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"content": "\u003cp>The future’s looking grim for affordable housing projects across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing developers and advocates hung their hopes on Proposition 5, a measure rejected by voters that would have made it easier to raise local funding for affordable housing and public infrastructure projects. Meanwhile, as President-elect Donald Trump prepares to take office, no one expects the federal government to dole out more money for subsidized housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can’t sugarcoat the fact that this is a significant setback,” said Susannah Parsons, director of policy and legislation at All Home, a Bay Area housing justice advocacy group. “We are running low on public funds for housing. We are facing significant headwinds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing took center stage in state and national elections this November as more Americans feel the pinch of rising rents and a shortage of affordable housing. However, the results of the election have California affordable housing developers concerned that a shortage of public funds will put a stop to some of their projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/meetings/attachments/6021/09a_3_Attachment_B_Bay_Area_Affordable_Housing_Pipeline_Brief_v2.pdf\">May report from the Metropolitan Transportation Commission\u003c/a>, almost 41,000 affordable homes and apartments in the Bay Area are in the pre-development phase, meaning developers still need a certain amount of funding — collectively, about $9.7 billion — to start construction. Without that money, the projects sit idle as other funding sources, sometimes contingent on each other, disappear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006445/transcript-proposition-5-would-lower-the-voting-threshold-for-certain-local-bond-measures\">could have unleashed more funding\u003c/a> by lowering the threshold for approving local bond measures for housing and infrastructure from a supermajority of 66.67% to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Karlinsky, research director for the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation, likens the complicated funding structures for affordable housing to a layer cake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many different sources of funding for affordable housing at the state level and different departments and parts of the government that control different pieces, and then affordable housing developers kind of have to knit all of them together,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karlinsky said there will be increased competition for what funding is still available, while projects that can’t get enough will be pushed further into the future.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12013983,news_12012489,news_12007340\"]“We know it’s going to be extremely challenging because it’s been hard enough as it is,” said Noni Ramos, CEO of Housing Trust Silicon Valley, an affordable housing development financing organization. “Now we’re in a position where it’s going to be even harder to do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defeat of Proposition 5 was a particularly big blow because it was one of the only large-scale funding efforts put to voters after a Bay Area-wide $20 billion housing bond and a statewide, billion-dollar housing bond both failed to get to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there were some successes at the local level. San Francisco voters overwhelmingly approved Measure B, a $390 million bond that includes funding for homeless shelters. Los Angeles voters approved Measure A, a sales tax initiative that would raise an estimated $1.1 billion per year for housing and homelessness efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As proponents and opponents seek to understand why Proposition 5 failed, they agree that the measure’s complicated nature was its biggest setback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters don’t understand a measure and how it would impact them, they are more likely to vote against it, according to Mark Baldassare, statewide survey director for the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who put it on the ballot really did not promote what it was in a way that connected the dots for people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents fear that the opposition campaign may have swayed voters at a time when people are concerned about high costs. While Proposition 5 would not have increased taxes, it would have made it easier for bond measures to pass locally, potentially meaning higher property taxes. Opponents said the proposition was “\u003ca href=\"https://reformcalifornia.org/news/no-on-prop-5-save-prop-13-and-block-tax-hikes\">deceptive” and that it would “trick voters into approving the tax-hike measure\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think voters vote for measures that benefit the social good when they feel more flush,” Karlinsky said. “They may not feel like they have anything left over for others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, a Proposition 5 opponent and the director of the Catalyst Institute for Local Control, an organization focused on local control in housing development, was relieved that voters rejected the measure. She feared its passage might have meant higher taxes for people like her, a home-owning senior living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that there’s already more people moving out of the state because of California’s high taxes,” she said. “I would feel much more vulnerable in terms of how those taxes would keep coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for future elections, affordable housing developers and advocates are regrouping and debating whether to reintroduce a regional or statewide bond measure or a version of Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heather Hood, the vice president of affordable housing advocacy group Enterprise Community Partners, said the onus is on local agencies and organizations like hers to plan for future funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of the federal administration, we’re going to need to be more efficient with our dollars and mightier with our will,” she said. “It seems to me that we’ve collectively managed to be divided and nit-pick at each other, and we don’t have time for that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We know it’s going to be extremely challenging because it’s been hard enough as it is,” said Noni Ramos, CEO of Housing Trust Silicon Valley, an affordable housing development financing organization. “Now we’re in a position where it’s going to be even harder to do this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defeat of Proposition 5 was a particularly big blow because it was one of the only large-scale funding efforts put to voters after a Bay Area-wide $20 billion housing bond and a statewide, billion-dollar housing bond both failed to get to the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there were some successes at the local level. San Francisco voters overwhelmingly approved Measure B, a $390 million bond that includes funding for homeless shelters. Los Angeles voters approved Measure A, a sales tax initiative that would raise an estimated $1.1 billion per year for housing and homelessness efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As proponents and opponents seek to understand why Proposition 5 failed, they agree that the measure’s complicated nature was its biggest setback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When voters don’t understand a measure and how it would impact them, they are more likely to vote against it, according to Mark Baldassare, statewide survey director for the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The people who put it on the ballot really did not promote what it was in a way that connected the dots for people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents fear that the opposition campaign may have swayed voters at a time when people are concerned about high costs. While Proposition 5 would not have increased taxes, it would have made it easier for bond measures to pass locally, potentially meaning higher property taxes. Opponents said the proposition was “\u003ca href=\"https://reformcalifornia.org/news/no-on-prop-5-save-prop-13-and-block-tax-hikes\">deceptive” and that it would “trick voters into approving the tax-hike measure\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think voters vote for measures that benefit the social good when they feel more flush,” Karlinsky said. “They may not feel like they have anything left over for others.