the statewide target set for low-risk births. In the past five years, no episiotomies have been performed. And 96% of newborns are exclusively breastfed before leaving Best Start compared to the statewide hospital rate of 69%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the center’s recognized success, keeping it running has always been a labor of love, Roslie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never been a thriving business,” Roslie said. “Roberta’s gone without pay. I’ve gone with reduced pay. That’s what it takes to run a birth center.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roberta Frank, Roslie’s mother, graduated from UC San Diego with her nursing midwifery degree in 1981, she was told, “San Diego will never accept midwives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes — in the face of Best Start’s closure — it still feels that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "they-earned-parole-a-court-order-keeps-them-from-returning-home",
"title": "They Earned Parole. A Court Order Keeps Them From Returning Home",
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"headTitle": "They Earned Parole. A Court Order Keeps Them From Returning Home | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]L[/dropcap]ance Gonzalez spent months planning with his wife where to go for breakfast on June 26, the day he was scheduled to be released from Ironwood State Prison after 16 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez and his wife, Cristal, were deciding between iHop or Denny’s in Palm Springs, roughly 100 miles from the prison. It didn’t matter to Gonzalez where they ate because he’d be with his two teenage daughters and Cristal, his wife of five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After breakfast, the family was going to drive home to Los Angeles, where Gonzalez, 38, dreamed of starting a nonprofit organization to help at-risk youth. He would teach them how to build confidence and empathy, skills he developed over a decade through courses he took in prison. In L.A., he was going to take care of his aging parents. He and Cristal, who he’s known since he was 13, wanted to renew their vows, have more kids and build generational wealth, Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His stomach dropped when he learned his dreams would have to be put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to unwind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11114572/jerry-brown-pushes-earlier-release-of-felons-under-proposition-57\">Proposition 57\u003c/a>, a 2016 voter-approved ballot measure aimed to incentivize rehabilitation, promote public safety and reduce prison overcrowding, a lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation halted his release. Gonzalez is one of at least 100 people whose release date has been delayed as CDCR’s credit-earning regulations are disputed, according to court records. The regulations were challenged by the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation, a public interest law organization that filed the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 29, Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Jennifer Rockwell ordered CDCR not to release many people serving a life sentence with the possibility of parole who had earned a slim chance to go home, including Gonzalez. CDCR appealed the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Gonzalez, who was sentenced to 21 years to life, said he likely won’t have breakfast with his family until 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said he learned about Rockwell’s order from a friend who was scheduled to be released days before him. The friend, who had family waiting outside the gates of the prison in Blythe, CA, had already changed into his civilian clothes. He was taken back to his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when Gonzalez understood that it would be years — not days — before he’d be reunited with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the equivalent to the loss of a loved one,” Gonzalez, a Mexican American, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court order has a far-reaching impact on people serving life sentences with the possibility of parole. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/app/uploads/2022/08/No-End-in-Sight-Americas-Enduring-Reliance-on-Life-Imprisonment.pdf\">2021 report by The Sentencing Project\u003c/a>, a research and advocacy center, roughly one-third of California’s prison population is serving life sentences with the possibility of parole. The majority of those 34,000 incarcerated are Black or Latinx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the court order punishes the people who have done the most to rehabilitate,” Heather MacKay, an attorney at the Prison Law Office, a Berkeley-based nonprofit that advocates for policy and law changes, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her concern was echoed by other legal experts who spoke with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This order is affecting the people who are actually the safest to release,” said Heidi Rummel, director of the Post-Conviction Justice Project at the University of Southern California Gould School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25059572/2023-significant-events-for-publication-032024.pdf\">2023 report by the Board of Parole Hearings\u003c/a>, roughly 5,200 people serving a life sentence were granted parole between 2011 and 2019. Recidivism rates are less than 3% within three years of release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reporting this story, KQED spoke with five people impacted by the order. Some said they received letters from CDCR that they weren’t being released. Others, like Gonzalez, heard through word of mouth. Each person said they were devastated and confused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001658\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001658\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1337\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-800x486.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-1020x620.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-1536x933.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-2048x1245.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-1920x1167.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Beds fill a gymnasium converted into a temporary ’emergency’ sleeping area at California State Prison, Los Angeles County, in 2007. Voters passed Proposition 57 in 2016 in part to reduce prison overcrowding like this. \u003ccite>(Spencer Weiner/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an Aug. 9 statement to KQED, Mary Xjimenez, a CDCR’s spokesperson, said, “Prop. 57 created a durable solution to reduce the prison population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under Prop. 57, CDCR has the constitutional authority to make credit changes to encourage incarcerated people to more actively participate in rehabilitative and educational programming as well as to sustain good behavior,” she wrote in the statement. “This is a critical incentive and a powerful tool to promote public safety by increasing the likelihood that incarcerated people will reenter successfully into our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to CDCR, roughly 100 people are granted parole every month. Of those, the agency anticipates roughly 20 people per month will be impacted by the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I’ve worked tremendously hard to change the person who I am’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez grew up in a low-income neighborhood in East Los Angeles. From third grade until high school, he played sports, including basketball, football and baseball. But at 16, he said he joined a gang. After high school, he attended community college to pursue a degree in criminal justice, hoping to find work in a juvenile hall when he graduated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, when Gonzalez was 22, he and a friend, Jessie Ramirez, went to a house party. According to court records, they were asked to leave but refused. Gonzalez argued with partygoers. He struck someone in the face with a bottle and a brawl ensued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez and Ramirez ran from the house. On their way out, according to court records, Ramirez shot and injured three people, one of whom was paralyzed from the waist down. Gonzalez was arrested and charged with attempted murder and assault with a deadly weapon. In 2011, he was sentenced to 96 years to life in prison. The sentence was reduced to 21 years to life on appeal, Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After sentencing, Gonzalez’s earliest date to be considered for release by the parole board was 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, Proposition 57 passed, and the California constitution was amended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was divided into three distinct components. The first component gave discretion to juvenile court judges, rather than district attorneys, regarding whether youth could be tried in an adult court. The second created a parole consideration process for people who committed a nonviolent crime, and the third gave CDCR “authority to award credits to inmates for good behavior and approved rehabilitative or educational achievements,” according to the amended state constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Proposition 57 passed, CDCR updated its regulations through a regulatory process that expanded credit-earning opportunities for most incarcerated people, including those serving life sentences. In December 2018, the regulations were further revised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez was eligible to earn more credits, which allowed him to have an earlier parole board hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out that they were changing laws, it felt liberating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999300]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he poured hundreds of hours into self-help groups, including courses on victim impact and cognitive behavior. He led groups on coping mechanisms and overcoming adversity, and he earned seven associate degrees, as well as good conduct credits. On top of that, he worked as a peer literacy mentor and masonry technician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe it to my victims,” Gonzalez said. “That’s why I’ve worked tremendously hard to change the person who I am today. It’s been an ever-evolving, everlasting journey of self-discovery and self-growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The credits advanced his initial parole hearing by roughly five and a half years. In November 2023, Gonzalez appeared before the board with over 160 pages of handwritten notes, the sixth draft of his parole packet. In 2023, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1QTUkpeajeUeXJLMqYSf56CRldcLTVAGj/view\">report\u003c/a> by the Board of Parole Hearings, of the 4,078 people who were scheduled for an initial parole hearing, only 10% were approved for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez beat the odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people don’t go home on their first parole suitability hearing,” Rummel said. “Some go home on their third. Some go home on their tenth. Some never go home. Some die in prison. So it’s not [that they’re] released under Prop. 57. It’s the ability to make their case to the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Blocking releases ‘A huge step in the wrong direction’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steve Berinti was released from Valley State Prison about 10 months ago after serving 21 years. Since then, he has secured a job, moved into a one-bedroom apartment in the Bay Area and enrolled at San Francisco State University, where he’s pursuing a psychology degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berinti attributed much of his success to Proposition 57, which he said had a positive impact on prison culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 57 decreased the violence and increased hope,” he said. “Once it started kicking in, the prison was almost like a college campus. Nothing else like this had ever happened before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he managed a packed schedule — working prison jobs, attending classes and self-help groups — all of which motivated him to invest in living a life with purpose and honor those he had harmed. Berinti, who was sentenced to 25 years to life, earned enough credits to advance his initial parole hearing by roughly four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made transitioning into parole life so much easier,” Berinti, 47, said. “I feel like I started to live free while I was incarcerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he learned about the court order blocking the release of people like Gonzalez, he said his heart sank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a huge step in the wrong direction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11934758]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Criminal Justice Legal Foundation filed its lawsuit in January 2022. It’s had the effect of stalling part of Proposition 57’s promise to reduce overcrowding, which has been driven by decades of harsh sentencing in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CJLF’s board includes former Republican California Gov. Pete Wilson, who signed the “three strikes” law in 1994. It is one of California’s most significant sentencing laws, which disproportionately harms Black and brown families and communities. According to Stanford University’s Three Strikes Project, more than 45% of people serving life sentences under the Three Strikes law are Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kent Scheidegger, legal director of CJLF, previously served as chairman for the Criminal Law and Procedure Practice Group of the Federalist Society, an organization that describes itself as “a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservative groups have been trying to fight back at all of the criminal justice reform that’s happened in the last 10 years in California and this is part of that,” MacKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview with KQED, Scheidegger, who led the lawsuit against CDCR, said that the agency’s regulations hurt crime victims and contradict the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The result of this is to put a lot more criminals back on the street and shorten their sentences to considerably less than what they deserve,” Scheidegger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that CDCR was using “dictatorial power to abrogate statutes and even constitutional provisions by mere regulation,” including overriding laws that limit credit earning for people serving life sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys representing the state of California and CDCR pushed back in court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The intent of the [Prop. 57] constitutional amendment is to grant CDCR broad authority to issue credit-earning regulations,” attorneys for the state Department of Justice wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, to achieve its duties set forth by Proposition 57, the agency has argued that it has the discretion to award and apply credits in a way it sees fit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rockwell was not convinced. In December 2023, she ruled that CDCR has no authority to advance parole eligibility for lifers based on credits earned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her ruling, Rockwell said CDCR’s regulations couldn’t trump an older statute that limits the application of credits for lifers. She also wrote that neither the text of Proposition 57 nor the ballot materials discuss the application of credits for lifers, specifically. As such, she “[could not] conclude” that voters intended to give CDCR the authority it claimed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MacKay and two other legal experts interviewed by KQED said the ruling was flawed. Specifically, they believe Rockwell curbed CDCR’s discretion by conflating language directed at the nonviolent parole component of Proposition 57 with the credit-earning component, which, according to the state constitution, gave CDCR “authority to award credits” despite existing laws. MacKay said those components are “completely separate clauses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the judge overreached beyond either the language of Prop. 57 or whatever’s possible to discern from the voters’ intent from the ballot materials, which is always a tricky undertaking,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR appealed the case in January. Until the current litigation is resolved, the agency said it is required to advance parole hearings for lifers who have earned Proposition 57 credits. But even if they are found suitable for release, CDCR’s hands are shackled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Rummel, the court’s decision involves major constitutional questions that the 3rd District Court of Appeal will have to address, a process that could take up to two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By continuing to incarcerate people who have been determined not to pose a danger and fall within the lowest risk of recidivism is to contradict what the electorate was choosing when they voted for Prop. 57,” Rummel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith Wattley, the founder and executive director of Uncommon Law, an Oakland-based law firm, called the ruling an insult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a horrible decision that is devastating to incarcerated people and their families who have worked very hard under extremely difficult circumstances to change their lives and demonstrate their readiness to return to the community,” he said. “It is an insult to the ‘California Model,’ which is supposed to recognize and reward the kinds of personal transformation being dismissed with this ruling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='cdcr']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 29, over 250 legal advocates and organizations called on Gov. Gavin Newsom, CDCR Secretary Jeff Macomber and Board of Parole Hearings Executive Officer Jennifer Shaffer to exercise their authority to release people like Gonzalez. The letter noted the financial implication of the court order, estimating that it would cost the state more than $13 million per year to continue incarcerating people impacted by the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of a severe budget crisis that threatens critical resources and social services for Californians, it is unacceptable to incur such exorbitant costs to keep incarcerating people who the parole board has found no longer pose a threat to public safety and can be safely released,” advocates wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said it’s difficult to keep moving forward. He packed up everything in his prison cell while preparing for his release — the photos of his wife and children, cutouts of cars and pictures of successful people, what he referred to as his “manifestation chart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walls are empty now, save the calendar he looks at every morning when he wakes up. It’s a reminder of the days he would have been free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start my new life,” he said. “I’m always going to be making amends for what I did. I know nothing is deserved, but I do feel strongly that I earned at least a chance to go back out into society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://caylamihalovich.com/\">Cayla Mihalovich\u003c/a> is a post-graduate fellow at the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism. For KQED, she has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982828/forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state\">reported\u003c/a> on California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A lawsuit halted the release of at least 100 incarcerated people in California. Advocates for reducing incarceration believe the judge made a mistake.",
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"title": "They Earned Parole. A Court Order Keeps Them From Returning Home | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">L\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ance Gonzalez spent months planning with his wife where to go for breakfast on June 26, the day he was scheduled to be released from Ironwood State Prison after 16 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez and his wife, Cristal, were deciding between iHop or Denny’s in Palm Springs, roughly 100 miles from the prison. It didn’t matter to Gonzalez where they ate because he’d be with his two teenage daughters and Cristal, his wife of five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After breakfast, the family was going to drive home to Los Angeles, where Gonzalez, 38, dreamed of starting a nonprofit organization to help at-risk youth. He would teach them how to build confidence and empathy, skills he developed over a decade through courses he took in prison. In L.A., he was going to take care of his aging parents. He and Cristal, who he’s known since he was 13, wanted to renew their vows, have more kids and build generational wealth, Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His stomach dropped when he learned his dreams would have to be put on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an attempt to unwind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11114572/jerry-brown-pushes-earlier-release-of-felons-under-proposition-57\">Proposition 57\u003c/a>, a 2016 voter-approved ballot measure aimed to incentivize rehabilitation, promote public safety and reduce prison overcrowding, a lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation halted his release. Gonzalez is one of at least 100 people whose release date has been delayed as CDCR’s credit-earning regulations are disputed, according to court records. The regulations were challenged by the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation, a public interest law organization that filed the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 29, Sacramento County Superior Court Judge Jennifer Rockwell ordered CDCR not to release many people serving a life sentence with the possibility of parole who had earned a slim chance to go home, including Gonzalez. CDCR appealed the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Gonzalez, who was sentenced to 21 years to life, said he likely won’t have breakfast with his family until 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said he learned about Rockwell’s order from a friend who was scheduled to be released days before him. The friend, who had family waiting outside the gates of the prison in Blythe, CA, had already changed into his civilian clothes. He was taken back to his cell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s when Gonzalez understood that it would be years — not days — before he’d be reunited with his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the equivalent to the loss of a loved one,” Gonzalez, a Mexican American, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court order has a far-reaching impact on people serving life sentences with the possibility of parole. According to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sentencingproject.org/app/uploads/2022/08/No-End-in-Sight-Americas-Enduring-Reliance-on-Life-Imprisonment.pdf\">2021 report by The Sentencing Project\u003c/a>, a research and advocacy center, roughly one-third of California’s prison population is serving life sentences with the possibility of parole. The majority of those 34,000 incarcerated are Black or Latinx.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the court order punishes the people who have done the most to rehabilitate,” Heather MacKay, an attorney at the Prison Law Office, a Berkeley-based nonprofit that advocates for policy and law changes, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her concern was echoed by other legal experts who spoke with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This order is affecting the people who are actually the safest to release,” said Heidi Rummel, director of the Post-Conviction Justice Project at the University of Southern California Gould School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25059572/2023-significant-events-for-publication-032024.pdf\">2023 report by the Board of Parole Hearings\u003c/a>, roughly 5,200 people serving a life sentence were granted parole between 2011 and 2019. Recidivism rates are less than 3% within three years of release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In reporting this story, KQED spoke with five people impacted by the order. Some said they received letters from CDCR that they weren’t being released. Others, like Gonzalez, heard through word of mouth. Each person said they were devastated and confused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001658\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001658\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1337\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-800x486.