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, a Proposition 5 opponent and the director of the Catalyst Institute for Local Control, an organization focused on local control in housing development, was relieved that voters rejected the measure. She feared its passage might have meant higher taxes for people like her, a home-owning senior living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that there’s already more people moving out of the state because of California’s high taxes,” she said. “I would feel much more vulnerable in terms of how those taxes would keep coming in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for future elections, affordable housing developers and advocates are regrouping and debating whether to reintroduce a regional or statewide bond measure or a version of Proposition 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heather Hood, the vice president of affordable housing advocacy group Enterprise Community Partners, said the onus is on local agencies and organizations like hers to plan for future funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the face of the federal administration, we’re going to need to be more efficient with our dollars and mightier with our will,” she said. “It seems to me that we’ve collectively managed to be divided and nit-pick at each other, and we don’t have time for that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2019, Alexis Rowberry was living in a Fresno County homeless shelter with her two kids, recently out of what she described as an abusive relationship. “We had nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found herself at the Fresno County Department of Social Services, staring at a flier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had something up on the wall about trades,” said Rowberry, now 40. “It wasn’t there the day before, and it wasn’t there the day after. It just happened to be there that day. And I told my [social] worker that I wanted to do this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tried signing up, but she was denied — against policy, she later discovered — because she was a single mother without housing. In desperation, she contacted the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, where a sympathetic secretary helped connect her with an alternative: ValleyBuild, a pre-apprenticeship program that prepares Californians for careers in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That six weeks — it was only six weeks, but it changed my life,” said Rowberry, who has been working as an electrician since graduating the program in late 2019. “It changed my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ValleyBuild was born out of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board in 2011 with the goal of helping economically disadvantaged Californians, including women and people who have had contact with the criminal justice system, enter the state’s growing trades industry and potentially reach the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, after a transportation-focused California senate \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_201720180sb1\">bill\u003c/a> allocated funds to workforce training programs, the state awarded ValleyBuild $1.56 million from the state, which the organization used to expand into 13 more counties across the Central Valley. The program has trained roughly 1,000 people since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Mike Gonzalez in the ValleyBuild program cuts a piece of pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28, 2024. ValleyBuild is a pre-apprenticeship program that helps people in the Central Valley get into the skilled trades and ride the wave of upcoming infrastructure projects. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The construction and trade industry is “a growth sector by all empirical standards” in the Central Valley, said Blake Konczal, executive director of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Data from a board-commissioned study show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/kawodji0vgmt37zc9930r/FRWDB210703-Infrastructure-Report-Creative_PRINT-READY.pdf?rlkey=t9yr5rc9qjuu5vkgqp9bykupx&e=1&st=rxjfks1o&dl=0\">projected (PDF)\u003c/a> $24 billion in public infrastructure expenditures between 2026 and 2031, as compared to about $22 billion between 2020 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t always that way: Construction was historically a “hidden” industry compared to agriculture in the Central Valley, Konczal said. However, in 2010, a regional economic outlook report showed that approved public infrastructure construction would be worth about $40 billion through the next decade. High-speed rail, slated to eventually run from San Francisco to Los Angeles, would add an additional boost; state data \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2024/01/18/news-release-california-high-speed-rail-sparks-billions-in-economic-benefit/\">show\u003c/a> the project has created nearly 12,000 jobs so far, mostly in the Central Valley and mostly union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konczal’s team saw an opportunity for locals, particularly those in precarious economic positions, to ride the wave. Although the region’s poverty rates are on the lower end of California’s spectrum because of housing costs, Central Valley poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf\">would be (PDF)\u003c/a> about 14 points higher than it is today without safety net programs, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the worker comes from L.A. or the Bay Area, they might be renting a motel room here with four or five colleagues, and they might be going to Denny’s, but we don’t get the full benefit of keeping that money in our local economy — and the social stability that’s created when hardworking people have access to jobs that allow them to feed their children, buy a house, maybe take a vacation,” Konczal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by five state and regional grants totaling about $16 million, ValleyBuild’s approach is straightforward. Participants are trained in a six to 10-week multi-craft core curriculum, which introduces them to different trades and prepares them for years-long apprenticeships. The potential payoff is big, with California trades offering six-figure incomes with benefits, pensions, and union membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has maintained a 98% graduation rate through its expansion, partly because it tries to “knock out all the barriers in the enrollment,” said Ashley Matthews, senior project coordinator at the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. That includes reimbursing participants for gas mileage or bus services and even expenses such as car repairs or driver’s license application fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent $1.4 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">grant\u003c/a> from the California Department of Industrial Relations has meanwhile allowed ValleyBuild to provide stipends for childcare support, which will “open the doors for more women to even see this as a viable option for them,” Matthews said. Organizations across the state are similarly looking to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/whats-working-tradeswomen/\">increase\u003c/a> the numbers of women in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor Robert Topete shows students in the ValleyBuild program how to measure and cut a pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Outside Fresno, counties included in the 2020 expansion have customized the program for their own needs. In Kern, home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-12/2021-12_Petroleum_Watch_ADA.pdf\">more than a dozen (PDF)\u003c/a> active oil fields, many tradespeople work on heavy industrial sites, said Alissa Reed, executive secretary of the Kern, Inyo, Mono Counties Building and Construction Trades Council. All ValleyBuild pre-apprentices in Kern complete OSHA’s Hazardous Waste and Emergency Response or “HAZWOPER 40,” which teaches them to respond to the release of hazardous material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern program plans to double its annual participants from about 50 to 100 in anticipation of more renewable energy-related jobs over the next decade. However, the county is also closely watching for political shifts — including a potential Trump presidency — that could affect the market for the skilled trades, particularly tax credits, government subsidies and funding for renewable technology, Reed said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005718,news_12005655,news_11975890\"]“If we don’t see the jobs, then we will slow down,” Reed said. Kern has maintained a 100% apprenticeship placement rate for its last two cohorts. “We are not in the business of training people to train them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rowberry, the electrician, entering the trades out of homelessness felt like the last option. Her associate’s degree in accounting had failed to provide more than minimum-wage job opportunities. Before ValleyBuild, she wasn’t even able to attend the welding class she’d signed up for because her car died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, making nearly $40 an hour plus health insurance and a pension, “I don’t worry about if my car breaks down because I can afford to fix it,” Rowberry said. “I’ve got $5,000 in savings, and I’m investing. I never would have imagined being able to do that before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her son’s father join ValleyBuild after he left prison, and he’s now several years into a successful sheet metal apprenticeship. The duo is not a couple, but their careers have helped them to build a strong coparenting relationship, providing their kids access to bigger necessities such as mental health care along with small luxuries like massages or drinks from Dutch Bros Coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it,” Rowberry said. “My daughter stopped and looked at me the other day, and she said, ‘Mom, you know what? I am so proud of you. You have come so far.’ Oh my gosh, we cried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 2019, Alexis Rowberry was living in a Fresno County homeless shelter with her two kids, recently out of what she described as an abusive relationship. “We had nothing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She found herself at the Fresno County Department of Social Services, staring at a flier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had something up on the wall about trades,” said Rowberry, now 40. “It wasn’t there the day before, and it wasn’t there the day after. It just happened to be there that day. And I told my [social] worker that I wanted to do this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She tried signing up, but she was denied — against policy, she later discovered — because she was a single mother without housing. In desperation, she contacted the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union, where a sympathetic secretary helped connect her with an alternative: ValleyBuild, a pre-apprenticeship program that prepares Californians for careers in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That six weeks — it was only six weeks, but it changed my life,” said Rowberry, who has been working as an electrician since graduating the program in late 2019. “It changed my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ValleyBuild was born out of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board in 2011 with the goal of helping economically disadvantaged Californians, including women and people who have had contact with the criminal justice system, enter the state’s growing trades industry and potentially reach the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, after a transportation-focused California senate \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_201720180sb1\">bill\u003c/a> allocated funds to workforce training programs, the state awarded ValleyBuild $1.56 million from the state, which the organization used to expand into 13 more counties across the Central Valley. The program has trained roughly 1,000 people since its founding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014599\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_22-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Student Mike Gonzalez in the ValleyBuild program cuts a piece of pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28, 2024. ValleyBuild is a pre-apprenticeship program that helps people in the Central Valley get into the skilled trades and ride the wave of upcoming infrastructure projects. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The construction and trade industry is “a growth sector by all empirical standards” in the Central Valley, said Blake Konczal, executive director of the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. Data from a board-commissioned study show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/kawodji0vgmt37zc9930r/FRWDB210703-Infrastructure-Report-Creative_PRINT-READY.pdf?rlkey=t9yr5rc9qjuu5vkgqp9bykupx&e=1&st=rxjfks1o&dl=0\">projected (PDF)\u003c/a> $24 billion in public infrastructure expenditures between 2026 and 2031, as compared to about $22 billion between 2020 and 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t always that way: Construction was historically a “hidden” industry compared to agriculture in the Central Valley, Konczal said. However, in 2010, a regional economic outlook report showed that approved public infrastructure construction would be worth about $40 billion through the next decade. High-speed rail, slated to eventually run from San Francisco to Los Angeles, would add an additional boost; state data \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/2024/01/18/news-release-california-high-speed-rail-sparks-billions-in-economic-benefit/\">show\u003c/a> the project has created nearly 12,000 jobs so far, mostly in the Central Valley and mostly union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Konczal’s team saw an opportunity for locals, particularly those in precarious economic positions, to ride the wave. Although the region’s poverty rates are on the lower end of California’s spectrum because of housing costs, Central Valley poverty \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/JTF_PovertyJTF.pdf\">would be (PDF)\u003c/a> about 14 points higher than it is today without safety net programs, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the worker comes from L.A. or the Bay Area, they might be renting a motel room here with four or five colleagues, and they might be going to Denny’s, but we don’t get the full benefit of keeping that money in our local economy — and the social stability that’s created when hardworking people have access to jobs that allow them to feed their children, buy a house, maybe take a vacation,” Konczal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Funded by five state and regional grants totaling about $16 million, ValleyBuild’s approach is straightforward. Participants are trained in a six to 10-week multi-craft core curriculum, which introduces them to different trades and prepares them for years-long apprenticeships. The potential payoff is big, with California trades offering six-figure incomes with benefits, pensions, and union membership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has maintained a 98% graduation rate through its expansion, partly because it tries to “knock out all the barriers in the enrollment,” said Ashley Matthews, senior project coordinator at the Fresno Regional Workforce Development Board. That includes reimbursing participants for gas mileage or bus services and even expenses such as car repairs or driver’s license application fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent $1.4 million \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/DAS/Grants/ERICA.html\">grant\u003c/a> from the California Department of Industrial Relations has meanwhile allowed ValleyBuild to provide stipends for childcare support, which will “open the doors for more women to even see this as a viable option for them,” Matthews said. Organizations across the state are similarly looking to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/whats-working-tradeswomen/\">increase\u003c/a> the numbers of women in the skilled trades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/102824-ValleyBuild-Fresno-LV_19-copy.jpg 1568w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Instructor Robert Topete shows students in the ValleyBuild program how to measure and cut a pipe during a lesson in a workshop at the Fresno Area Pipe Trades Training Center in Fresno on Oct. 28. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Outside Fresno, counties included in the 2020 expansion have customized the program for their own needs. In Kern, home to \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2021-12/2021-12_Petroleum_Watch_ADA.pdf\">more than a dozen (PDF)\u003c/a> active oil fields, many tradespeople work on heavy industrial sites, said Alissa Reed, executive secretary of the Kern, Inyo, Mono Counties Building and Construction Trades Council. All ValleyBuild pre-apprentices in Kern complete OSHA’s Hazardous Waste and Emergency Response or “HAZWOPER 40,” which teaches them to respond to the release of hazardous material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kern program plans to double its annual participants from about 50 to 100 in anticipation of more renewable energy-related jobs over the next decade. However, the county is also closely watching for political shifts — including a potential Trump presidency — that could affect the market for the skilled trades, particularly tax credits, government subsidies and funding for renewable technology, Reed said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If we don’t see the jobs, then we will slow down,” Reed said. Kern has maintained a 100% apprenticeship placement rate for its last two cohorts. “We are not in the business of training people to train them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rowberry, the electrician, entering the trades out of homelessness felt like the last option. Her associate’s degree in accounting had failed to provide more than minimum-wage job opportunities. Before ValleyBuild, she wasn’t even able to attend the welding class she’d signed up for because her car died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years later, making nearly $40 an hour plus health insurance and a pension, “I don’t worry about if my car breaks down because I can afford to fix it,” Rowberry said. “I’ve got $5,000 in savings, and I’m investing. I never would have imagined being able to do that before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She helped her son’s father join ValleyBuild after he left prison, and he’s now several years into a successful sheet metal apprenticeship. The duo is not a couple, but their careers have helped them to build a strong coparenting relationship, providing their kids access to bigger necessities such as mental health care along with small luxuries like massages or drinks from Dutch Bros Coffee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did it,” Rowberry said. “My daughter stopped and looked at me the other day, and she said, ‘Mom, you know what? I am so proud of you. You have come so far.’ Oh my gosh, we cried.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPA/Pages/NR24-036.aspx\">Health officials said Saturday\u003c/a> they have confirmed the first U.S. case of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/what-is-mpox-monkey-pox-congo-emergency-415d11f9e62d104b4c40dd8fe8e80b47\">new form of mpox\u003c/a> that was first seen in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mpox-congo-africa-vaccines-who-928b3954e0e47f60bbdc8988fe644107\">eastern Congo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person had traveled to eastern Africa and was treated in San Mateo County upon return, according to the California Department of Public Health. Symptoms are improving and the risk to the public is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The individual was isolating at home and health workers are reaching out to close contacts as a precaution, the state health department said.