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-1020x620.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-1536x933.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-2048x1245.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-564030163-1920x1167.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Beds fill a gymnasium converted into a temporary ’emergency’ sleeping area at California State Prison, Los Angeles County, in 2007. Voters passed Proposition 57 in 2016 in part to reduce prison overcrowding like this. \u003ccite>(Spencer Weiner/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an Aug. 9 statement to KQED, Mary Xjimenez, a CDCR’s spokesperson, said, “Prop. 57 created a durable solution to reduce the prison population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under Prop. 57, CDCR has the constitutional authority to make credit changes to encourage incarcerated people to more actively participate in rehabilitative and educational programming as well as to sustain good behavior,” she wrote in the statement. “This is a critical incentive and a powerful tool to promote public safety by increasing the likelihood that incarcerated people will reenter successfully into our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to CDCR, roughly 100 people are granted parole every month. Of those, the agency anticipates roughly 20 people per month will be impacted by the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I’ve worked tremendously hard to change the person who I am’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez grew up in a low-income neighborhood in East Los Angeles. From third grade until high school, he played sports, including basketball, football and baseball. But at 16, he said he joined a gang. After high school, he attended community college to pursue a degree in criminal justice, hoping to find work in a juvenile hall when he graduated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, when Gonzalez was 22, he and a friend, Jessie Ramirez, went to a house party. According to court records, they were asked to leave but refused. Gonzalez argued with partygoers. He struck someone in the face with a bottle and a brawl ensued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez and Ramirez ran from the house. On their way out, according to court records, Ramirez shot and injured three people, one of whom was paralyzed from the waist down. Gonzalez was arrested and charged with attempted murder and assault with a deadly weapon. In 2011, he was sentenced to 96 years to life in prison. The sentence was reduced to 21 years to life on appeal, Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After sentencing, Gonzalez’s earliest date to be considered for release by the parole board was 2028.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, Proposition 57 passed, and the California constitution was amended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure was divided into three distinct components. The first component gave discretion to juvenile court judges, rather than district attorneys, regarding whether youth could be tried in an adult court. The second created a parole consideration process for people who committed a nonviolent crime, and the third gave CDCR “authority to award credits to inmates for good behavior and approved rehabilitative or educational achievements,” according to the amended state constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Proposition 57 passed, CDCR updated its regulations through a regulatory process that expanded credit-earning opportunities for most incarcerated people, including those serving life sentences. In December 2018, the regulations were further revised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez was eligible to earn more credits, which allowed him to have an earlier parole board hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out that they were changing laws, it felt liberating,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he poured hundreds of hours into self-help groups, including courses on victim impact and cognitive behavior. He led groups on coping mechanisms and overcoming adversity, and he earned seven associate degrees, as well as good conduct credits. On top of that, he worked as a peer literacy mentor and masonry technician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I owe it to my victims,” Gonzalez said. “That’s why I’ve worked tremendously hard to change the person who I am today. It’s been an ever-evolving, everlasting journey of self-discovery and self-growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The credits advanced his initial parole hearing by roughly five and a half years. In November 2023, Gonzalez appeared before the board with over 160 pages of handwritten notes, the sixth draft of his parole packet. In 2023, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1QTUkpeajeUeXJLMqYSf56CRldcLTVAGj/view\">report\u003c/a> by the Board of Parole Hearings, of the 4,078 people who were scheduled for an initial parole hearing, only 10% were approved for release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez beat the odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many people don’t go home on their first parole suitability hearing,” Rummel said. “Some go home on their third. Some go home on their tenth. Some never go home. Some die in prison. So it’s not [that they’re] released under Prop. 57. It’s the ability to make their case to the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Blocking releases ‘A huge step in the wrong direction’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Steve Berinti was released from Valley State Prison about 10 months ago after serving 21 years. Since then, he has secured a job, moved into a one-bedroom apartment in the Bay Area and enrolled at San Francisco State University, where he’s pursuing a psychology degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berinti attributed much of his success to Proposition 57, which he said had a positive impact on prison culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 57 decreased the violence and increased hope,” he said. “Once it started kicking in, the prison was almost like a college campus. Nothing else like this had ever happened before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he managed a packed schedule — working prison jobs, attending classes and self-help groups — all of which motivated him to invest in living a life with purpose and honor those he had harmed. Berinti, who was sentenced to 25 years to life, earned enough credits to advance his initial parole hearing by roughly four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It made transitioning into parole life so much easier,” Berinti, 47, said. “I feel like I started to live free while I was incarcerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he learned about the court order blocking the release of people like Gonzalez, he said his heart sank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a huge step in the wrong direction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Criminal Justice Legal Foundation filed its lawsuit in January 2022. It’s had the effect of stalling part of Proposition 57’s promise to reduce overcrowding, which has been driven by decades of harsh sentencing in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CJLF’s board includes former Republican California Gov. Pete Wilson, who signed the “three strikes” law in 1994. It is one of California’s most significant sentencing laws, which disproportionately harms Black and brown families and communities. According to Stanford University’s Three Strikes Project, more than 45% of people serving life sentences under the Three Strikes law are Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kent Scheidegger, legal director of CJLF, previously served as chairman for the Criminal Law and Procedure Practice Group of the Federalist Society, an organization that describes itself as “a group of conservatives and libertarians interested in the current state of the legal order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservative groups have been trying to fight back at all of the criminal justice reform that’s happened in the last 10 years in California and this is part of that,” MacKay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview with KQED, Scheidegger, who led the lawsuit against CDCR, said that the agency’s regulations hurt crime victims and contradict the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The result of this is to put a lot more criminals back on the street and shorten their sentences to considerably less than what they deserve,” Scheidegger said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit alleges that CDCR was using “dictatorial power to abrogate statutes and even constitutional provisions by mere regulation,” including overriding laws that limit credit earning for people serving life sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys representing the state of California and CDCR pushed back in court filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The intent of the [Prop. 57] constitutional amendment is to grant CDCR broad authority to issue credit-earning regulations,” attorneys for the state Department of Justice wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, to achieve its duties set forth by Proposition 57, the agency has argued that it has the discretion to award and apply credits in a way it sees fit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Rockwell was not convinced. In December 2023, she ruled that CDCR has no authority to advance parole eligibility for lifers based on credits earned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her ruling, Rockwell said CDCR’s regulations couldn’t trump an older statute that limits the application of credits for lifers. She also wrote that neither the text of Proposition 57 nor the ballot materials discuss the application of credits for lifers, specifically. As such, she “[could not] conclude” that voters intended to give CDCR the authority it claimed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MacKay and two other legal experts interviewed by KQED said the ruling was flawed. Specifically, they believe Rockwell curbed CDCR’s discretion by conflating language directed at the nonviolent parole component of Proposition 57 with the credit-earning component, which, according to the state constitution, gave CDCR “authority to award credits” despite existing laws. MacKay said those components are “completely separate clauses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the judge overreached beyond either the language of Prop. 57 or whatever’s possible to discern from the voters’ intent from the ballot materials, which is always a tricky undertaking,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR appealed the case in January. Until the current litigation is resolved, the agency said it is required to advance parole hearings for lifers who have earned Proposition 57 credits. But even if they are found suitable for release, CDCR’s hands are shackled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Rummel, the court’s decision involves major constitutional questions that the 3rd District Court of Appeal will have to address, a process that could take up to two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By continuing to incarcerate people who have been determined not to pose a danger and fall within the lowest risk of recidivism is to contradict what the electorate was choosing when they voted for Prop. 57,” Rummel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keith Wattley, the founder and executive director of Uncommon Law, an Oakland-based law firm, called the ruling an insult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a horrible decision that is devastating to incarcerated people and their families who have worked very hard under extremely difficult circumstances to change their lives and demonstrate their readiness to return to the community,” he said. “It is an insult to the ‘California Model,’ which is supposed to recognize and reward the kinds of personal transformation being dismissed with this ruling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 29, over 250 legal advocates and organizations called on Gov. Gavin Newsom, CDCR Secretary Jeff Macomber and Board of Parole Hearings Executive Officer Jennifer Shaffer to exercise their authority to release people like Gonzalez. The letter noted the financial implication of the court order, estimating that it would cost the state more than $13 million per year to continue incarcerating people impacted by the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of a severe budget crisis that threatens critical resources and social services for Californians, it is unacceptable to incur such exorbitant costs to keep incarcerating people who the parole board has found no longer pose a threat to public safety and can be safely released,” advocates wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said it’s difficult to keep moving forward. He packed up everything in his prison cell while preparing for his release — the photos of his wife and children, cutouts of cars and pictures of successful people, what he referred to as his “manifestation chart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walls are empty now, save the calendar he looks at every morning when he wakes up. It’s a reminder of the days he would have been free.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to start my new life,” he said. “I’m always going to be making amends for what I did. I know nothing is deserved, but I do feel strongly that I earned at least a chance to go back out into society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://caylamihalovich.com/\">Cayla Mihalovich\u003c/a> is a post-graduate fellow at the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism. For KQED, she has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982828/forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state\">reported\u003c/a> on California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Unusually Early Cold Storm Dusts Sierra Nevada Peaks With Rare August Snow",
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"content": "\u003cp>An unusually cold weather system Saturday brought snow to Washington state’s Mount Rainier and was forecast to bring a dusting to California’s Sierra Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cold system from the Gulf of Alaska interrupted the West Coast’s summer, dropping down through the Pacific Northwest into Northern California. The National Weather Service on Saturday posted a photo of a white-covered peak from Rainier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, light snow was seen at the Palisades Tahoe base camp at 8200 feet. It’s possible in the Sierra Nevada, mostly around Tioga Pass and higher elevations of Yosemite National Park, the National Weather Service said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>August snow has not occurred in those locations since 2003, forecasters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tioga Pass rises to more than 9,900 feet and serves as the eastern entryway to Yosemite. But it is usually closed much of each year by winter snow that can take one or two months to clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/KQEDnews/status/1827416329084924345\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While this snow will not stay around very long, roads near Tioga Pass could be slick and any campers and hikers should prepare for winter conditions,” the weather service wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the start of ski season is at least several months away, the hint of winter was welcomed by resorts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a cool and blustery August day here at Palisades Tahoe, as a storm that could bring our first snowfall of the season moves in this afternoon!” the resort said in a social media post Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “anomalous cool conditions” will spread over much of the western U.S. by Sunday morning, according to the National Weather Service’s Weather Prediction Center in College Park, Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the expected precipitation, forecasters also warned of fire danger because of gusty winds associated with the passage of the cold front.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a flash flood watch was issued for the burn scar of California’s largest wildfire so far this year from Friday morning through Saturday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/NWSSacramento/status/1827345116367089944\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Park Fire roared across more than 671 square miles after it erupted in late July near the Central Valley city of Chico and climbed up the western slope of the Sierra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire became California’s fourth-largest on record, but it has been substantially tamed recently. Islands of vegetation continue to burn within its existing perimeter, but evacuation orders have been canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s wildfire season got off to an intense start amid extreme July heat. Blazes fed on dried-out vegetation that grew during back-to-back wet years. Fire activity has recently fallen into a relative lull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasts call for a rapid return of summer heat as the cold front departs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An unusually cold weather system Saturday brought snow to Washington state’s Mount Rainier and was forecast to bring a dusting to California’s Sierra Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cold system from the Gulf of Alaska interrupted the West Coast’s summer, dropping down through the Pacific Northwest into Northern California. The National Weather Service on Saturday posted a photo of a white-covered peak from Rainier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, light snow was seen at the Palisades Tahoe base camp at 8200 feet. It’s possible in the Sierra Nevada, mostly around Tioga Pass and higher elevations of Yosemite National Park, the National Weather Service said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>August snow has not occurred in those locations since 2003, forecasters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tioga Pass rises to more than 9,900 feet and serves as the eastern entryway to Yosemite. But it is usually closed much of each year by winter snow that can take one or two months to clear.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“While this snow will not stay around very long, roads near Tioga Pass could be slick and any campers and hikers should prepare for winter conditions,” the weather service wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the start of ski season is at least several months away, the hint of winter was welcomed by resorts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a cool and blustery August day here at Palisades Tahoe, as a storm that could bring our first snowfall of the season moves in this afternoon!” the resort said in a social media post Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “anomalous cool conditions” will spread over much of the western U.S. by Sunday morning, according to the National Weather Service’s Weather Prediction Center in College Park, Maryland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the expected precipitation, forecasters also warned of fire danger because of gusty winds associated with the passage of the cold front.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, a flash flood watch was issued for the burn scar of California’s largest wildfire so far this year from Friday morning through Saturday morning.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>The Park Fire roared across more than 671 square miles after it erupted in late July near the Central Valley city of Chico and climbed up the western slope of the Sierra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire became California’s fourth-largest on record, but it has been substantially tamed recently. Islands of vegetation continue to burn within its existing perimeter, but evacuation orders have been canceled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s wildfire season got off to an intense start amid extreme July heat. Blazes fed on dried-out vegetation that grew during back-to-back wet years. Fire activity has recently fallen into a relative lull.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Forecasts call for a rapid return of summer heat as the cold front departs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "historic-redwood-grove-in-sonoma-county-acquired-for-conservation-public-access",
"title": "Historic Redwood Grove in Sonoma County Acquired for Conservation, Public Access",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Lynda Hopkins made an out-of-the-blue call to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> property owner, she didn’t think there was much hope of stopping the logging project planned on his land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopkins, a Sonoma County supervisor, said it was an “11th-hour” effort to see if the owner would be open to selling their family’s nearly 400-acre expanse of land, mostly covered in redwood trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To my shock, the property owner actually said yes,” Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So began a patchwork effort from community organizers, county leaders and a nonprofit partner to purchase the land for preservation. The $6 million deal is expected to be finalized next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, county officials voted to approve the funds needed to purchase the land known as the Russian River Redwoods. The land will be transferred to the Russian River Sanitation District, which will, according to a press release, ensure its “natural resources are conserved forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001756\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12001756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-800x1199.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1199\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-800x1199.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-1020x1528.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-1025x1536.jpg 1025w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web.jpg 1068w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonoma County’s purchase of 394 acres along the Russian River, home to the county’s tallest redwood, has been approved, paving the way for protection and future research and public use. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Save the Redwoods League)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some trace the work of community advocates to protect the redwoods to one tree, one of the the tallest in Sonoma County, that sits on the property: the Clar Tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s magnificent, and it’s hard to describe something that’s so immense,” Hopkins said. “You feel so small when you stand in front of it. The trunk is so huge. It’s almost like an ecosystem unto itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the nearly 2,000-year-old Clar Tree was not at risk of being cut down in the timber harvest, community members were worried about how the loss of surrounding trees would affect its ecosystem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redwoods are a communal species,” Hopkins said. “Their roots actually link together under the ground. And when it comes to strong wind events, it’s actually the collective strength of the redwood forest, not the strength of individual trees, that actually enables that forest to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surrounding forest also became important to community activists, who formed the Guerneville Forest Coalition to try to preserve the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guerneville was previously partly a logging town. There is an old nickname for Guerneville called Stumptown. But things changed in the 21st century,” Ed Yates, the GFC attorney, said. “The Guerneville area was no longer Stumptown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001758\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001758\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1068\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On Tuesday, county officials voted to approve the funds needed to purchase the land known as the Russian River Redwoods. The land will be transferred to the Russian River Sanitation District, which will, according to a press release, ensure its “natural resources are conserved forever.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Save the Redwoods League)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said that the coalition was concerned with maintaining the area’s natural beauty, preserving its biodiversity and protecting its ability to sequester carbon. When the owner of the Russian River Redwoods filed a timber harvest plan in 2020 and was eventually approved to begin logging in 2022, GFC initiated legal action to stop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopkins made her call and learned that a sale was on the table — if it could be completed within months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That short window didn’t give the county’s Agricultural Preservation and Open Space District, which can make purchases to protect natural resources, time to go through the lengthy approval process to complete the transaction, so a nonprofit partner stepped in to make an interim purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11953504 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS40604_GettyImages-177068762-qut-1020x681.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Save the Redwoods League, a nonprofit that works to preserve redwood forests, agreed to lead a fundraising effort and closed on the property last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That really took away a lot of the risk of the property immediately being harvested or sold to somebody else and gave us the time needed to put together the deal that you’re now seeing, where we’re spending a little over $6.1 million of local Sonoma County sales tax dollars to permanently conserve the property and its associated resources,” Misti Arias, the general manager of Sonoma County’s Agriculture and Open Space District, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Russian River County Sanitation District, managed by Sonoma Water, will become the owner of the land thanks to funding from the county’s Agricultural Preservation and Open Space District, which will hold a conservation easement and recreation covenant to ensure that the property’s resources are conserved. The land will be made available for public use in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a beautiful place for hiking trails, and we have a mile of riverfront of the Russian River, so there’s opportunity to boat in, come in from a canoe or a kayak and then explore,” Hopkins told KQED. “The property is a tremendous asset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Historic Redwood Grove in Sonoma County Acquired for Conservation, Public Access",