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/africa-mpox-outbreak-who-f1c5d501223ccf3b53c6d9a2727d5c8a\">Mpox\u003c/a> is a rare disease caused by infection with a virus that’s in the same family as the one that causes smallpox. It is endemic in parts of Africa, where people have been infected through bites from rodents or small animals. Milder symptoms can include fever, chills and body aches. In more serious cases, people can develop lesions on the face, hands, chest and genitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mpox-congo-outbreak-who-fda17cea128f46e48110ad7adcd9e5de\">Earlier this year\u003c/a>, scientists reported the emergence of a new form of mpox in Africa that was spread through close contact including through sex. It was widely transmitted in eastern and central Africa. But in cases that were identified in travelers outside of the continent, spread has been very limited, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.[aside tag=\"mpox, health\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 3,100 confirmed cases have been reported just since late September, according to the World Health Organization. The vast majority of them have been in three African countries — Burundi, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, cases of travelers with the new mpox form have been reported in Germany, India, Kenya, Sweden, Thailand, Zimbabwe, and the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials earlier this month said the situation in Congo appears to be stabilizing. The Africa CDC has estimated Congo needs at least 3 million mpox vaccines to stop the spread, and another 7 million vaccines for the rest of Africa. The spread is mostly through sexual transmission as well as through close contact among children, pregnant women and other vulnerable groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current outbreak is different from the 2022 global outbreak of mpox where gay and bisexual men made up the vast majority of cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More information about mpox and the specific strains, clade I and clade II, is available on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/index.html\">CDC website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group. The AP is solely responsible for all content.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The person had traveled to eastern Africa and was treated in San Mateo County upon return, according to the California Department of Public Health. Symptoms are improving and the risk to the public is low.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/OPA/Pages/NR24-036.aspx\">Health officials said Saturday\u003c/a> they have confirmed the first U.S. case of a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/what-is-mpox-monkey-pox-congo-emergency-415d11f9e62d104b4c40dd8fe8e80b47\">new form of mpox\u003c/a> that was first seen in \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/mpox-congo-africa-vaccines-who-928b3954e0e47f60bbdc8988fe644107\">eastern Congo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person had traveled to eastern Africa and was treated in San Mateo County upon return, according to the California Department of Public Health. Symptoms are improving and the risk to the public is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The individual was isolating at home and health workers are reaching out to close contacts as a precaution, the state health department said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 3,100 confirmed cases have been reported just since late September, according to the World Health Organization. The vast majority of them have been in three African countries — Burundi, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, cases of travelers with the new mpox form have been reported in Germany, India, Kenya, Sweden, Thailand, Zimbabwe, and the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials earlier this month said the situation in Congo appears to be stabilizing. The Africa CDC has estimated Congo needs at least 3 million mpox vaccines to stop the spread, and another 7 million vaccines for the rest of Africa. The spread is mostly through sexual transmission as well as through close contact among children, pregnant women and other vulnerable groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current outbreak is different from the 2022 global outbreak of mpox where gay and bisexual men made up the vast majority of cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More information about mpox and the specific strains, clade I and clade II, is available on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/index.html\">CDC website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group. The AP is solely responsible for all content.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "fewer-kids-are-going-to-california-public-schools-is-there-a-right-way-to-close-campuses",
"title": "Fewer Kids Are Going to California Public Schools. Is There a Right Way to Close Campuses?",
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"headTitle": "Fewer Kids Are Going to California Public Schools. Is There a Right Way to Close Campuses? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the superintendent in San Francisco Unified proposed closing schools recently, parents launched a prolonged — and successful — protest. The uproar may have died down for now, but the issue is likely to erupt at school boards across the state — and some say that’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining enrollment, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">end of pandemic relief grants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/05/newsom-budget-revision-deficit-cuts/\">state budget uncertainty\u003c/a> have combined to put hundreds of California school districts in precarious financial straits. Closing schools is never a popular option, but for some districts it may be the only way to avoid the state seizing control of operations. When the state takes over a district, the school board loses power and a state-appointed administrator makes cuts until the budget is balanced. A takeover could last a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the big thing that we’re going to be dealing with in California education over the next few years. The declines in enrollment that we have seen so far pale in comparison to the declines the state is projecting,” said Carrie Hahnel, a senior fellow at Policy Analysis for California Education. “In some areas, the declines will be severe. And I don’t see how we manage those kinds of reductions without closing schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1817\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg 1817w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-800x453.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1020x577.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1536x869.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1817px) 100vw, 1817px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of students enrolled in California’s K–12 public schools has dropped by 461,000 students — or 7% — over the past two decades. Lower birth rates, declines in immigration and an outflow of families from California have all contributed. Enrollment is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://dru-data-portal-cacensus.hub.arcgis.com/apps/a2a7efaa52b941e7878489aeafc4a1ca/explore\">drop even further over the next decade\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Finance, to just over 5 million students — a decline of nearly 20% since the peak in the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The declines have hit some regions harder than others. San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, San José and San Diego have all experienced steep declines in enrollment, in part due to a high cost of living that’s led families to move to less expensive areas. In San Francisco, the lure of private schools has also made a significant dent in public school enrollment: \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthGrd.aspx?cds=3868478&agglevel=district&year=2023-24\">Roughly 40%\u003c/a> of the children in the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/si/ps/psastatcountsbycnty.asp\">attend private school\u003c/a>, compared to about 9% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because California funds its schools based on attendance, fewer students equals less money. Pandemic relief grants — totaling more than $13.5 billion in California — offered a buffer for many school districts facing financial hardship, but those grants expire this year. Meanwhile, the state education budget may dip in the coming years due to a shaky economy. Gov. Gavin Newsom largely protected schools from budget cuts this year, but there’s no guarantee that will continue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing under-enrolled, half-empty schools is an obvious way for school districts to save money. A bit of the savings comes from facilities costs, such as utility bills and maintenance, but the bulk comes from staff. By reassigning or laying off teachers, districts can consolidate programs and lower their payroll costs. Districts can also lease or sell the vacant schools to generate revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But closing schools nearly always sparks impassioned protests from families, students, teachers and the community. Schools are often the heart of a neighborhood, and a closure — especially in a neighborhood that’s already struggling — can be a significant blow. A closed school often means that students must travel further to get to their new school, and adjust to new teachers and a new campus culture. The experience can be deeply disruptive to students as well as teachers and parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact on Black, lower-income students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s often low-income and Black communities that are most affected by school closures, \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/declining-enrollment-school-closures-and-equity-considerations\">research shows\u003c/a>. That’s partly because those neighborhoods have seen some of the greatest declines in enrollment, but some see it as part of a long history of disinvestment in Black students’ education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they invested in the schools they want to close, maybe the district wouldn’t have a problem with declining enrollment,” said Brandie Bowen-Bremond, policy director for Coleman Advocates, a nonprofit that promotes policies related to families of color in San Francisco. Tutoring, wellness centers, social workers and other services would make the under-enrolled schools more attractive to local families and they might be less likely to move away or enroll their children in charter schools, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman Advocates helped fight proposed school closures in San Francisco Unified last month, a battle that resulted in the superintendent’s resignation and a promise from the new superintendent that the district wouldn’t close schools this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014797\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on a worksheet at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association also opposes school closures in nearly all cases. Instead of closing schools, districts should look to lower class sizes, push for more education funding from the state, and look for creative solutions such as partnering with cities to open libraries, parks and community centers at under-used school campuses, the union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Closing schools is the last thing we should be doing,” said David Goldberg, president of the California Teachers Association. “Schools are a safety net in so many communities. These schools have a whole ecosystem, a whole history in a community. Disrupting that is a setback that is hard to undo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tough choices in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But for districts that have already made steep cuts, and are facing grim enrollment projections, school closures may be inevitable. Between 2012 and 2022, California school districts closed nearly 700 schools, and more are almost certain to come. Oakland Unified went through a painful round of school closures three years ago, and the district is bracing for more as it looks to trim a $95 million budget deficit and avoid another state takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s enrollment has dropped from 50,000 students in the early 2000s to just 34,000 last year. Meanwhile, the district maintains 77 schools, one of the lowest students-per-school ratios in the state. Fontana Unified, for example, has 46 schools for about the same number of students. Moreno Valley Unified, also with about the same enrollment, has 40 schools.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12013686,news_12003311,news_11701044\"]“I’m a firm believer that solvency is the foundation of quality,” Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell said. “It’s pretty straightforward. If we fail to make some of the necessary and difficult cuts, we’ll head toward insolvency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She expects pushback from the community, but believes that students, teachers and families will be better off in the long run. Closures will free up more money for teacher raises, workforce housing at vacant school sites and improved academic and extracurricular offerings at existing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that there’s some way we can do this where everyone’s going to be happy is fantasy,” Johnson-Trammell said. “But we can be transparent, we can be honest, we can lead with respect and compassion. But we cannot lose sight of the economics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardest part for school boards might not even be closing schools. It might come later — ensuring a smooth transition for displaced families and creating long-term financial plans so the district doesn’t go through the same upheaval next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts need to consider even the smallest details, like whether the merged school will have a new mascot, or how new families will be included in school events, Hahnel and her colleagues said. And throughout the process, districts need to include teachers and parents at every step, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upsides of closures at Azusa Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Azusa Unified, a predominantly low-income and Latino district in Los Angeles County, recently managed to close schools with relatively little tumult, thanks in part to meticulous planning. With enrollment dropping from about 12,000 to 6,000 over the last two decades, the need to close schools was inevitable, but a transparent process minimized the disruptions, Superintendent Arturo Ortega said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key, Ortega said, was a planning committee made up of parents, union representatives and district administrators, who held a series of community meetings to hear concerns and suggestions. The committee made clear the need for school closures, live-streamed meetings on YouTube and kept a regularly updated website. After months of discussions, the committee submitted recommendations to the school board, which approved the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of closures, mergers and school relocations that Ortega said has led to a slew of upsides: the high school baseball team won the division championship; teachers have more opportunities to collaborate; elementary schools have improved art programs and science labs; the middle school has a new college and career center, science lab and improved sports field; and the high school has more Advanced Placement classes, career pathways and a stronger sports program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was important for us that our community understood the ‘why’ behind the school reorganization process,” Ortega said. “Our ‘why’ was to increase and improve our programs and facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closures, opportunities in Inglewood\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A teacher helps a student during class at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy. Right: The school’s logo on a building in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The story of Inglewood Unified is both a cautionary tale for districts that refuse to address declining enrollment, and a success story for those who are navigating the closure process. A dozen years ago, faced with fewer students and a constricting budget, the school board opted not to close schools or make budget cuts and instead borrowed $29 million from the state to close a budget gap. As a condition of the loan, the state took over district operations, appointing its own administrator and stripping all but advisory power from the school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Morris is the ninth state-appointed administrator in the role, taking over two years ago. He closed one school and plans to close five more next year. There was resistance, he said, but he had little choice: Two decades ago the district had 18,000 students; now, it’s down to 7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m old and I’m tough and I’m going to stay here until the job is done,” said Morris, a former assistant superintendent at Los Angeles Unified. “The children in this district are so full of hope and promise, they deserve the best schools we can give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-800x632.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1020x806.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1536x1213.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing schools has meant laying off staff and closing schools that had expensive maintenance needs. It also stoked the wrath of the community, leading to marathon school board meetings with hundreds of anguished speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the school closures have allowed the district to invest in the new merged schools, modernizing campuses and adding resources. For example, Woodworth-Monroe Academy, a merged TK–8 school, now has a wellness center and more clubs and activities for students. Inglewood High School now has a marching band with 100 students, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-13/dr-dre-jimmy-iovine-to-open-high-school-in-inglewood\">a new design, technology and entrepreneur academy\u003c/a> sponsored by Andre “Dr. Dre” Young and music recording mogul Jimmy Iovine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the community has come around, at least a little. The alumni association of Morningside High, one of the high schools slated to close, actually endorsed its closure because it means students will have more opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have a world-class city if you don’t have a world-class education system,” Morris said. “And that’s what our job has to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Declining enrollment, the end of pandemic relief funding and uncertain state funding are forcing school districts to make some difficult decisions.",