"datePublished": "2024-08-24T10:00:14-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Lynda Hopkins made an out-of-the-blue call to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> property owner, she didn’t think there was much hope of stopping the logging project planned on his land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopkins, a Sonoma County supervisor, said it was an “11th-hour” effort to see if the owner would be open to selling their family’s nearly 400-acre expanse of land, mostly covered in redwood trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To my shock, the property owner actually said yes,” Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So began a patchwork effort from community organizers, county leaders and a nonprofit partner to purchase the land for preservation. The $6 million deal is expected to be finalized next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, county officials voted to approve the funds needed to purchase the land known as the Russian River Redwoods. The land will be transferred to the Russian River Sanitation District, which will, according to a press release, ensure its “natural resources are conserved forever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001756\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12001756\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-800x1199.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1199\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-800x1199.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-1020x1528.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web-1025x1536.jpg 1025w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-18-web.jpg 1068w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sonoma County’s purchase of 394 acres along the Russian River, home to the county’s tallest redwood, has been approved, paving the way for protection and future research and public use. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Save the Redwoods League)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some trace the work of community advocates to protect the redwoods to one tree, one of the the tallest in Sonoma County, that sits on the property: the Clar Tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s magnificent, and it’s hard to describe something that’s so immense,” Hopkins said. “You feel so small when you stand in front of it. The trunk is so huge. It’s almost like an ecosystem unto itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the nearly 2,000-year-old Clar Tree was not at risk of being cut down in the timber harvest, community members were worried about how the loss of surrounding trees would affect its ecosystem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Redwoods are a communal species,” Hopkins said. “Their roots actually link together under the ground. And when it comes to strong wind events, it’s actually the collective strength of the redwood forest, not the strength of individual trees, that actually enables that forest to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surrounding forest also became important to community activists, who formed the Guerneville Forest Coalition to try to preserve the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Guerneville was previously partly a logging town. There is an old nickname for Guerneville called Stumptown. But things changed in the 21st century,” Ed Yates, the GFC attorney, said. “The Guerneville area was no longer Stumptown.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001758\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001758\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1068\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/Russian-River-Redwoods-vivianchen-16-web-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On Tuesday, county officials voted to approve the funds needed to purchase the land known as the Russian River Redwoods. The land will be transferred to the Russian River Sanitation District, which will, according to a press release, ensure its “natural resources are conserved forever.” \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Save the Redwoods League)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said that the coalition was concerned with maintaining the area’s natural beauty, preserving its biodiversity and protecting its ability to sequester carbon. When the owner of the Russian River Redwoods filed a timber harvest plan in 2020 and was eventually approved to begin logging in 2022, GFC initiated legal action to stop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hopkins made her call and learned that a sale was on the table — if it could be completed within months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That short window didn’t give the county’s Agricultural Preservation and Open Space District, which can make purchases to protect natural resources, time to go through the lengthy approval process to complete the transaction, so a nonprofit partner stepped in to make an interim purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Save the Redwoods League, a nonprofit that works to preserve redwood forests, agreed to lead a fundraising effort and closed on the property last September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That really took away a lot of the risk of the property immediately being harvested or sold to somebody else and gave us the time needed to put together the deal that you’re now seeing, where we’re spending a little over $6.1 million of local Sonoma County sales tax dollars to permanently conserve the property and its associated resources,” Misti Arias, the general manager of Sonoma County’s Agriculture and Open Space District, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Russian River County Sanitation District, managed by Sonoma Water, will become the owner of the land thanks to funding from the county’s Agricultural Preservation and Open Space District, which will hold a conservation easement and recreation covenant to ensure that the property’s resources are conserved. The land will be made available for public use in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a beautiful place for hiking trails, and we have a mile of riverfront of the Russian River, so there’s opportunity to boat in, come in from a canoe or a kayak and then explore,” Hopkins told KQED. “The property is a tremendous asset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "meet-the-pesky-but-lovable-bishop-pine-native-to-the-northern-california-coast",
"title": "The World's Largest Bishop Pine Forest Is in Point Reyes",
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"headTitle": "The World’s Largest Bishop Pine Forest Is in Point Reyes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Everyone’s heard about the wonders of California’s coastal redwood trees. They can live for hundreds, even one or two thousand years, all while enduring West Coast fires, storms and pests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s an equally fascinating native California tree: the bishop pine. While it’s not a household name, the drought-tolerant, rocky, soil-loving plant has fashioned its own way of surviving the ages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop pines are everything that redwoods are not. They get canker infections and snap like pencils. When their root balls are soggy, a strong breeze tips them over. In a wildfire? Woosh, they’re gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the fragility of the bishop pine is arguably its strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The largest natural bishop pine forest in the world is in Tomales Bay State Park in Point Reyes. Just like the groves of their majestic cousins, the coastal redwoods, bishop pine forests can last for thousands of years. However, it’s because each individual bishop pine can quickly make space for the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spread of pencil trees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bishop pines were once widespread throughout western North America. That was during the Tertiary period, over 2.5 million years ago. Now, their range is mostly limited to a sliver along California’s coast. And it’s shrinking still!\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001161\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001161\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Bishop Pine at Jepson Memorial Grove, along the Johnstone Trail, at Tomales Bay State Park on Aug. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One culprit is a fungal infection that causes bishop pines to grow cankers, which appear as large bulges in a tree’s branches and trunk. Cankers girdle a tree’s branches and trunk, causing them to bulge and leak resin. The girdle reduces the flow of nutrients, weakening the trunk so that it eventually snaps in two like a broken pencil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many snapped and fallen trees in Tomales Bay State Park, as well as in Inverness, a small unincorporated community nestled between the state park and Tomales Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cleaning up after the pines\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To fully appreciate the largest and oldest remaining bishop pine forests, hikers can take the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. There, they’ll pass through the trees and other vegetation still coated in dew from the coastal fog and walk up the low hills to views of Tomales Bay glistening in the distance — views snatched between the trunks of bishop pines now a hundred feet tall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While hiking the trail, it’s more or less a matter of time before one runs into local Emmanuel Serriere while he’s cleaning up the tangle of trunks and branches that happen when a massive tree falls and takes down unlucky neighbors with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serriere has cleared the Johnstone Trail of bishop pines and other trees for 14 years. It began when he retired next door and started walking the trail regularly. One day, the trail was blocked by a fallen tree. Instead of waiting for someone else to do something, he took his chainsaw and unblocked the trail himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001351\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001351\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emmanuel Serriere clears the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Serriere walks the trail almost daily for his own enjoyment, but he takes note of how to improve the experience for everyone: removing loose roots that he calls “widow makers;” filling in giant potholes left by mature root balls; and, of course, clearing fallen trunks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state park works with multiple volunteers and staff to keep the Johnstone Trail open and safe for visitors, but Serriere is particularly active. He enjoys the labor, and more than that, he enjoys the experience of a pleasant hike, something he’s proud to share with fellow hikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serriere estimated that he’d removed over a hundred tree trunks from the Johnstone Trail. He often works with fellow volunteer Gerald Meral and coordinates with park rangers on particularly bad pile-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you’ll know a Serriere tree removal when you see one. The evidence remains on the slowly decomposing trunks lying next to the trail — literally on each cross-section, where Serriere has recorded in big fat Sharpie the date when he cleared that particular fallen tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001347\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tree lies fallen alongside the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. Emmanuel Serriere clears the trail as part of his maintenance work and dates the trunks with a permanent marker as a memento of his effort.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 24px;font-weight: bold\">Suited to thrive\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, not all locals share Serriere’s disdain for the pesky bishop pines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Gaman, a professional forester who has studied the Tomales Bay bishop pine forest in detail, grows bishop pines on his property. Gaman said he likes that they’re indigenous and thrive under the right natural conditions. If they’re healthy enough, they can even overcome canker infections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001350\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001350\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Gaman beside a bishop pine he grew from seed. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gaman showed me a dozen mature bishop pines around his yard that he planted from seed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One does not simply buy bishop pine seeds. Gaman collected the pine cones himself. Even his 5-year-old bishop pines had little cones on them. The hard part was getting the seeds out. Bishop pine cones are sealed shut with resin. The seeds stay locked in these closed cones until a fire melts the resin so the cones can finally pop open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001352\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001352\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bishop pine seedlings growing in Tom Gaman’s yard. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gaman extracted the seeds by roasting the cones in his oven, but wild bishop pines rely on wildfires to reproduce. Although wildfires often kill mature bishop pines, the heat also opens their cones, and the fiery winds distribute the seeds, which then regenerate into new trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since bishop pines require wildfire to produce, they happily increase the risk of wildfire as they age. The grove around the Johnstone Trail is full of dead trees, fallen branches, and dense mounds of dried needles. “Around here, you can walk through a bishop pine forest, and it hasn’t burned for so long that the litter can be a foot deep,” Gaman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This build-up of organic material stokes fears of an exceptionally big and fast-moving wildfire ripping through Inverness. Until that happens, though, the litter is actually a big problem for the bishop pines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001349\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001349\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Gaman holds his collection of extracted bishop pine seeds. The seeds are locked inside pine cones held shut with pitch. Gaman opens the cones by roasting them in his oven. Bishop pines rely on wildfires to reproduce in the wild. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gaman said that bishop pine seeds won’t germinate unless they’re down on what foresters call “bare mineral soil.” In 1939, a dozen years before Tomales Bay State Park opened, there was a big fire that cleared the land. The bishop pine forest we see today naturally sprung back after that wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the forest is 80 years old, and the dying bishop pines are being replaced by oak and bay. Without another wildfire, this indigenous bishop pine forest — the largest natural bishop pine grove in the world — will eventually disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Resilience of the forest, not the trees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gaman explained that it’s not because bishop pines are fragile. “There might be 40 generations of bishop pines in the life of one redwood tree,” Gaman said. “So bishop pines are resilient in that the young ones can burst onto the landscape after a fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beauty of bishop pines is that they make space for the next generation. While it’s a pain to clear fallen trees, it’s a chore that’s easier to appreciate after the full experience of hiking the Johnstone Trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001348\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001348\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emmanuel Serriere hikes through the bishop pine forest along the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After I watched Serriere clear a lower part of the trail, we hiked up to a ridge. First, he pointed out the fallen tree he’d cleared and marked with the trail’s highest altitude. Then he turned to the clearing that the dead tree exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we got new babies,” Serriere exclaimed. “New bishop pines coming up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001163\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001163\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bishop pine, visible on the center-left, can be seen from Heart’s Desire Beach at Tomales Bay State Park on Aug. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "While not as famous as its cousin, the mighty redwood, the drought-tolerant, rocky soil-loving bishop pine has fashioned its own way of surviving the ages.",
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"title": "The World's Largest Bishop Pine Forest Is in Point Reyes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Everyone’s heard about the wonders of California’s coastal redwood trees. They can live for hundreds, even one or two thousand years, all while enduring West Coast fires, storms and pests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s an equally fascinating native California tree: the bishop pine. While it’s not a household name, the drought-tolerant, rocky, soil-loving plant has fashioned its own way of surviving the ages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bishop pines are everything that redwoods are not. They get canker infections and snap like pencils. When their root balls are soggy, a strong breeze tips them over. In a wildfire? Woosh, they’re gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the fragility of the bishop pine is arguably its strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The largest natural bishop pine forest in the world is in Tomales Bay State Park in Point Reyes. Just like the groves of their majestic cousins, the coastal redwoods, bishop pine forests can last for thousands of years. However, it’s because each individual bishop pine can quickly make space for the next generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The spread of pencil trees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Bishop pines were once widespread throughout western North America. That was during the Tertiary period, over 2.5 million years ago. Now, their range is mostly limited to a sliver along California’s coast. And it’s shrinking still!\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001161\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001161\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1373\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-800x549.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-1020x700.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-1536x1054.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-25-KQED-1920x1318.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Bishop Pine at Jepson Memorial Grove, along the Johnstone Trail, at Tomales Bay State Park on Aug. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One culprit is a fungal infection that causes bishop pines to grow cankers, which appear as large bulges in a tree’s branches and trunk. Cankers girdle a tree’s branches and trunk, causing them to bulge and leak resin. The girdle reduces the flow of nutrients, weakening the trunk so that it eventually snaps in two like a broken pencil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many snapped and fallen trees in Tomales Bay State Park, as well as in Inverness, a small unincorporated community nestled between the state park and Tomales Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cleaning up after the pines\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To fully appreciate the largest and oldest remaining bishop pine forests, hikers can take the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. There, they’ll pass through the trees and other vegetation still coated in dew from the coastal fog and walk up the low hills to views of Tomales Bay glistening in the distance — views snatched between the trunks of bishop pines now a hundred feet tall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While hiking the trail, it’s more or less a matter of time before one runs into local Emmanuel Serriere while he’s cleaning up the tangle of trunks and branches that happen when a massive tree falls and takes down unlucky neighbors with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serriere has cleared the Johnstone Trail of bishop pines and other trees for 14 years. It began when he retired next door and started walking the trail regularly. One day, the trail was blocked by a fallen tree. Instead of waiting for someone else to do something, he took his chainsaw and unblocked the trail himself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001351\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001351\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BCHAINSAW_EMMANUEL_DONE_POSING4-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emmanuel Serriere clears the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Serriere walks the trail almost daily for his own enjoyment, but he takes note of how to improve the experience for everyone: removing loose roots that he calls “widow makers;” filling in giant potholes left by mature root balls; and, of course, clearing fallen trunks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state park works with multiple volunteers and staff to keep the Johnstone Trail open and safe for visitors, but Serriere is particularly active. He enjoys the labor, and more than that, he enjoys the experience of a pleasant hike, something he’s proud to share with fellow hikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serriere estimated that he’d removed over a hundred tree trunks from the Johnstone Trail. He often works with fellow volunteer Gerald Meral and coordinates with park rangers on particularly bad pile-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you’ll know a Serriere tree removal when you see one. The evidence remains on the slowly decomposing trunks lying next to the trail — literally on each cross-section, where Serriere has recorded in big fat Sharpie the date when he cleared that particular fallen tree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001347\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ACHAINSAW_TRUNK_DATED-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tree lies fallen alongside the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. Emmanuel Serriere clears the trail as part of his maintenance work and dates the trunks with a permanent marker as a memento of his effort.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 24px;font-weight: bold\">Suited to thrive\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, not all locals share Serriere’s disdain for the pesky bishop pines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom Gaman, a professional forester who has studied the Tomales Bay bishop pine forest in detail, grows bishop pines on his property. Gaman said he likes that they’re indigenous and thrive under the right natural conditions. If they’re healthy enough, they can even overcome canker infections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001350\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001350\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-WITH-BISHOP-PINE-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Gaman beside a bishop pine he grew from seed. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gaman showed me a dozen mature bishop pines around his yard that he planted from seed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One does not simply buy bishop pine seeds. Gaman collected the pine cones himself. Even his 5-year-old bishop pines had little cones on them. The hard part was getting the seeds out. Bishop pine cones are sealed shut with resin. The seeds stay locked in these closed cones until a fire melts the resin so the cones can finally pop open.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001352\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001352\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-BTOM-GAMANS-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDLINGS-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bishop pine seedlings growing in Tom Gaman’s yard. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gaman extracted the seeds by roasting the cones in his oven, but wild bishop pines rely on wildfires to reproduce. Although wildfires often kill mature bishop pines, the heat also opens their cones, and the fiery winds distribute the seeds, which then regenerate into new trees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since bishop pines require wildfire to produce, they happily increase the risk of wildfire as they age. The grove around the Johnstone Trail is full of dead trees, fallen branches, and dense mounds of dried needles. “Around here, you can walk through a bishop pine forest, and it hasn’t burned for so long that the litter can be a foot deep,” Gaman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This build-up of organic material stokes fears of an exceptionally big and fast-moving wildfire ripping through Inverness. Until that happens, though, the litter is actually a big problem for the bishop pines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001349\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001349\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-ATOM-GAMAN-BISHOP-PINE-SEEDS-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Gaman holds his collection of extracted bishop pine seeds. The seeds are locked inside pine cones held shut with pitch. Gaman opens the cones by roasting them in his oven. Bishop pines rely on wildfires to reproduce in the wild. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gaman said that bishop pine seeds won’t germinate unless they’re down on what foresters call “bare mineral soil.” In 1939, a dozen years before Tomales Bay State Park opened, there was a big fire that cleared the land. The bishop pine forest we see today naturally sprung back after that wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the forest is 80 years old, and the dying bishop pines are being replaced by oak and bay. Without another wildfire, this indigenous bishop pine forest — the largest natural bishop pine grove in the world — will eventually disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Resilience of the forest, not the trees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gaman explained that it’s not because bishop pines are fragile. “There might be 40 generations of bishop pines in the life of one redwood tree,” Gaman said. “So bishop pines are resilient in that the young ones can burst onto the landscape after a fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beauty of bishop pines is that they make space for the next generation. While it’s a pain to clear fallen trees, it’s a chore that’s easier to appreciate after the full experience of hiking the Johnstone Trail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001348\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001348\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1500\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED.jpg 1500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240822-AEMMANUEL-WALKING-BISHOP-PINE-2-KQED-1152x1536.jpg 1152w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1500px) 100vw, 1500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Emmanuel Serriere hikes through the bishop pine forest along the Johnstone Trail in Tomales Bay State Park. \u003ccite>(Lusen Mendel/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After I watched Serriere clear a lower part of the trail, we hiked up to a ridge. First, he pointed out the fallen tree he’d cleared and marked with the trail’s highest altitude. Then he turned to the clearing that the dead tree exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, we got new babies,” Serriere exclaimed. “New bishop pines coming up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001163\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001163\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240820_BISHOPPINES_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bishop pine, visible on the center-left, can be seen from Heart’s Desire Beach at Tomales Bay State Park on Aug. 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-provocative-and-flamboyant-origins-of-lowriding",
"title": "The Provocative, Rebellious and Flamboyant Origins of Lowriding",
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"headTitle": "The Provocative, Rebellious and Flamboyant Origins of Lowriding | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some, a lowrider might just be a car with hydraulics, but amongst the most passionate followers, lowriding is a culture with its own aesthetic, attitude and history. Lowriding aficionados can now be found globally — in the streets of France, Japan, Dubai and more — each with their own style. But the origins of this artistic automotive subculture are still hotly debated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Bay Curious listener heard that lowriding got its start in both Los Angeles and San José. They asked us to explore the lowriding origin story or stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Professor John Ulloa, the Dean of Arts and Social Science at West Valley College, has spent time researching the history of lowriding for his podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says to start at ground zero we have to focus on one group of lowriders, the subculture of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20230913-pachucos-the-latinx-subculture-that-defied-the-us\">pachucos\u003c/a> in East Los Angeles in the 1940s. Pachuco is Spanish for punk, and the group was made up of primarily Mexican American youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘All my friends know the lowrider’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Pachuco culture is provocative in nature, it really comes out of jazz culture, big band and swing,” Ulloa said. “These kids, by a white dominant paradigm, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbssocal.org/shows/artbound/pachucos-not-just-mexican-american-males-or-juvenile-delinquents\">were othered and seen as foreign\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pachucos were children during the Great Depression, and they’d seen friends and family members deported en masse to Mexico — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002189/over-1-million-were-deported-to-mexico-nearly-100-years-ago-most-of-them-were-u-s-citizens\">even if they were legal citizens\u003c/a>. So these kids were about fighting assimilation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001113\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001113\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1235\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-800x494.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-1020x630.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-1536x948.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-1920x1186.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The engine of ‘El Diablo,’ a 1963 GMC truck at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pachuco culture developed in the shadow of World War II, at a time when many Americans were rationing gas, food, and not buying new clothes to save resources for the war effort. Rationing was seen as patriotic, but the pachuco style was extravagant. They wore zoot suits: a clothing style from jazz culture that was popular with Black, Latino and Filipino youth. It featured ballooned pants, exaggerated shoulder pads, and nice hats topped off with a single large feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole presentation was really flamboyant and seen as not only criminalized but completely un-American,” Ulloa said. “It was the antithesis of the white Anglo picket fence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pachucos also went against the grain when it came to American car culture. In the late ’40s and early ’50s, white Americans were hacking their hot rod cars to go fast. But the pachucos were doing the exact opposite. They bought less expensive, older cars and customized them to go low and slow. Before the advent of hydraulics, that meant making the car heavier to force it lower to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You ‘slam it,’” said Ulloa, “Literally with sandbags, with rocks, with cinder blocks, with bricks, whatever you could find that was heavy to put in the trunk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the argument for Los Angeles being the birthplace of lowriding is compelling. But, Ulloa said, the San José scene is extremely significant in terms of lowrider history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001107\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001107\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tracy Gallardo sits in her dream car, a 1958 Chevy Impala, at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Do You Know the Way to San Jose?’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The San José argument largely has to do with [it being] the birthplace of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101875250/san-jose-founded-lowrider-magazine-icon-of-chicano-car-culture-goes-out-of-print\">\u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine\u003c/a>,” Ulloa said. “It was a lifestyle magazine, it wasn’t just cars and vehicles — it was people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1977 while studying at San Jose State, Sonny Madrid launched \u003cem>Lowrider \u003c/em>magazine, a monthly publication that celebrated Chicano culture. A small staff, including some of Madrid’s friends, wrote articles about fashion, music, politics — it was a hit at the newsstands at just the right time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001102\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The steering wheel of a Buick Regal with ‘SF’ on it at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ulloa stamps the first five years of \u003cem>Lowrider \u003c/em>being published as the “Golden Era,” because people were already lowriding but its circulation was able to reach audiences beyond San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cem>Lowrider \u003c/em>magazine was able to give everyone access to see what people were doing all over the Southwest,” said Ulloa. “The youth had \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine, whether they were lowriding or not — they were able to see themselves at a car show as participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001105\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Monte Carlo parked on three wheels outside of the Palace of Fine Arts during the annual King of the Streets car show on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> solidified lowriding as a culture in California, and then the circulation of the magazine went international. The Letters to the Editor section of the magazine was filled with submissions from readers in Great Britain, France, all over the world, giving praise for the magazine’s content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there’s a global phenomenon, there’s always a local take on it. Each city adds their own flare to lowriding. People in the know can often spot a Bay Area lowrider versus one from L.A., or San Antonio, or Japan. Maybe it’s a custom paint job, or a tire size popular in a certain area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001110\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001110\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1963 Chevy Impala enters the Palace of Fine Arts during the annual King of the Streets car show on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Everywhere lowriding goes, the community leaves a mark. Ulloa won’t settle the debate about the origins starting in Los Angeles or San José. He said it originates in the Mexican American experience in the southwestern part of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Ulloa, where lowriding started doesn’t matter. But why people care does. Everyone wants to own a piece of history, he said, especially when there are communities who have had their histories systemically erased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more about lowriding, check out these episodes of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13923205/best-of-roll-with-us-a-sisterhood-of-lowriding\">Rightnowish \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/trulyca/99/everything-comes-from-the-streets\">Truly CA\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>And if you want to know how lowriding — once banned in California — finally became legal, check out this episode of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966254/california-lifts-decades-old-ban-on-lowrider-cruising\">The Bay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car with a sign reading ‘I’m not old, I’m classic’ is displayed on a 1964 GMC truck at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>When Naomi Barrios and her sister Rosie were teenagers in the 1980s, they would look forward to cruising around Salinas every Friday and Saturday night. They’d roll low and slow, down Alisal Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(music begins)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naomi Barrios: \u003c/strong>That was the best. Meeting people, seeing cars, having fun, enjoying the music, flirting with guys. It was fun!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Naomi and Ros would cruise in a burgundy Pontiac Firebird … sporty looking car … with a regal yellow firebird painted on the hood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naomi Barrios:\u003c/strong> After we would cruise a little bit, a couple times, you know, three times. Then we would park, at a Winchell’s Donut place. That was our spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> In the parking lot people, mostly from Salina’s Chicano community, would line up their immaculate cars and show off their newest modifications. I’m talking leather seats, shiny rims and precise paint jobs. These cars weren’t simply modes of transportation. They were creative vessels, canvases for artistic expression, one’s pride and joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naomi Barrios: \u003c/strong>It was a big crowd hanging out there outside. Inside everybody ordering, chatting. Everybody had their music on. Again, just looking at their cars, meeting new people, making new friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> The whole thing … it was a scene. One that was popping up in communities all across California. That’s because California is the birthplace of lowriding culture … but where exactly that birthplace is has been a point of contention. Some folks say Lowriding started down in L.A., others say things got going in San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> A Bay Curious listener asked us to unpack the dispute. You selected the question in a public voting round. So, today on the show, we’ll explore the lowriding origin story … or stories. Then, we’ll learn how lowriding became criminalized, and catch up on where things are at today. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We roll … right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor Message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So, did lowriding start in San José or L.A.? Or somewhere else all together? To start today’s episode, Bay Curious intern, Ana De Almeida Amaral, headed out to a car show to get the lay of the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral (in tape):\u003c/strong> So I’m in a parking lot and there are dozens of cars just parked along both sides, and they’re painted all sorts of beautiful colors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Right behind the palace of fine arts in San Francisco, over a hundred people are gathered for the King of the Streets car show. In the middle of the parking lot, a sparkly, lime green Chevy is parked — with the hood popped revealing a shiny chrome engine. Nearby is a light blue two-seater, with a painting of a nude woman on the hood. The car is balanced on three wheels — one wheel 3 feet in the air — showing off its hydraulic suspension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>People stand around cars that look like art pieces, drinking, eating, and talking all about the features. A car owner named Carlos brags about his ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos:\u003c/strong> That’s my car right there, El Mas Gangster de Todos. It’s a 1948 Buick Super 50. It’s all original … original chromes, original paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> As I walked down rows and rows of lifted, candy painted, and tricked out cars, I bumped into Anthony, who was wiping his white car’s exterior with a towel even though, to me, it already looked pristine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony:\u003c/strong> This is a 1969 Chevy Caprice, it has a 350 small block, uh brand new block. It has hydraulics, it’s lifted front and back — were from the BLVD Kings Car Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> And how long have you been working on cars?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony:\u003c/strong> Oof, since I was a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> He points to an older man working on the car with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony:\u003c/strong> He basically taught me everything I know, the first car I remember him having was a ’72 Impala, so that basically got me into it. And then I remember growing up in the mission, seeing all the mini-trucks going up and down the mission. So, it’s been all my life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> Other people I spoke to shared the same passion for this art form and a deep pride in the lowriding culture. But when I asked about the origins of lowriding, I got a lot of answers …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral (in tape):\u003c/strong> Where do you think that it got started?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony: \u003c/strong>Oh, L.A. all day. Everybody knows, lowriding got started in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Man 1 at the car show:\u003c/strong> In my hometown, Turlock, California. Cause I was a kid from there! [laughs]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Man 2 at the car show:\u003c/strong> Hmmm, it’s been said San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Man 3 at the car show:\u003c/strong> From what I understand, it started somewhere in Baja California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Robert:\u003c/strong> I think it started with every little kid who had a Hot Wheels and stole their mom’s nail polish and started candy painting their hot wheels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Out on the streets, Ana didn’t find a straight answer, so we passed it off to reporter Sebastian Miño-Bucheli to dive deeper into the world of lowriding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> It’s clear that within the lowriding community, this matter isn’t settled. So I talked to someone who has been studying lowriding for a long time … Professor John Ulloa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> It’s debatable. I mean, it’s hotly debated. Hotly debated. Everybody wants to claim ground zero for low riding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> Ulloa is the dean of arts and social science at West Valley College. He says one tough thing about this question is that lowriding has evolved a lot over time …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> A lot of people say, well, it’s a it’s a car with hydraulics on it. But if you’re looking at culture and you’re looking at stance of car, you’re looking at attitude, you’re looking at aesthetics. Um, you know, the clothing and in tandem with the cars and, you know. Just the presence of, you know, how one presents themselves culturally… I think that we really have to be looking at the pachucos of the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Jazzy mellow music from the 1940s era)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> Here comes the argument for Los Angeles being the birthplace of lowriding …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> The pachucos were a subculture of predominantly Mexican American young people that thrived in East Los Angeles around World War II. Pachuco means “Punk” in Spanish\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were kids during the Great Depression, and had seen their friends and family members of Mexican descent deported en masse, even those who were American citizens. It was part of the U.S. government’s “repatriation” program … which ultimately saw the mass deportation of about a million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>These kids, by a white dominant paradigm, were othered and seen as foreign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> The U.S., and white society had not treated their families well, so the pachucos were all about resisting assimilation, and instead creating something of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>Pachuco culture is provocative in nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(music ends)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> During World War II, many Americans were showing their patriotism by rationing … using less gas, eating less food, not buying new clothes. The idea was to save resources for the war effort. But the pachucos … they were rocking the Zoot suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>You have an exaggerated aesthetic with ballooned out pants, exaggerated shoulders in the coats. Um, you know, topped off with a nice hat with a big single feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> This clothing style came from jazz culture and it was popular amongst Black, Latino and Filipino youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>So the whole presentation was really flamboyant and seen as not only criminalized but completely un-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> Around this time, in the ’40s, White Americans were hacking their hotrod cars to go fast. So pachucos did the exact opposite. They went low and slow … sending a clear message about their nonconformity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>Necessity is the mother of all invention, right so. It was cheap to get a ’30s car and work on it, you know make it your own. You lower it in the back or you lower it all the way around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> And this was decades before hydraulics came on the scene, so getting low meant filling the trunk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>You slam it quote unquote as we say. Literally. With sandbags, with rocks, with cinder blocks, with bricks, whatever you could find that was heavy to put in the trunk. What that would do is that would take the car from sitting level, to being lowered in the back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> The pachucos also pushed against the grain with candy-colored paint jobs and Chicano art. These cars were a loud and proud statement about their culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>Low and slow was the antithesis of hot rod fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> So if we’re looking at who are the OG lowriders, the first to start driving low and slow, Los Angeles and the pachucos have a compelling argument. But then where does this San Jose argument come from? What stake does that city have in lowriding culture?