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"title": "Fewer Kids Are Going to California Public Schools. Is There a Right Way to Close Campuses? | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/carolyn-jones/\">Carolyn Jones\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the superintendent in San Francisco Unified proposed closing schools recently, parents launched a prolonged — and successful — protest. The uproar may have died down for now, but the issue is likely to erupt at school boards across the state — and some say that’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining enrollment, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">end of pandemic relief grants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/05/newsom-budget-revision-deficit-cuts/\">state budget uncertainty\u003c/a> have combined to put hundreds of California school districts in precarious financial straits. Closing schools is never a popular option, but for some districts it may be the only way to avoid the state seizing control of operations. When the state takes over a district, the school board loses power and a state-appointed administrator makes cuts until the budget is balanced. A takeover could last a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the big thing that we’re going to be dealing with in California education over the next few years. The declines in enrollment that we have seen so far pale in comparison to the declines the state is projecting,” said Carrie Hahnel, a senior fellow at Policy Analysis for California Education. “In some areas, the declines will be severe. And I don’t see how we manage those kinds of reductions without closing schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1817\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg 1817w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-800x453.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1020x577.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1536x869.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1817px) 100vw, 1817px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of students enrolled in California’s K–12 public schools has dropped by 461,000 students — or 7% — over the past two decades. Lower birth rates, declines in immigration and an outflow of families from California have all contributed. Enrollment is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://dru-data-portal-cacensus.hub.arcgis.com/apps/a2a7efaa52b941e7878489aeafc4a1ca/explore\">drop even further over the next decade\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Finance, to just over 5 million students — a decline of nearly 20% since the peak in the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The declines have hit some regions harder than others. San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, San José and San Diego have all experienced steep declines in enrollment, in part due to a high cost of living that’s led families to move to less expensive areas. In San Francisco, the lure of private schools has also made a significant dent in public school enrollment: \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthGrd.aspx?cds=3868478&agglevel=district&year=2023-24\">Roughly 40%\u003c/a> of the children in the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/si/ps/psastatcountsbycnty.asp\">attend private school\u003c/a>, compared to about 9% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because California funds its schools based on attendance, fewer students equals less money. Pandemic relief grants — totaling more than $13.5 billion in California — offered a buffer for many school districts facing financial hardship, but those grants expire this year. Meanwhile, the state education budget may dip in the coming years due to a shaky economy. Gov. Gavin Newsom largely protected schools from budget cuts this year, but there’s no guarantee that will continue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing under-enrolled, half-empty schools is an obvious way for school districts to save money. A bit of the savings comes from facilities costs, such as utility bills and maintenance, but the bulk comes from staff. By reassigning or laying off teachers, districts can consolidate programs and lower their payroll costs. Districts can also lease or sell the vacant schools to generate revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But closing schools nearly always sparks impassioned protests from families, students, teachers and the community. Schools are often the heart of a neighborhood, and a closure — especially in a neighborhood that’s already struggling — can be a significant blow. A closed school often means that students must travel further to get to their new school, and adjust to new teachers and a new campus culture. The experience can be deeply disruptive to students as well as teachers and parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact on Black, lower-income students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s often low-income and Black communities that are most affected by school closures, \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/declining-enrollment-school-closures-and-equity-considerations\">research shows\u003c/a>. That’s partly because those neighborhoods have seen some of the greatest declines in enrollment, but some see it as part of a long history of disinvestment in Black students’ education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they invested in the schools they want to close, maybe the district wouldn’t have a problem with declining enrollment,” said Brandie Bowen-Bremond, policy director for Coleman Advocates, a nonprofit that promotes policies related to families of color in San Francisco. Tutoring, wellness centers, social workers and other services would make the under-enrolled schools more attractive to local families and they might be less likely to move away or enroll their children in charter schools, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman Advocates helped fight proposed school closures in San Francisco Unified last month, a battle that resulted in the superintendent’s resignation and a promise from the new superintendent that the district wouldn’t close schools this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014797\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on a worksheet at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association also opposes school closures in nearly all cases. Instead of closing schools, districts should look to lower class sizes, push for more education funding from the state, and look for creative solutions such as partnering with cities to open libraries, parks and community centers at under-used school campuses, the union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Closing schools is the last thing we should be doing,” said David Goldberg, president of the California Teachers Association. “Schools are a safety net in so many communities. These schools have a whole ecosystem, a whole history in a community. Disrupting that is a setback that is hard to undo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tough choices in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But for districts that have already made steep cuts, and are facing grim enrollment projections, school closures may be inevitable. Between 2012 and 2022, California school districts closed nearly 700 schools, and more are almost certain to come. Oakland Unified went through a painful round of school closures three years ago, and the district is bracing for more as it looks to trim a $95 million budget deficit and avoid another state takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s enrollment has dropped from 50,000 students in the early 2000s to just 34,000 last year. Meanwhile, the district maintains 77 schools, one of the lowest students-per-school ratios in the state. Fontana Unified, for example, has 46 schools for about the same number of students. Moreno Valley Unified, also with about the same enrollment, has 40 schools.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m a firm believer that solvency is the foundation of quality,” Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell said. “It’s pretty straightforward. If we fail to make some of the necessary and difficult cuts, we’ll head toward insolvency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She expects pushback from the community, but believes that students, teachers and families will be better off in the long run. Closures will free up more money for teacher raises, workforce housing at vacant school sites and improved academic and extracurricular offerings at existing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that there’s some way we can do this where everyone’s going to be happy is fantasy,” Johnson-Trammell said. “But we can be transparent, we can be honest, we can lead with respect and compassion. But we cannot lose sight of the economics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardest part for school boards might not even be closing schools. It might come later — ensuring a smooth transition for displaced families and creating long-term financial plans so the district doesn’t go through the same upheaval next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts need to consider even the smallest details, like whether the merged school will have a new mascot, or how new families will be included in school events, Hahnel and her colleagues said. And throughout the process, districts need to include teachers and parents at every step, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upsides of closures at Azusa Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Azusa Unified, a predominantly low-income and Latino district in Los Angeles County, recently managed to close schools with relatively little tumult, thanks in part to meticulous planning. With enrollment dropping from about 12,000 to 6,000 over the last two decades, the need to close schools was inevitable, but a transparent process minimized the disruptions, Superintendent Arturo Ortega said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key, Ortega said, was a planning committee made up of parents, union representatives and district administrators, who held a series of community meetings to hear concerns and suggestions. The committee made clear the need for school closures, live-streamed meetings on YouTube and kept a regularly updated website. After months of discussions, the committee submitted recommendations to the school board, which approved the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of closures, mergers and school relocations that Ortega said has led to a slew of upsides: the high school baseball team won the division championship; teachers have more opportunities to collaborate; elementary schools have improved art programs and science labs; the middle school has a new college and career center, science lab and improved sports field; and the high school has more Advanced Placement classes, career pathways and a stronger sports program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was important for us that our community understood the ‘why’ behind the school reorganization process,” Ortega said. “Our ‘why’ was to increase and improve our programs and facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closures, opportunities in Inglewood\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A teacher helps a student during class at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy. Right: The school’s logo on a building in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The story of Inglewood Unified is both a cautionary tale for districts that refuse to address declining enrollment, and a success story for those who are navigating the closure process. A dozen years ago, faced with fewer students and a constricting budget, the school board opted not to close schools or make budget cuts and instead borrowed $29 million from the state to close a budget gap. As a condition of the loan, the state took over district operations, appointing its own administrator and stripping all but advisory power from the school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Morris is the ninth state-appointed administrator in the role, taking over two years ago. He closed one school and plans to close five more next year. There was resistance, he said, but he had little choice: Two decades ago the district had 18,000 students; now, it’s down to 7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m old and I’m tough and I’m going to stay here until the job is done,” said Morris, a former assistant superintendent at Los Angeles Unified. “The children in this district are so full of hope and promise, they deserve the best schools we can give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-800x632.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1020x806.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1536x1213.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing schools has meant laying off staff and closing schools that had expensive maintenance needs. It also stoked the wrath of the community, leading to marathon school board meetings with hundreds of anguished speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the school closures have allowed the district to invest in the new merged schools, modernizing campuses and adding resources. For example, Woodworth-Monroe Academy, a merged TK–8 school, now has a wellness center and more clubs and activities for students. Inglewood High School now has a marching band with 100 students, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-13/dr-dre-jimmy-iovine-to-open-high-school-in-inglewood\">a new design, technology and entrepreneur academy\u003c/a> sponsored by Andre “Dr. Dre” Young and music recording mogul Jimmy Iovine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the community has come around, at least a little. The alumni association of Morningside High, one of the high schools slated to close, actually endorsed its closure because it means students will have more opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have a world-class city if you don’t have a world-class education system,” Morris said. “And that’s what our job has to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Franciscans got a shocking look this week at what their city’s much-celebrated but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">financially fragile transit system\u003c/a> might be reduced to if city leaders fail to come up with a workable plan to raise more funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-municipal-transportation-agency\">Municipal Transportation Agency\u003c/a> leaders unveiled a short but sobering list of possible cuts during a Wednesday meeting of a special panel set up this year to come up with a Muni rescue plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The service reductions that the SFMTA said could be needed to help reduce future annual deficits topping $300 million include reducing the frequency of many busy bus and train lines, ending service on bus routes with the lowest ridership and mothballing the city’s historic cable cars and trolleys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That presentation came just days after what should have been good news for the Bay Area’s busiest transit system: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-l\">Proposition L\u003c/a>, a community-led ballot measure that would have raised about $25 million a year through a new tax on ride-hailing services, won 57% approval. However, to take effect, the measure would have had to outpoll another successful tax measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-m\">Proposition M\u003c/a>, which won a 70% “yes” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although revenue from Proposition L would not have been enough to make or break Muni’s $1.4 billion annual budget, funds would have been earmarked for transit operations — the day-to-day work of getting service on the street for its half-million weekday passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Muni’s current precarious state, that $25 million would make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11868497\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on April 06, 2020 in San Francisco, California. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) announced that they are cutting service to a majority of their 89 bus lines in the City of San Francisco as ridership plummets due to the coronavirus shelter in place.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Executive Director Jeff Tumlin told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/muni-funding-working-group\">Muni Funding Working Group\u003c/a> on Wednesday that his goal in outlining the draconian service-reduction scenarios is to show the importance of coming up with a politically viable revenue solution that can get on the ballot in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ultimate goal is to avoid service cuts and continue to rebuild and improve Muni’s service, which was scaled back during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in order to do that, we need to have a real conversation about just how dire our situation is and what is at stake so that one, we can come to agreement on new revenue, and two, we can win,” Tumlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni’s money-saving saving scenarios include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending service on lower-utilized routes:\u003c/strong> This would eliminate 20 routes serving about 50,000 riders. Net savings: $63 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reducing service frequency by as much as 50%:\u003c/strong> Would affect the system’s busiest routes, including the 14/14R-Mission and 38/38R-Geary, and all six Muni Metro lines. Net savings: $71 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending regular bus and train service at 9 p.m.\u003c/strong> each night and replace with less frequent Owl Service. It would affect as many as 28 routes. Net savings: $14 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending cable car and historic streetcar service:\u003c/strong> Net savings: $33 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The agency said it could save millions more by reducing fare subsidies for youth, seniors, lower-income residents and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps, which would likely gut Muni’s service and lead to significant ridership losses, would save about $200 million a year, which is not nearly enough to close the agency’s future funding gap fully. The reductions would also compromise Muni’s efforts to equitably serve a ridership that’s 38% low-income and 70% people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11748204\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/GettyImages-180418381-e1731715381902.jpg\" alt=\"Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1425\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride. \u003ccite>(Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s director of transit, said service cuts of the magnitude the agency presented would have deep, long-lasting effects beyond the loss of daily service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would dramatically slow down the actual and perceived recovery of San Francisco” from its pandemic-era economic troubles, she said. “Customer satisfaction will take a devastating hit, and regaining that public trust will take decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the SFMTA also announced it has slowed down hiring of bus and train operators because of its tight budget. That hiring slowdown, in turn, has prompted Muni to plan what it’s calling “incremental” service reductions beginning