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> The San José argument largely has to do with it’s the birthplace of \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Mellow 1970s era music)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>In 1977, a guy named Sonny Madrid was a student at San Jose State. With a few friends, he launched \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine, a monthly that celebrated Chicano culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> It was a lifestyle magazine. It wasn’t just cars and vehicles. It was people. Right …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>The magazine had articles about fashion, music, politics. And it was hitting newsstands at just the right time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> The Golden Era, as I’ve timestamped it, was from 1977 to 1982 and those were the first five years of \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine. People were already lowriding prior to \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine, but now what \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine did is it was able to give everyone access to see what people were doing all over the Southwest, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>It helped solidify lowriding as a culture. And then it exported that culture making it into a global phenomenon. The Letters to the Editor section of the magazine put that on full display.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> There were letters in there from Great Britain, Scandinavia, France, Germany, all over the world. People are saying, “Hey, I just got your magazine in my hand, and this is so cool. We don’t have this here, but as soon as we can, we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>And when there’s a global phenomenon going around, there’s always a local take on the phenomenon. Each city adds their own flare to lowriding. People in the know can often spot a Bay Area lowrider versus one from L.A. or one from San Antonio, or Japan. Maybe it’s a custom paint job. Or a tire size popular in a certain area. Everywhere lowriding goes, the community leaves a mark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Blues begins)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>At the end of the day, Ulloa won’t settle the debate about if lowriding started in Los Angeles … or if what came out of San José and \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine was so unique it was something new altogether …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> Safely we can say that lowriding originates in the Mexican American experience in the southwestern part of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>To Ulloa, where lowriding started doesn’t matter. But why people care does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> The real question is why are people planting that flag? That’s the deeper question and everybody wants to own history. Especially communities that have historically had their histories systematically erased, swept under the rug, ignored, altered, unheard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in the clear for a few seconds and then fades)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Sebastian, Lowriding has such a fascinating history in this state. And while we can celebrate that it was born here, it hasn’t always been accepted here. Can you explain how lowriding first became criminalized?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>If we go back to the pachucos in the 1940s, they were surrounded by military personnel in Los Angeles waiting to leave to fight in World War II. And the presence of pachucos did not sit well with them. They thought zoot suits were unpatriotic … a sign of gang affiliation. And that’s a narrative that the local press really fed into.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>There were a series of violent clashes where off-duty servicemen, police and white civilians attacked the pachucos, known as the Zoot Suit Riots. Anyone caught by the mob were stripped of their zoot suits and beaten. That’s where we start to see pachuco culture become targeted by police. Racial profiling is happening. And it extends to people driving lowriders. This criminalization of lowriding would play out for decades to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In 1982, the state of California passed a law that allowed cities to implement cruising bans … over concerns about traffic, noise and crime. It also set limits on how much a car could be lowered. And then Soon after that cities like Sacramento, Fresno, L.A. and San José all had cruising bans on the books. What happened to the community in those places?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>The culture didn’t go anywhere, but people did get creative. People kept lowriding, eventually car shows started happening. These were sanctioned events where the lowriding community could still gather. But ultimately, activists started working to change things. And it worked! Just last year, California passed AB 436, a law that overturns the cruising bans, and lifts that prohibition on how low cars can go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re still seeing how it all plays out on the local level, but this last May, East San José had their first lowrider event since the ban was lifted for Cinco de Mayo. And people I spoke with there were optimistic about the future. And they were really happy to be there that day to share in the community and culture. They said finally we’re able to do this again!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli. Thanks for your reporting on this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>You’re welcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music with trumpets begins)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>KQED’s podcast The Bay has an excellent episode from when the cruising ban was lifted last year, that gets a lot more into how it was criminalized. It’s called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966254/california-lifts-decades-old-ban-on-lowrider-cruising\">California Lifts Decades-Old Ban on Lowrider Cruising.\u003c/a>” We’ll link to it in our show notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Also in our show notes is a link to the web story for this Bay Curious podcast episode — check it out for some awesome photos of that lowrider car show our intern Ana went to, along with several videos KQED has produced about lowriders over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. If you like what we’re doing here at Bay Curious, please consider becoming a KQED member today. Learn more at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>This episode was produced by Ana De Almeida Amaral, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, and me Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Katrina Schwartz, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan and the whole KQED Family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen-Price … hoping you have a wonderful week. Bye!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To some, a lowrider might just be a car with hydraulics, but amongst the most passionate followers, lowriding is a culture with its own aesthetic, attitude and history. Lowriding aficionados can now be found globally — in the streets of France, Japan, Dubai and more — each with their own style. But the origins of this artistic automotive subculture are still hotly debated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Bay Curious listener heard that lowriding got its start in both Los Angeles and San José. They asked us to explore the lowriding origin story or stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Professor John Ulloa, the Dean of Arts and Social Science at West Valley College, has spent time researching the history of lowriding for his podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says to start at ground zero we have to focus on one group of lowriders, the subculture of \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20230913-pachucos-the-latinx-subculture-that-defied-the-us\">pachucos\u003c/a> in East Los Angeles in the 1940s. Pachuco is Spanish for punk, and the group was made up of primarily Mexican American youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘All my friends know the lowrider’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Pachuco culture is provocative in nature, it really comes out of jazz culture, big band and swing,” Ulloa said. “These kids, by a white dominant paradigm, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbssocal.org/shows/artbound/pachucos-not-just-mexican-american-males-or-juvenile-delinquents\">were othered and seen as foreign\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pachucos were children during the Great Depression, and they’d seen friends and family members deported en masse to Mexico — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002189/over-1-million-were-deported-to-mexico-nearly-100-years-ago-most-of-them-were-u-s-citizens\">even if they were legal citizens\u003c/a>. So these kids were about fighting assimilation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001113\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001113\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1235\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-800x494.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-1020x630.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-1536x948.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-34-KQED-1920x1186.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The engine of ‘El Diablo,’ a 1963 GMC truck at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pachuco culture developed in the shadow of World War II, at a time when many Americans were rationing gas, food, and not buying new clothes to save resources for the war effort. Rationing was seen as patriotic, but the pachuco style was extravagant. They wore zoot suits: a clothing style from jazz culture that was popular with Black, Latino and Filipino youth. It featured ballooned pants, exaggerated shoulder pads, and nice hats topped off with a single large feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole presentation was really flamboyant and seen as not only criminalized but completely un-American,” Ulloa said. “It was the antithesis of the white Anglo picket fence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001111\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001111\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-32-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pachucos also went against the grain when it came to American car culture. In the late ’40s and early ’50s, white Americans were hacking their hot rod cars to go fast. But the pachucos were doing the exact opposite. They bought less expensive, older cars and customized them to go low and slow. Before the advent of hydraulics, that meant making the car heavier to force it lower to the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You ‘slam it,’” said Ulloa, “Literally with sandbags, with rocks, with cinder blocks, with bricks, whatever you could find that was heavy to put in the trunk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the argument for Los Angeles being the birthplace of lowriding is compelling. But, Ulloa said, the San José scene is extremely significant in terms of lowrider history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001107\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001107\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-21-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tracy Gallardo sits in her dream car, a 1958 Chevy Impala, at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Do You Know the Way to San Jose?’ \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The San José argument largely has to do with [it being] the birthplace of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101875250/san-jose-founded-lowrider-magazine-icon-of-chicano-car-culture-goes-out-of-print\">\u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine\u003c/a>,” Ulloa said. “It was a lifestyle magazine, it wasn’t just cars and vehicles — it was people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1977 while studying at San Jose State, Sonny Madrid launched \u003cem>Lowrider \u003c/em>magazine, a monthly publication that celebrated Chicano culture. A small staff, including some of Madrid’s friends, wrote articles about fashion, music, politics — it was a hit at the newsstands at just the right time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001102\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-7-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The steering wheel of a Buick Regal with ‘SF’ on it at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ulloa stamps the first five years of \u003cem>Lowrider \u003c/em>being published as the “Golden Era,” because people were already lowriding but its circulation was able to reach audiences beyond San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cem>Lowrider \u003c/em>magazine was able to give everyone access to see what people were doing all over the Southwest,” said Ulloa. “The youth had \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine, whether they were lowriding or not — they were able to see themselves at a car show as participants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001105\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001105\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Monte Carlo parked on three wheels outside of the Palace of Fine Arts during the annual King of the Streets car show on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> solidified lowriding as a culture in California, and then the circulation of the magazine went international. The Letters to the Editor section of the magazine was filled with submissions from readers in Great Britain, France, all over the world, giving praise for the magazine’s content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When there’s a global phenomenon, there’s always a local take on it. Each city adds their own flare to lowriding. People in the know can often spot a Bay Area lowrider versus one from L.A., or San Antonio, or Japan. Maybe it’s a custom paint job, or a tire size popular in a certain area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001110\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001110\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1963 Chevy Impala enters the Palace of Fine Arts during the annual King of the Streets car show on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Everywhere lowriding goes, the community leaves a mark. Ulloa won’t settle the debate about the origins starting in Los Angeles or San José. He said it originates in the Mexican American experience in the southwestern part of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Ulloa, where lowriding started doesn’t matter. But why people care does. Everyone wants to own a piece of history, he said, especially when there are communities who have had their histories systemically erased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To learn more about lowriding, check out these episodes of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13923205/best-of-roll-with-us-a-sisterhood-of-lowriding\">Rightnowish \u003c/a>and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/trulyca/99/everything-comes-from-the-streets\">Truly CA\u003c/a>\u003cem>. \u003c/em>And if you want to know how lowriding — once banned in California — finally became legal, check out this episode of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966254/california-lifts-decades-old-ban-on-lowrider-cruising\">The Bay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001112\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001112\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/20240817_LOWRIDERS_GC-33-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A car with a sign reading ‘I’m not old, I’m classic’ is displayed on a 1964 GMC truck at the annual King of the Streets car show at the Palace of Fine Arts on Aug. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>When Naomi Barrios and her sister Rosie were teenagers in the 1980s, they would look forward to cruising around Salinas every Friday and Saturday night. They’d roll low and slow, down Alisal Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(music begins)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naomi Barrios: \u003c/strong>That was the best. Meeting people, seeing cars, having fun, enjoying the music, flirting with guys. It was fun!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Naomi and Ros would cruise in a burgundy Pontiac Firebird … sporty looking car … with a regal yellow firebird painted on the hood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naomi Barrios:\u003c/strong> After we would cruise a little bit, a couple times, you know, three times. Then we would park, at a Winchell’s Donut place. That was our spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> In the parking lot people, mostly from Salina’s Chicano community, would line up their immaculate cars and show off their newest modifications. I’m talking leather seats, shiny rims and precise paint jobs. These cars weren’t simply modes of transportation. They were creative vessels, canvases for artistic expression, one’s pride and joy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Naomi Barrios: \u003c/strong>It was a big crowd hanging out there outside. Inside everybody ordering, chatting. Everybody had their music on. Again, just looking at their cars, meeting new people, making new friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> The whole thing … it was a scene. One that was popping up in communities all across California. That’s because California is the birthplace of lowriding culture … but where exactly that birthplace is has been a point of contention. Some folks say Lowriding started down in L.A., others say things got going in San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> A Bay Curious listener asked us to unpack the dispute. You selected the question in a public voting round. So, today on the show, we’ll explore the lowriding origin story … or stories. Then, we’ll learn how lowriding became criminalized, and catch up on where things are at today. I’m Olivia Allen-Price. We roll … right after this.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor Message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>So, did lowriding start in San José or L.A.? Or somewhere else all together? To start today’s episode, Bay Curious intern, Ana De Almeida Amaral, headed out to a car show to get the lay of the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral (in tape):\u003c/strong> So I’m in a parking lot and there are dozens of cars just parked along both sides, and they’re painted all sorts of beautiful colors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>Right behind the palace of fine arts in San Francisco, over a hundred people are gathered for the King of the Streets car show. In the middle of the parking lot, a sparkly, lime green Chevy is parked — with the hood popped revealing a shiny chrome engine. Nearby is a light blue two-seater, with a painting of a nude woman on the hood. The car is balanced on three wheels — one wheel 3 feet in the air — showing off its hydraulic suspension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral: \u003c/strong>People stand around cars that look like art pieces, drinking, eating, and talking all about the features. A car owner named Carlos brags about his ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Carlos:\u003c/strong> That’s my car right there, El Mas Gangster de Todos. It’s a 1948 Buick Super 50. It’s all original … original chromes, original paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> As I walked down rows and rows of lifted, candy painted, and tricked out cars, I bumped into Anthony, who was wiping his white car’s exterior with a towel even though, to me, it already looked pristine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony:\u003c/strong> This is a 1969 Chevy Caprice, it has a 350 small block, uh brand new block. It has hydraulics, it’s lifted front and back — were from the BLVD Kings Car Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> And how long have you been working on cars?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony:\u003c/strong> Oof, since I was a kid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> He points to an older man working on the car with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony:\u003c/strong> He basically taught me everything I know, the first car I remember him having was a ’72 Impala, so that basically got me into it. And then I remember growing up in the mission, seeing all the mini-trucks going up and down the mission. So, it’s been all my life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral:\u003c/strong> Other people I spoke to shared the same passion for this art form and a deep pride in the lowriding culture. But when I asked about the origins of lowriding, I got a lot of answers …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ana De Almeida Amaral (in tape):\u003c/strong> Where do you think that it got started?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Anthony: \u003c/strong>Oh, L.A. all day. Everybody knows, lowriding got started in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Man 1 at the car show:\u003c/strong> In my hometown, Turlock, California. Cause I was a kid from there! [laughs]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Man 2 at the car show:\u003c/strong> Hmmm, it’s been said San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Man 3 at the car show:\u003c/strong> From what I understand, it started somewhere in Baja California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Robert:\u003c/strong> I think it started with every little kid who had a Hot Wheels and stole their mom’s nail polish and started candy painting their hot wheels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Out on the streets, Ana didn’t find a straight answer, so we passed it off to reporter Sebastian Miño-Bucheli to dive deeper into the world of lowriding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> It’s clear that within the lowriding community, this matter isn’t settled. So I talked to someone who has been studying lowriding for a long time … Professor John Ulloa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> It’s debatable. I mean, it’s hotly debated. Hotly debated. Everybody wants to claim ground zero for low riding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> Ulloa is the dean of arts and social science at West Valley College. He says one tough thing about this question is that lowriding has evolved a lot over time …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> A lot of people say, well, it’s a it’s a car with hydraulics on it. But if you’re looking at culture and you’re looking at stance of car, you’re looking at attitude, you’re looking at aesthetics. Um, you know, the clothing and in tandem with the cars and, you know. Just the presence of, you know, how one presents themselves culturally… I think that we really have to be looking at the pachucos of the 1940s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Jazzy mellow music from the 1940s era)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> Here comes the argument for Los Angeles being the birthplace of lowriding …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> The pachucos were a subculture of predominantly Mexican American young people that thrived in East Los Angeles around World War II. Pachuco means “Punk” in Spanish\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were kids during the Great Depression, and had seen their friends and family members of Mexican descent deported en masse, even those who were American citizens. It was part of the U.S. government’s “repatriation” program … which ultimately saw the mass deportation of about a million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>These kids, by a white dominant paradigm, were othered and seen as foreign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> The U.S., and white society had not treated their families well, so the pachucos were all about resisting assimilation, and instead creating something of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>Pachuco culture is provocative in nature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(music ends)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> During World War II, many Americans were showing their patriotism by rationing … using less gas, eating less food, not buying new clothes. The idea was to save resources for the war effort. But the pachucos … they were rocking the Zoot suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>You have an exaggerated aesthetic with ballooned out pants, exaggerated shoulders in the coats. Um, you know, topped off with a nice hat with a big single feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> This clothing style came from jazz culture and it was popular amongst Black, Latino and Filipino youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>So the whole presentation was really flamboyant and seen as not only criminalized but completely un-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> Around this time, in the ’40s, White Americans were hacking their hotrod cars to go fast. So pachucos did the exact opposite. They went low and slow … sending a clear message about their nonconformity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>Necessity is the mother of all invention, right so. It was cheap to get a ’30s car and work on it, you know make it your own. You lower it in the back or you lower it all the way around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> And this was decades before hydraulics came on the scene, so getting low meant filling the trunk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>You slam it quote unquote as we say. Literally. With sandbags, with rocks, with cinder blocks, with bricks, whatever you could find that was heavy to put in the trunk. What that would do is that would take the car from sitting level, to being lowered in the back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> The pachucos also pushed against the grain with candy-colored paint jobs and Chicano art. These cars were a loud and proud statement about their culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa: \u003c/strong>Low and slow was the antithesis of hot rod fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli:\u003c/strong> So if we’re looking at who are the OG lowriders, the first to start driving low and slow, Los Angeles and the pachucos have a compelling argument. But then where does this San Jose argument come from? What stake does that city have in lowriding culture?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> The San José argument largely has to do with it’s the birthplace of \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Mellow 1970s era music)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>In 1977, a guy named Sonny Madrid was a student at San Jose State. With a few friends, he launched \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine, a monthly that celebrated Chicano culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> It was a lifestyle magazine. It wasn’t just cars and vehicles. It was people. Right …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>The magazine had articles about fashion, music, politics. And it was hitting newsstands at just the right time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> The Golden Era, as I’ve timestamped it, was from 1977 to 1982 and those were the first five years of \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine. People were already lowriding prior to \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine, but now what \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine did is it was able to give everyone access to see what people were doing all over the Southwest, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>It helped solidify lowriding as a culture. And then it exported that culture making it into a global phenomenon. The Letters to the Editor section of the magazine put that on full display.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> There were letters in there from Great Britain, Scandinavia, France, Germany, all over the world. People are saying, “Hey, I just got your magazine in my hand, and this is so cool. We don’t have this here, but as soon as we can, we will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>And when there’s a global phenomenon going around, there’s always a local take on the phenomenon. Each city adds their own flare to lowriding. People in the know can often spot a Bay Area lowrider versus one from L.A. or one from San Antonio, or Japan. Maybe it’s a custom paint job. Or a tire size popular in a certain area. Everywhere lowriding goes, the community leaves a mark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Blues begins)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>At the end of the day, Ulloa won’t settle the debate about if lowriding started in Los Angeles … or if what came out of San José and \u003cem>Lowrider\u003c/em> magazine was so unique it was something new altogether …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> Safely we can say that lowriding originates in the Mexican American experience in the southwestern part of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>To Ulloa, where lowriding started doesn’t matter. But why people care does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Ulloa:\u003c/strong> The real question is why are people planting that flag? That’s the deeper question and everybody wants to own history. Especially communities that have historically had their histories systematically erased, swept under the rug, ignored, altered, unheard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music in the clear for a few seconds and then fades)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Sebastian, Lowriding has such a fascinating history in this state. And while we can celebrate that it was born here, it hasn’t always been accepted here. Can you explain how lowriding first became criminalized?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>If we go back to the pachucos in the 1940s, they were surrounded by military personnel in Los Angeles waiting to leave to fight in World War II. And the presence of pachucos did not sit well with them. They thought zoot suits were unpatriotic … a sign of gang affiliation. And that’s a narrative that the local press really fed into.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>There were a series of violent clashes where off-duty servicemen, police and white civilians attacked the pachucos, known as the Zoot Suit Riots. Anyone caught by the mob were stripped of their zoot suits and beaten. That’s where we start to see pachuco culture become targeted by police. Racial profiling is happening. And it extends to people driving lowriders. This criminalization of lowriding would play out for decades to come.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>In 1982, the state of California passed a law that allowed cities to implement cruising bans … over concerns about traffic, noise and crime. It also set limits on how much a car could be lowered. And then Soon after that cities like Sacramento, Fresno, L.A. and San José all had cruising bans on the books. What happened to the community in those places?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>The culture didn’t go anywhere, but people did get creative. People kept lowriding, eventually car shows started happening. These were sanctioned events where the lowriding community could still gather. But ultimately, activists started working to change things. And it worked! Just last year, California passed AB 436, a law that overturns the cruising bans, and lifts that prohibition on how low cars can go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re still seeing how it all plays out on the local level, but this last May, East San José had their first lowrider event since the ban was lifted for Cinco de Mayo. And people I spoke with there were optimistic about the future. And they were really happy to be there that day to share in the community and culture. They said finally we’re able to do this again!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli. Thanks for your reporting on this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sebastian Miño-Bucheli: \u003c/strong>You’re welcome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>(Music with trumpets begins)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>KQED’s podcast The Bay has an excellent episode from when the cruising ban was lifted last year, that gets a lot more into how it was criminalized. It’s called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11966254/california-lifts-decades-old-ban-on-lowrider-cruising\">California Lifts Decades-Old Ban on Lowrider Cruising.\u003c/a>” We’ll link to it in our show notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Also in our show notes is a link to the web story for this Bay Curious podcast episode — check it out for some awesome photos of that lowrider car show our intern Ana went to, along with several videos KQED has produced about lowriders over the years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at member-supported KQED. If you like what we’re doing here at Bay Curious, please consider becoming a KQED member today. Learn more at \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>This episode was produced by Ana De Almeida Amaral, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, and me Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Katrina Schwartz, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan and the whole KQED Family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/strong>I’m Olivia Allen-Price … hoping you have a wonderful week. Bye!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>The Newsom administration, news publishers and major tech players, most notably Google and OpenAI, have reached a deal that will kill two state bills that would have forced tech platforms to share ad revenues with news organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $250 million agreement promises to provide funding over the next five years to newsrooms across California and launch a “National AI Innovation Accelerator.” The accelerator would provide financial resources “and other support” to enable newsrooms to experiment with AI to bolster their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Gov. Gavin Newsom wrote the agreement leverages “substantial tech industry resources without imposing new taxes on Californians.” As part of the deal, the Newsom administration is committing $70 million from the state’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, politics is about the art of the possible,” said Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), whose bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB886\">AB 886\u003c/a>, would have forced large tech platforms to pay California newsrooms a portion of their online advertising revenues in exchange for using their content. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1327\">SB 1327\u003c/a>, by state Sen. Steve Glazer (D-East Bay), would have levied a 7.25% tax on digital advertising revenue to create a tax credit for newsrooms. This deal effectively tables both bills less than two weeks before the deadline for both to make it to the governor’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not want to do something that was going to spend five years in the courts being litigated,” Wicks told KQED. “I’ve taken on tech before, and I’ve had other bills sit in court cases for a long time and in the court system.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the state of California is losing newsrooms “every single day. We don’t have time for that. This really, I think, will enable us to get resources into newsrooms quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glazer was less conciliatory. “This agreement, unfortunately, seriously undercuts our work toward a long term solution to rescue independent journalism,” he wrote in a statement. “There is a stark absence in this announcement of any support for journalism from Meta and Amazon. These platforms have captured the intimate data from Californians without paying for it. Their use of that data in advertising is the harm to news outlets that this agreement should mitigate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “News Transformation Fund” established by the deal will be administered by the UC Berkeley School of Journalism, which would distribute funding to California-based state and local news organizations, particularly those serving “news deserts” and underserved and underrepresented communities. “The University and specifically the UC Berkeley School of Journalism stand ready to support this endeavor,” UC President Michael V. Drake said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year, Google will deposit $15 million into the new journalism fund, $5 million into the AI accelerator and $10 million toward existing journalism grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Kent Walker, president of global affairs and chief legal officer for Alphabet, the umbrella company that owns Google, wrote, “California lawmakers have worked with the tech and news sectors to develop a collaborative framework to accelerate AI innovation and support local and national businesses and nonprofit organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google ran an aggressive lobbying campaign against both bills in Sacramento and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983333/why-is-google-removing-news-links-for-some-californians\"> even temporarily removed news links\u003c/a> from its search engine in California in reaction to AB 886.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company made similar threats in both \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-news-canada-0c12334603bad9d150e6a7ade7002eb1\">Canada\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-55760673#\">Australia\u003c/a> before coming to agreements to contribute to news organizations in both countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta followed through on threats to remove news links in both Australia and Canada in response to specific legislative actions in order to influence the terms of legislation. Meta did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement has the support of the California News Publishers Association, which represents 700-plus member newsrooms. “This is a first step toward what we hope will become a comprehensive program to sustain local news in the long term, and we will push to see it grow in future years,” CEO Chuck Champion and Board Chair Julie Makinen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deal has critics, including Free Press Action Co-CEO Jessica J. Gonzàlez, who wrote: “We are disappointed in this outcome and this process. Good policy is made out in the open, where people can see and participate in the democratic process.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said the agreement fails to address the harms Silicon Valley has done to journalism in California, noting that “Since 2004, the state has lost 25 percent of its newspapers, total news circulation has plummeted more than 50 percent, and many ethnic media outlets and nonprofit newsrooms have struggled to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Work will begin immediately to set up the AI accelerator and the UC Berkeley-administered fund, with plans to go live in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Newsom administration, news publishers and major tech players, most notably Google and OpenAI, have reached a deal that will kill two state bills that would have forced tech platforms to share ad revenues with news organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $250 million agreement promises to provide funding over the next five years to newsrooms across California and launch a “National AI Innovation Accelerator.” The accelerator would provide financial resources “and other support” to enable newsrooms to experiment with AI to bolster their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Gov. Gavin Newsom wrote the agreement leverages “substantial tech industry resources without imposing new taxes on Californians.” As part of the deal, the Newsom administration is committing $70 million from the state’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, politics is about the art of the possible,” said Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Oakland), whose bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB886\">AB 886\u003c/a>, would have forced large tech platforms to pay California newsrooms a portion of their online advertising revenues in exchange for using their content. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1327\">SB 1327\u003c/a>, by state Sen. Steve Glazer (D-East Bay), would have levied a 7.25% tax on digital advertising revenue to create a tax credit for newsrooms. This deal effectively tables both bills less than two weeks before the deadline for both to make it to the governor’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not want to do something that was going to spend five years in the courts being litigated,” Wicks told KQED. “I’ve taken on tech before, and I’ve had other bills sit in court cases for a long time and in the court system.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She added that the state of California is losing newsrooms “every single day. We don’t have time for that. This really, I think, will enable us to get resources into newsrooms quickly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Glazer was less conciliatory. “This agreement, unfortunately, seriously undercuts our work toward a long term solution to rescue independent journalism,” he wrote in a statement. “There is a stark absence in this announcement of any support for journalism from Meta and Amazon. These platforms have captured the intimate data from Californians without paying for it. Their use of that data in advertising is the harm to news outlets that this agreement should mitigate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “News Transformation Fund” established by the deal will be administered by the UC Berkeley School of Journalism, which would distribute funding to California-based state and local news organizations, particularly those serving “news deserts” and underserved and underrepresented communities. “The University and specifically the UC Berkeley School of Journalism stand ready to support this endeavor,” UC President Michael V. Drake said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year, Google will deposit $15 million into the new journalism fund, $5 million into the AI accelerator and $10 million toward existing journalism grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Kent Walker, president of global affairs and chief legal officer for Alphabet, the umbrella company that owns Google, wrote, “California lawmakers have worked with the tech and news sectors to develop a collaborative framework to accelerate AI innovation and support local and national businesses and nonprofit organizations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google ran an aggressive lobbying campaign against both bills in Sacramento and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983333/why-is-google-removing-news-links-for-some-californians\"> even temporarily removed news links\u003c/a> from its search engine in California in reaction to AB 886.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company made similar threats in both \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/google-news-canada-0c12334603bad9d150e6a7ade7002eb1\">Canada\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bbc.com/news/world-australia-55760673#\">Australia\u003c/a> before coming to agreements to contribute to news organizations in both countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meta followed through on threats to remove news links in both Australia and Canada in response to specific legislative actions in order to influence the terms of legislation. Meta did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement has the support of the California News Publishers Association, which represents 700-plus member newsrooms. “This is a first step toward what we hope will become a comprehensive program to sustain local news in the long term, and we will push to see it grow in future years,” CEO Chuck Champion and Board Chair Julie Makinen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deal has critics, including Free Press Action Co-CEO Jessica J. Gonzàlez, who wrote: “We are disappointed in this outcome and this process. Good policy is made out in the open, where people can see and participate in the democratic process.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said the agreement fails to address the harms Silicon Valley has done to journalism in California, noting that “Since 2004, the state has lost 25 percent of its newspapers, total news circulation has plummeted more than 50 percent, and many ethnic media outlets and nonprofit newsrooms have struggled to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Work will begin immediately to set up the AI accelerator and the UC Berkeley-administered fund, with plans to go live in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-california-channeled-money-to-for-profit-schools-while-they-were-under-investigation",
"title": "California Channeled Money to For-Profit Schools — While They Were Under Investigation",
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"headTitle": "California Channeled Money to For-Profit Schools — While They Were Under Investigation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When state education investigator Leslie Feist visited Dolphin Trucking School in 2021, a teacher gave her a warning: Don’t stand near the truck while it’s moving. A tire might explode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, most of the trucks on the training lot “did not appear to be roadworthy,” Feist also observed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/accusation_1006582.pdf#page=20\">her report (PDF)\u003c/a>. Over the next two years, investigators found that Dolphin hired instructors who lacked the experience necessary to teach and that the school didn’t give students enough instruction, leaving graduates unprepared for the state’s truck driving exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who did not pass suffered significant financial loss while those who did pass pose a significant danger to the public,” wrote an administrative judge, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/20240821_dolphin_trucking.pdf#page=27\">affirmed (PDF)\u003c/a> the state’s proposal to revoke the school’s license, effective Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet for years, California’s Employment Development Department used taxpayer dollars to subsidize tuition for students who attended Dolphin Trucking School, transforming it into one of the largest recipients of federal job training money in the state. The department continued recommending the school after it was under investigation — a violation of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/ETPL-Policy-and-Procedures.pdf#page=18\">department policy (PDF)\u003c/a> — and when state education officials had moved to revoke the school’s license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the department removed Dolphin and three other schools from its list only after CalMatters asked why it was still recommending schools that were unlicensed or with a license under appeal, and schools that were under state or federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001136\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Dolphin Trucking School listen attentively as their instructor reviews the parts of the truck’s engine. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About half of the students who use the tuition subsidies that the employment department oversees attend for-profit schools, according to its most recent data. (Most of the rest attend a public institution, such as a community college, where tuition is usually free.) A CalMatters review found that among the nearly 120 for-profits enrolling at least four subsidized students, 75 faced disciplinary actions — for violations ranging from unpaid state fees to falsifying records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California relies on these for-profit trade schools to train thousands of students. It channels taxpayer dollars their way to cover tuition, sometimes up to $10,000 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, it does so with unmistakable ambivalence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/general/for-profit-schools#:~:text=Be%20careful%20and,get%20a%20job.\">attorney general’s website\u003c/a> cautions students to “be careful and do your homework” before enrolling in a for-profit school, noting that they “have been accused of fraud, abuse, and predatory practices targeting the poor, veterans and minorities by offering expensive degrees that often fail to deliver promised skills and jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To receive public money, for-profit schools are supposed to meet strict federal and state requirements. Then, if the state employment department is satisfied that qualifying schools’ programs are appropriate for the job market, the department will place them on a recommended schools list so local agencies can refer students there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Bureau for Private Postsecondary Education is in charge of licensing, vetting, and inspecting the state’s for-profit institutions, and it logs every violation it finds. The employment department is supposed to keep abreast of the bureau’s findings and act accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the employment department’s policy explicitly states that a training provider won’t be eligible for funding if it is under “any federal, state or local investigation,” department spokesperson Gareth Lacy said enforcement depends on the circumstances. If the investigation is for “egregious activity,” the department will stop recommending the school until it’s concluded, he said — but that’s not the consequence if a school makes administrative mistakes, such as incomplete reports or late fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a school loses its license or its owner is convicted of a crime related to the institution, Lacy said the department bars the school from receiving taxpayer dollars for at least two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bureau chief Deborah Cochrane declined to comment on the employment department’s policies but warned that some administrative issues, such as a pattern of unpaid fines and fees, can “call into question the administrative capability of the institution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy said that the employment department is “continually looking for ways to tighten the process” of recommending schools and now plans to create a “formal working group” with the education bureau to improve communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-they-don-t-understand-the-trucking-industry-nbsp\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘They don’t understand the trucking industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The main facility of Dolphin Trucking School sits between the Los Angeles River and a topless sports bar next to an on-ramp for the I-10 freeway. It’s a parking lot, about the size of a soccer field, where students practice driving trucks through orange cones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a sunny day in the lot earlier this year, Uriel Zaizar, 24, waited in line for his turn to practice. For him and many others, the journey to this parking lot began with a search for a well-paying job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zaizar said he’s been in and out of jail since he was 18 and is on probation for a drug dealing conviction. In January, he went to a local job center, where career counselors provide advice, job placement, and sometimes financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That financial assistance is the final step in the nation’s complicated workforce development system. Money comes via the federal Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act, which is then allocated by California’s employment department through a network of 45 regional intermediaries known as workforce development boards. The boards collectively manage the state’s nearly 180 job centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In south Los Angeles, a job center spent more than $6,000 of taxpayer dollars to cover Zaizar’s tuition for an eight-week commercial truck driving class at Dolphin. Though Zaizar didn’t know that his school was under investigation, he said he wasn’t surprised, given the school’s mixed reviews online. “I get it,” he said. “It’s not top-notch. It’s the government-funded facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around him, about 20 students milled about. None knew about the investigation, and most didn’t care once they did. At any time, about half of the school’s students receive some form of public tuition subsidy, owner Carla Galvez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001127\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001127\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zaizar said he’s excited to get his truck driving license and start working as soon as possible. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California’s Bureau for Private Postsecondary Education states in its reports that Dolphin committed 38 violations, including poor record-keeping, insufficient equipment for students, and under-qualified teachers. Many students told the bureau that they didn’t get enough class time to meet the state’s requirements for a truck driving license. Instead of learning, one student told the bureau that teachers often spent the first 45 minutes of class switching out batteries and checking equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The operators of Dolphin Trucking denied the bureau’s allegations. Galvez said the trucks have complied with all required maintenance, and she cited inspections by the California Highway Patrol, which show the school’s trucks were “satisfactory” in 2020, 2022, and 2023. Many courses are similar, she said, and students often practice the same skill repeatedly, which is why the curriculum can appear disorganized. She said all the instructors have the relevant experience to teach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001128\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001128\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange cones divide the yard at Dolphin Trucking School, where students practice driving trucks. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The thing about the bureau is, they don’t understand the trucking industry,” said Carla’s daughter, Alejandra Galvez, a school representative. “It’s pretty much whatever complaint they get; they come get the school right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just as Zaizar was preparing to enroll, Dolphin Trucking School was disputing the bureau’s findings in an administrative court. The bureau makes a final decision but typically asks an administrative judge to weigh in first. After hearings in January, April and June, a judge agreed that the bureau should revoke its license.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-when-schools-lose-their-licenses\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>When schools lose their licenses\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the education bureau found that the Computer Institute of Technology in Los Angeles provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/1004198_accusation.pdf#page=12\">“false and misleading information” (PDF)\u003c/a> to its state inspectors. The bureau sought to revoke the school’s license, but after bringing the investigation to an administrative judge, the bureau decided to put it \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/compinstitutetech_sso1.pdf#page=5\">on probation (PDF)\u003c/a> instead, allowing the school to operate as long as the owner agreed to certain tasks, such as providing quarterly reports and a financial audit. The owner also agreed to provide students with a copy of the bureau’s complaints and information about the school’s probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the bureau investigated it again, this time in response to students who complained to the state that \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/computer_institute_of_technology_final_accusation.pdf#page=11\">the school had stolen tuition money (PDF),\u003c/a> both before and after probation began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the state employment department continued to recommend the school — even after the department released its policy in 2021, which prohibited supporting schools under investigation. Lacy, the department spokesperson, confirmed that the last student receiving a subsidy to attend the Computer Institute of Technology graduated in June 2022. A few months later, the Los Angeles district attorney charged the school’s owner with using the Computer Institute of Technology to conduct \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/ba_508660_complaint.pdf\">fraud, forgery, and grand theft (PDF)\u003c/a>. The owner was convicted of conspiracy to commit a crime and of obtaining money through false pretenses. Prosecutors dropped the other charges, and as part of the plea deal, the owner served probation instead of jail time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau was still processing its own investigation. In March 2023, more than six months after the owner’s arrest and over a year after launching the latest investigation, the bureau \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/1006223_computer_institute_of_technology_order.pdf\">revoked the school’s license (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, the bureau is slow, taking over a year to process many routine licensing decisions. For-profit trade schools typically need to renew their licenses with the state every five years, but applications that are going to get denied or are otherwise “problematic” take longer, said Cochrane, the bureau chief. Dolphin Trucking School applied to renew its license in October 2022, the same month that its license expired. While the bureau deliberates on a licensing decision, it treats the school as though it’s still licensed, Cochrane said. In March of this year, the employment department stopped sending students to Dolphin after receiving questions about it from CalMatters. Today, nearly three years after Feist was warned about exploding tires and other problems, the bureau revoked the school’s license, effectively shutting the school down for any other student who wants to enroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is almost certainly room for improvement,” Cochrane acknowledged but added that some delays are inevitable. The licensing process is lengthy and rigorous, and, she said, schools commonly submit incomplete applications, forcing the bureau to spend months filling in the gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Dolphin Trucking School listen as their instructor reviews the truck’s engine parts. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One potential solution would be to clamp down on job training schools that submit incomplete applications. Another would be to require schools to apply long before their licenses expire. Cochrane said the bureau is considering both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two cases, the state employment department continued recommending schools even after the bureau rescinded their licenses. In June 2023, the bureau denied a license renewal request from the Micro-Easy Vocational Institute in Contra Costa County, citing \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/micro-easy_vocational_institute_ord.pdf#page=14\">multiple financial and administrative violations (PDF).\u003c/a> Nine months later, CalMatters asked the department why it still included the school on its recommended list. The department then removed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crescent College in Huntington Park lost its license in September 2023 but appealed the decision in November. This May, the bureau published \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/20240528_crescent_college_soi.pdf\">a statement (PDF)\u003c/a> defending its decision and asking an administrative judge to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters asked the employment department why the school was still recommended after it first lost its license and what the policy is for schools who have licenses under appeal. The department then stopped recommending it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-how-the-law-helped-for-profit-job-training-schools\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>How the law helped for-profit\u003c/strong> job training schools\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cwdb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2022/09/AJCC-Evaluation-Report_FINAL_ACCESSIBLE.pdf#page=10\">Research shows (PDF) \u003c/a>that job seekers who return to school are more likely to earn a higher wage in the long term. However, many job centers send adults directly into the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, state legislators passed \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/sen/sb_0701-0750/sb_734_bill_20111006_chaptered.html\">a law\u003c/a> in 2011 that requires California’s workforce development boards to spend at least 20% of their money on education, such as tuition subsidies. Because the law regulates the amount of money spent — instead of the number of people trained — workforce boards and job centers are under pressure to spend those dollars, said Bob Lanter, the former director of the California Workforce Association. For years, he advocated on behalf of the regional workforce development boards, which directly oversee job centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11962723,news_11959751,news_11773028\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the law was passed, Lanter said that many for-profit schools raised tuition, knowing boards and job centers needed to spend more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s not be so focused on how much money is spent,” he said. “Let’s be focused on how many people are receiving services, and maybe, the type of services they’re receiving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the U.S. House of Representatives passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6655/text\">a bipartisan bill\u003c/a>, sponsored by North Carolina Republican Virginia Foxx, that would require workforce development boards to spend at least 50% of the money earmarked for lower-income and unemployed adults on tuition subsidies or other forms of job training. It won’t just lead to more spending, though, said a spokesperson for Foxx, AnnMarie Graham-Barnes. She said the idea that workforce boards would spend more money without training more people “rests on a cynical view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This bill calls for more collaboration between community colleges and job centers, and it would create new requirements meant to weed out programs that charge a high tuition but lead to low-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Javier Romero, deputy director of workforce services at California’s employment department, said the state is also encouraging students to attend cheaper institutions, such as community colleges. Instead of putting money toward tuition at for-profit schools, job centers can use those dollars to help cover other student expenses, such as bus fare or rent. In total, the state’s job centers gave students just shy of $870,000 for personal expenses for the year ending in June 2023, according to Lacy, the department spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001130\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zaizar at Dolphin Trucking School. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Uriel Zaizar was one of the last students to attend Dolphin Trucking School using job training tuition money from the employment department. Earlier this year, as he was wrapping up the course, he said that, in retrospect, he would have been better off sticking with a community college. Before the pandemic, he was in a two-year program at a community college, Los Angeles Trade-Technical College, to become a contractor. But he dropped out after one semester, opting for something that seemed to promise a quicker job. “Here is only two months,” he said, referring to the trucking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On many days after class ended, Zaizar would linger in the parking lot for another hour, waiting for his girlfriend to pick him up because they shared a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trucking license, he said, would be his best shot at making money, fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Check to see if a \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/disciplinary_actions.shtml\">\u003cem>for-profit job training school faces state violations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> with this lookup tool. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California uses federal dollars intended to help students train for better jobs, but the money often goes to for-profit schools — even some under investigation.",
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"title": "California Channeled Money to For-Profit Schools — While They Were Under Investigation | KQED",
"description": "California uses federal dollars intended to help students train for better jobs, but the money often goes to for-profit schools — even some under investigation.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/adam-echelman/\">Adam Echelman\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When state education investigator Leslie Feist visited Dolphin Trucking School in 2021, a teacher gave her a warning: Don’t stand near the truck while it’s moving. A tire might explode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, most of the trucks on the training lot “did not appear to be roadworthy,” Feist also observed in \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/accusation_1006582.pdf#page=20\">her report (PDF)\u003c/a>. Over the next two years, investigators found that Dolphin hired instructors who lacked the experience necessary to teach and that the school didn’t give students enough instruction, leaving graduates unprepared for the state’s truck driving exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those who did not pass suffered significant financial loss while those who did pass pose a significant danger to the public,” wrote an administrative judge, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/20240821_dolphin_trucking.pdf#page=27\">affirmed (PDF)\u003c/a> the state’s proposal to revoke the school’s license, effective Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet for years, California’s Employment Development Department used taxpayer dollars to subsidize tuition for students who attended Dolphin Trucking School, transforming it into one of the largest recipients of federal job training money in the state. The department continued recommending the school after it was under investigation — a violation of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/ETPL-Policy-and-Procedures.pdf#page=18\">department policy (PDF)\u003c/a> — and when state education officials had moved to revoke the school’s license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, the department removed Dolphin and three other schools from its list only after CalMatters asked why it was still recommending schools that were unlicensed or with a license under appeal, and schools that were under state or federal investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001136\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001136\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-9-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Dolphin Trucking School listen attentively as their instructor reviews the parts of the truck’s engine. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About half of the students who use the tuition subsidies that the employment department oversees attend for-profit schools, according to its most recent data. (Most of the rest attend a public institution, such as a community college, where tuition is usually free.) A CalMatters review found that among the nearly 120 for-profits enrolling at least four subsidized students, 75 faced disciplinary actions — for violations ranging from unpaid state fees to falsifying records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California relies on these for-profit trade schools to train thousands of students. It channels taxpayer dollars their way to cover tuition, sometimes up to $10,000 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, it does so with unmistakable ambivalence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/consumers/general/for-profit-schools#:~:text=Be%20careful%20and,get%20a%20job.\">attorney general’s website\u003c/a> cautions students to “be careful and do your homework” before enrolling in a for-profit school, noting that they “have been accused of fraud, abuse, and predatory practices targeting the poor, veterans and minorities by offering expensive degrees that often fail to deliver promised skills and jobs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To receive public money, for-profit schools are supposed to meet strict federal and state requirements. Then, if the state employment department is satisfied that qualifying schools’ programs are appropriate for the job market, the department will place them on a recommended schools list so local agencies can refer students there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Bureau for Private Postsecondary Education is in charge of licensing, vetting, and inspecting the state’s for-profit institutions, and it logs every violation it finds. The employment department is supposed to keep abreast of the bureau’s findings and act accordingly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the employment department’s policy explicitly states that a training provider won’t be eligible for funding if it is under “any federal, state or local investigation,” department spokesperson Gareth Lacy said enforcement depends on the circumstances. If the investigation is for “egregious activity,” the department will stop recommending the school until it’s concluded, he said — but that’s not the consequence if a school makes administrative mistakes, such as incomplete reports or late fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If a school loses its license or its owner is convicted of a crime related to the institution, Lacy said the department bars the school from receiving taxpayer dollars for at least two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bureau chief Deborah Cochrane declined to comment on the employment department’s policies but warned that some administrative issues, such as a pattern of unpaid fines and fees, can “call into question the administrative capability of the institution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lacy said that the employment department is “continually looking for ways to tighten the process” of recommending schools and now plans to create a “formal working group” with the education bureau to improve communication.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-they-don-t-understand-the-trucking-industry-nbsp\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">‘They don’t understand the trucking industry’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The main facility of Dolphin Trucking School sits between the Los Angeles River and a topless sports bar next to an on-ramp for the I-10 freeway. It’s a parking lot, about the size of a soccer field, where students practice driving trucks through orange cones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a sunny day in the lot earlier this year, Uriel Zaizar, 24, waited in line for his turn to practice. For him and many others, the journey to this parking lot began with a search for a well-paying job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zaizar said he’s been in and out of jail since he was 18 and is on probation for a drug dealing conviction. In January, he went to a local job center, where career counselors provide advice, job placement, and sometimes financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That financial assistance is the final step in the nation’s complicated workforce development system. Money comes via the federal Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act, which is then allocated by California’s employment department through a network of 45 regional intermediaries known as workforce development boards. The boards collectively manage the state’s nearly 180 job centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In south Los Angeles, a job center spent more than $6,000 of taxpayer dollars to cover Zaizar’s tuition for an eight-week commercial truck driving class at Dolphin. Though Zaizar didn’t know that his school was under investigation, he said he wasn’t surprised, given the school’s mixed reviews online. “I get it,” he said. “It’s not top-notch. It’s the government-funded facility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around him, about 20 students milled about. None knew about the investigation, and most didn’t care once they did. At any time, about half of the school’s students receive some form of public tuition subsidy, owner Carla Galvez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001127\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001127\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-41-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zaizar said he’s excited to get his truck driving license and start working as soon as possible. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California’s Bureau for Private Postsecondary Education states in its reports that Dolphin committed 38 violations, including poor record-keeping, insufficient equipment for students, and under-qualified teachers. Many students told the bureau that they didn’t get enough class time to meet the state’s requirements for a truck driving license. Instead of learning, one student told the bureau that teachers often spent the first 45 minutes of class switching out batteries and checking equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The operators of Dolphin Trucking denied the bureau’s allegations. Galvez said the trucks have complied with all required maintenance, and she cited inspections by the California Highway Patrol, which show the school’s trucks were “satisfactory” in 2020, 2022, and 2023. Many courses are similar, she said, and students often practice the same skill repeatedly, which is why the curriculum can appear disorganized. She said all the instructors have the relevant experience to teach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001128\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001128\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-4-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange cones divide the yard at Dolphin Trucking School, where students practice driving trucks. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The thing about the bureau is, they don’t understand the trucking industry,” said Carla’s daughter, Alejandra Galvez, a school representative. “It’s pretty much whatever complaint they get; they come get the school right away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just as Zaizar was preparing to enroll, Dolphin Trucking School was disputing the bureau’s findings in an administrative court. The bureau makes a final decision but typically asks an administrative judge to weigh in first. After hearings in January, April and June, a judge agreed that the bureau should revoke its license.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-when-schools-lose-their-licenses\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>When schools lose their licenses\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2019, the education bureau found that the Computer Institute of Technology in Los Angeles provided \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/1004198_accusation.pdf#page=12\">“false and misleading information” (PDF)\u003c/a> to its state inspectors. The bureau sought to revoke the school’s license, but after bringing the investigation to an administrative judge, the bureau decided to put it \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/compinstitutetech_sso1.pdf#page=5\">on probation (PDF)\u003c/a> instead, allowing the school to operate as long as the owner agreed to certain tasks, such as providing quarterly reports and a financial audit. The owner also agreed to provide students with a copy of the bureau’s complaints and information about the school’s probation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, the bureau investigated it again, this time in response to students who complained to the state that \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/computer_institute_of_technology_final_accusation.pdf#page=11\">the school had stolen tuition money (PDF),\u003c/a> both before and after probation began.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the state employment department continued to recommend the school — even after the department released its policy in 2021, which prohibited supporting schools under investigation. Lacy, the department spokesperson, confirmed that the last student receiving a subsidy to attend the Computer Institute of Technology graduated in June 2022. A few months later, the Los Angeles district attorney charged the school’s owner with using the Computer Institute of Technology to conduct \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/ba_508660_complaint.pdf\">fraud, forgery, and grand theft (PDF)\u003c/a>. The owner was convicted of conspiracy to commit a crime and of obtaining money through false pretenses. Prosecutors dropped the other charges, and as part of the plea deal, the owner served probation instead of jail time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bureau was still processing its own investigation. In March 2023, more than six months after the owner’s arrest and over a year after launching the latest investigation, the bureau \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/1006223_computer_institute_of_technology_order.pdf\">revoked the school’s license (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, the bureau is slow, taking over a year to process many routine licensing decisions. For-profit trade schools typically need to renew their licenses with the state every five years, but applications that are going to get denied or are otherwise “problematic” take longer, said Cochrane, the bureau chief. Dolphin Trucking School applied to renew its license in October 2022, the same month that its license expired. While the bureau deliberates on a licensing decision, it treats the school as though it’s still licensed, Cochrane said. In March of this year, the employment department stopped sending students to Dolphin after receiving questions about it from CalMatters. Today, nearly three years after Feist was warned about exploding tires and other problems, the bureau revoked the school’s license, effectively shutting the school down for any other student who wants to enroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is almost certainly room for improvement,” Cochrane acknowledged but added that some delays are inevitable. The licensing process is lengthy and rigorous, and, she said, schools commonly submit incomplete applications, forcing the bureau to spend months filling in the gaps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001138\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students at Dolphin Trucking School listen as their instructor reviews the truck’s engine parts. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One potential solution would be to clamp down on job training schools that submit incomplete applications. Another would be to require schools to apply long before their licenses expire. Cochrane said the bureau is considering both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In two cases, the state employment department continued recommending schools even after the bureau rescinded their licenses. In June 2023, the bureau denied a license renewal request from the Micro-Easy Vocational Institute in Contra Costa County, citing \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/micro-easy_vocational_institute_ord.pdf#page=14\">multiple financial and administrative violations (PDF).\u003c/a> Nine months later, CalMatters asked the department why it still included the school on its recommended list. The department then removed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crescent College in Huntington Park lost its license in September 2023 but appealed the decision in November. This May, the bureau published \u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/actions/20240528_crescent_college_soi.pdf\">a statement (PDF)\u003c/a> defending its decision and asking an administrative judge to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters asked the employment department why the school was still recommended after it first lost its license and what the policy is for schools who have licenses under appeal. The department then stopped recommending it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-how-the-law-helped-for-profit-job-training-schools\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">\u003cstrong>How the law helped for-profit\u003c/strong> job training schools\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cwdb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2022/09/AJCC-Evaluation-Report_FINAL_ACCESSIBLE.pdf#page=10\">Research shows (PDF) \u003c/a>that job seekers who return to school are more likely to earn a higher wage in the long term. However, many job centers send adults directly into the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, state legislators passed \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/11-12/bill/sen/sb_0701-0750/sb_734_bill_20111006_chaptered.html\">a law\u003c/a> in 2011 that requires California’s workforce development boards to spend at least 20% of their money on education, such as tuition subsidies. Because the law regulates the amount of money spent — instead of the number of people trained — workforce boards and job centers are under pressure to spend those dollars, said Bob Lanter, the former director of the California Workforce Association. For years, he advocated on behalf of the regional workforce development boards, which directly oversee job centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the law was passed, Lanter said that many for-profit schools raised tuition, knowing boards and job centers needed to spend more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s not be so focused on how much money is spent,” he said. “Let’s be focused on how many people are receiving services, and maybe, the type of services they’re receiving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, the U.S. House of Representatives passed \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/6655/text\">a bipartisan bill\u003c/a>, sponsored by North Carolina Republican Virginia Foxx, that would require workforce development boards to spend at least 50% of the money earmarked for lower-income and unemployed adults on tuition subsidies or other forms of job training. It won’t just lead to more spending, though, said a spokesperson for Foxx, AnnMarie Graham-Barnes. She said the idea that workforce boards would spend more money without training more people “rests on a cynical view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This bill calls for more collaboration between community colleges and job centers, and it would create new requirements meant to weed out programs that charge a high tuition but lead to low-paying jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Javier Romero, deputy director of workforce services at California’s employment department, said the state is also encouraging students to attend cheaper institutions, such as community colleges. Instead of putting money toward tuition at for-profit schools, job centers can use those dollars to help cover other student expenses, such as bus fare or rent. In total, the state’s job centers gave students just shy of $870,000 for personal expenses for the year ending in June 2023, according to Lacy, the department spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12001130\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12001130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/031124-Dolphin-Trucking-School-ZS-CM-43-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zaizar at Dolphin Trucking School. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Uriel Zaizar was one of the last students to attend Dolphin Trucking School using job training tuition money from the employment department. Earlier this year, as he was wrapping up the course, he said that, in retrospect, he would have been better off sticking with a community college. Before the pandemic, he was in a two-year program at a community college, Los Angeles Trade-Technical College, to become a contractor. But he dropped out after one semester, opting for something that seemed to promise a quicker job. “Here is only two months,” he said, referring to the trucking program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On many days after class ended, Zaizar would linger in the parking lot for another hour, waiting for his girlfriend to pick him up because they shared a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trucking license, he said, would be his best shot at making money, fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Check to see if a \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bppe.ca.gov/enforcement/disciplinary_actions.shtml\">\u003cem>for-profit job training school faces state violations\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> with this lookup tool. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Remember when, in March of 2023, more than a thousand technology leaders and researchers warned that generative AI could pose “profound risks to society and humanity”? Two months later, some of the industry’s biggest backers promised international leaders they’d be game to build necessary safeguards. A similar pledge was made last month at the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some prominent figures in the AI industry, including many who have raised safety concerns, are dismissing those worries as science fiction as they pitch an open battle against \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1047\">SB 1047\u003c/a>, a bill that would mandate safety testing for developers of the largest AI models. That measure is on the state Assembly floor for a vote after passing through the Assembly Appropriations Committee along party lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of AI have warned that SB 1047 could stifle the growth of the technology in California. And they’ve rallied three Silicon Valley Congress members — Rep. Zoe Lofgren, Rep. Ro Khanna and Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi — to aid their efforts to kill the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The view of many of us in Congress is that SB 1047 is well-intentioned but ill informed,” Pelosi wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://pelosi.house.gov/news/press-releases/pelosi-statement-opposition-california-senate-bill-1047\">open letter\u003c/a> published last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re simply requiring these labs to perform the safety testing that they have repeatedly and publicly committed to perform,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), who\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976097/california-lawmakers-take-on-ai-regulation-with-a-host-of-bills\"> introduced\u003c/a> the bill and is expected to run to fill Pelosi’s seat once she retires, possibly against her daughter Christine Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he amended the measure to reflect counsel from leaders in the AI space, including safety groups, academics, startups and developers like Amazon-backed Anthropic. A key amendment is that the bill no longer allows California’s attorney general to sue AI companies for negligent safety practices before a catastrophic event has occurred. Also, the original text, which would have established a division within the California Department of Technology “to ensure continuous oversight and enforcement,” is gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, who heads the Senate Budget Committee, told KQED the changes were made in large part to improve the bill’s chances with lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom, given that California is facing a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\"> massive budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “I’m not interested in passing a symbolic bill. I would not agree to amendments that would make it weak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Anthropic warned in an open letter addressed to Wiener that it could not support the bill unless it was amended to “respect the evolving nature of risk reduction practices while minimizing rigid, ambiguous, or burdensome rules.” Anthropic is the first major generative AI developer to publicly signal a willingness to work with Wiener on SB 1047.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"ai\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Microsoft told KQED it has not taken a position on the bill. Robyn Hines, senior director of state government affairs, wrote that the company would prefer federal legislation but “will continue to work with Senator Wiener and others on legislation that will help harness AI’s full potential and advance sensible safety and security protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, Wiener’s measure has received public criticism from respected industry voices like Andrew Ng, the Stanford professor and former Google executive who detailed his concerns in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.deeplearning.ai/the-batch/issue-252/\"> post\u003c/a> viewed by more than 1 million people\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/andrewyng/status/1798753608974139779?s=61\"> on X\u003c/a>, the social media app formerly known as Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad that we’re exploring paths to the make the bill less bad because a bad bill is better than a very bad bill, but I feel that fundamentally, by regulating hypothetical risks of the technology rather than concrete risks of actual applications, I don’t think this bill will make AI safer,” Ng told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1047 would only affect companies building the next generation of AI systems that cost more than $100 million to train. However, critics like Ng, who is the managing general partner of AI Funds, argue the mere threat of legal action from the state attorney general will discourage big tech companies from sharing open-source software with smaller ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in Silicon Valley, do we want startups spending money to write code and build products for people? Or do we want those startups hiring lawyers and hiring auditors and hiring consultants to clarify legal ambiguity to guard against purely hypothetical risks?” Ng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a substantial faction of the AI community, though, that is concerned about hypothetical risks. In an\u003ca href=\"https://safesecureai.org/experts\"> open letter\u003c/a>, four prominent tech policy thinkers praised SB 1047. “Relative to the scale of risks we are facing, this is a remarkably light-touch piece of legislation,” they wrote.[aside label=\"Technology Coverage\" tag=\"technology\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of really eminent scientists who are worried and are taking these risks seriously,” said Nathan Calvin, senior policy counsel at the Center for AI Safety Action Fund, the lobbying arm of the Center for AI Safety, which is one of SB 1047’s co-sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People don’t need to believe the “AI-terminator-wakes-up-and-kills-everyone scenarios are plausible in order to support this bill,” Calvin said, adding that generative AI is capable of relatively banal catastrophic impacts, like enabling hackers and foreign states to take down critical infrastructure or designing and deploying bio-weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Wiener’s bill say opponents are asking Californians to trust Silicon Valley to self-regulate despite a demonstrated history of failing to do so, especially in regard to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844163/proposition-24-californians-say-yes-to-expanding-on-nations-toughest-data-privacy-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data privacy\u003c/a> and monitoring hate speech on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702239/why-its-so-hard-to-scrub-hate-speech-off-social-media\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">social media\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Innovation and safety are not mutually exclusive,” Wiener said. “We can do both, and the public wants us to do both. The public wants the benefits of AI and wants to reduce the risks of AI, and that is exactly what SB 1047 does.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Remember when, in March of 2023, more than a thousand technology leaders and researchers warned that generative AI could pose “profound risks to society and humanity”? Two months later, some of the industry’s biggest backers promised international leaders they’d be game to build necessary safeguards. A similar pledge was made last month at the White House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, some prominent figures in the AI industry, including many who have raised safety concerns, are dismissing those worries as science fiction as they pitch an open battle against \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1047\">SB 1047\u003c/a>, a bill that would mandate safety testing for developers of the largest AI models. That measure is on the state Assembly floor for a vote after passing through the Assembly Appropriations Committee along party lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of AI have warned that SB 1047 could stifle the growth of the technology in California. And they’ve rallied three Silicon Valley Congress members — Rep. Zoe Lofgren, Rep. Ro Khanna and Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi — to aid their efforts to kill the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The view of many of us in Congress is that SB 1047 is well-intentioned but ill informed,” Pelosi wrote in an \u003ca href=\"https://pelosi.house.gov/news/press-releases/pelosi-statement-opposition-california-senate-bill-1047\">open letter\u003c/a> published last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re simply requiring these labs to perform the safety testing that they have repeatedly and publicly committed to perform,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), who\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976097/california-lawmakers-take-on-ai-regulation-with-a-host-of-bills\"> introduced\u003c/a> the bill and is expected to run to fill Pelosi’s seat once she retires, possibly against her daughter Christine Pelosi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said he amended the measure to reflect counsel from leaders in the AI space, including safety groups, academics, startups and developers like Amazon-backed Anthropic. A key amendment is that the bill no longer allows California’s attorney general to sue AI companies for negligent safety practices before a catastrophic event has occurred. Also, the original text, which would have established a division within the California Department of Technology “to ensure continuous oversight and enforcement,” is gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener, who heads the Senate Budget Committee, told KQED the changes were made in large part to improve the bill’s chances with lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom, given that California is facing a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\"> massive budget deficit\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, “I’m not interested in passing a symbolic bill. I would not agree to amendments that would make it weak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Anthropic warned in an open letter addressed to Wiener that it could not support the bill unless it was amended to “respect the evolving nature of risk reduction practices while minimizing rigid, ambiguous, or burdensome rules.” Anthropic is the first major generative AI developer to publicly signal a willingness to work with Wiener on SB 1047.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Microsoft told KQED it has not taken a position on the bill. Robyn Hines, senior director of state government affairs, wrote that the company would prefer federal legislation but “will continue to work with Senator Wiener and others on legislation that will help harness AI’s full potential and advance sensible safety and security protections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, Wiener’s measure has received public criticism from respected industry voices like Andrew Ng, the Stanford professor and former Google executive who detailed his concerns in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.deeplearning.ai/the-batch/issue-252/\"> post\u003c/a> viewed by more than 1 million people\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/andrewyng/status/1798753608974139779?s=61\"> on X\u003c/a>, the social media app formerly known as Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad that we’re exploring paths to the make the bill less bad because a bad bill is better than a very bad bill, but I feel that fundamentally, by regulating hypothetical risks of the technology rather than concrete risks of actual applications, I don’t think this bill will make AI safer,” Ng told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1047 would only affect companies building the next generation of AI systems that cost more than $100 million to train. However, critics like Ng, who is the managing general partner of AI Funds, argue the mere threat of legal action from the state attorney general will discourage big tech companies from sharing open-source software with smaller ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Here in Silicon Valley, do we want startups spending money to write code and build products for people? Or do we want those startups hiring lawyers and hiring auditors and hiring consultants to clarify legal ambiguity to guard against purely hypothetical risks?” Ng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is a substantial faction of the AI community, though, that is concerned about hypothetical risks. In an\u003ca href=\"https://safesecureai.org/experts\"> open letter\u003c/a>, four prominent tech policy thinkers praised SB 1047. “Relative to the scale of risks we are facing, this is a remarkably light-touch piece of legislation,” they wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of really eminent scientists who are worried and are taking these risks seriously,” said Nathan Calvin, senior policy counsel at the Center for AI Safety Action Fund, the lobbying arm of the Center for AI Safety, which is one of SB 1047’s co-sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People don’t need to believe the “AI-terminator-wakes-up-and-kills-everyone scenarios are plausible in order to support this bill,” Calvin said, adding that generative AI is capable of relatively banal catastrophic impacts, like enabling hackers and foreign states to take down critical infrastructure or designing and deploying bio-weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Wiener’s bill say opponents are asking Californians to trust Silicon Valley to self-regulate despite a demonstrated history of failing to do so, especially in regard to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844163/proposition-24-californians-say-yes-to-expanding-on-nations-toughest-data-privacy-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data privacy\u003c/a> and monitoring hate speech on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702239/why-its-so-hard-to-scrub-hate-speech-off-social-media\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">social media\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Innovation and safety are not mutually exclusive,” Wiener said. “We can do both, and the public wants us to do both. The public wants the benefits of AI and wants to reduce the risks of AI, and that is exactly what SB 1047 does.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"order": 1
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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