in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, service suspension on the scale needed to save $200 million a year, Kirschbaum said, would be “very difficult to reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014130 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240412-OAKAIRPORT-027-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing to say that if we temporarily suspended a route, we couldn’t add it back,” she said. “But even just a six-month slowdown in operator hiring takes 18 months to recover. … Stopping something like the cable car, there’s no telling what the cost would be to restart it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of devastating service cuts was the big motivator for a grass-roots group of transit activists to put together Proposition L, which proposed a gross-receipts tax on ride-hailing services like Uber and Lyft. The object, communicated in the campaign’s “Fund the Bus!” title, was simple: to raise money to help Muni avoid service reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign needed 50% plus one vote to win, but it faced a much steeper challenge: Proposition M, a suite of tax reforms that included a provision requiring any “conflicting” proposal to get more votes to take effect. Proposition L was deemed a conflicting measure. Though it easily won citywide and ran up huge majorities in transit-dependent neighborhoods like the Mission, it fell far short of Proposition M’s level of approval. Thus, it won, and it lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition L organizer Cyrus Hall said in an interview that Proposition M’s “poison pill” provision was all but impossible to overcome. An opposition campaign in which Uber spent more than $1 million to shoot down the measure made things even tougher, Hall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 58% or 57%, whatever we end up, that is a really great result,” he said. “It shows that a simple pro-transit, positive message is resilient to that sort of huge money spending from corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Franciscans got a shocking look this week at what their city’s much-celebrated but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">financially fragile transit system\u003c/a> might be reduced to if city leaders fail to come up with a workable plan to raise more funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-municipal-transportation-agency\">Municipal Transportation Agency\u003c/a> leaders unveiled a short but sobering list of possible cuts during a Wednesday meeting of a special panel set up this year to come up with a Muni rescue plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The service reductions that the SFMTA said could be needed to help reduce future annual deficits topping $300 million include reducing the frequency of many busy bus and train lines, ending service on bus routes with the lowest ridership and mothballing the city’s historic cable cars and trolleys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That presentation came just days after what should have been good news for the Bay Area’s busiest transit system: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-l\">Proposition L\u003c/a>, a community-led ballot measure that would have raised about $25 million a year through a new tax on ride-hailing services, won 57% approval. However, to take effect, the measure would have had to outpoll another successful tax measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-m\">Proposition M\u003c/a>, which won a 70% “yes” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although revenue from Proposition L would not have been enough to make or break Muni’s $1.4 billion annual budget, funds would have been earmarked for transit operations — the day-to-day work of getting service on the street for its half-million weekday passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Muni’s current precarious state, that $25 million would make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11868497\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on April 06, 2020 in San Francisco, California. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) announced that they are cutting service to a majority of their 89 bus lines in the City of San Francisco as ridership plummets due to the coronavirus shelter in place.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Executive Director Jeff Tumlin told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/muni-funding-working-group\">Muni Funding Working Group\u003c/a> on Wednesday that his goal in outlining the draconian service-reduction scenarios is to show the importance of coming up with a politically viable revenue solution that can get on the ballot in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ultimate goal is to avoid service cuts and continue to rebuild and improve Muni’s service, which was scaled back during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in order to do that, we need to have a real conversation about just how dire our situation is and what is at stake so that one, we can come to agreement on new revenue, and two, we can win,” Tumlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni’s money-saving saving scenarios include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending service on lower-utilized routes:\u003c/strong> This would eliminate 20 routes serving about 50,000 riders. Net savings: $63 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reducing service frequency by as much as 50%:\u003c/strong> Would affect the system’s busiest routes, including the 14/14R-Mission and 38/38R-Geary, and all six Muni Metro lines. Net savings: $71 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending regular bus and train service at 9 p.m.\u003c/strong> each night and replace with less frequent Owl Service. It would affect as many as 28 routes. Net savings: $14 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending cable car and historic streetcar service:\u003c/strong> Net savings: $33 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The agency said it could save millions more by reducing fare subsidies for youth, seniors, lower-income residents and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps, which would likely gut Muni’s service and lead to significant ridership losses, would save about $200 million a year, which is not nearly enough to close the agency’s future funding gap fully. The reductions would also compromise Muni’s efforts to equitably serve a ridership that’s 38% low-income and 70% people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11748204\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/GettyImages-180418381-e1731715381902.jpg\" alt=\"Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1425\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride. \u003ccite>(Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s director of transit, said service cuts of the magnitude the agency presented would have deep, long-lasting effects beyond the loss of daily service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would dramatically slow down the actual and perceived recovery of San Francisco” from its pandemic-era economic troubles, she said. “Customer satisfaction will take a devastating hit, and regaining that public trust will take decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the SFMTA also announced it has slowed down hiring of bus and train operators because of its tight budget. That hiring slowdown, in turn, has prompted Muni to plan what it’s calling “incremental” service reductions beginning in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, service suspension on the scale needed to save $200 million a year, Kirschbaum said, would be “very difficult to reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing to say that if we temporarily suspended a route, we couldn’t add it back,” she said. “But even just a six-month slowdown in operator hiring takes 18 months to recover. … Stopping something like the cable car, there’s no telling what the cost would be to restart it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of devastating service cuts was the big motivator for a grass-roots group of transit activists to put together Proposition L, which proposed a gross-receipts tax on ride-hailing services like Uber and Lyft. The object, communicated in the campaign’s “Fund the Bus!” title, was simple: to raise money to help Muni avoid service reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign needed 50% plus one vote to win, but it faced a much steeper challenge: Proposition M, a suite of tax reforms that included a provision requiring any “conflicting” proposal to get more votes to take effect. Proposition L was deemed a conflicting measure. Though it easily won citywide and ran up huge majorities in transit-dependent neighborhoods like the Mission, it fell far short of Proposition M’s level of approval. Thus, it won, and it lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition L organizer Cyrus Hall said in an interview that Proposition M’s “poison pill” provision was all but impossible to overcome. An opposition campaign in which Uber spent more than $1 million to shoot down the measure made things even tougher, Hall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 58% or 57%, whatever we end up, that is a really great result,” he said. “It shows that a simple pro-transit, positive message is resilient to that sort of huge money spending from corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California insurance regulators hope that new rules on forward-looking risk modeling, paired with a requirement for companies to write more policies in risky wildfire areas, will stem the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906641/california-regulators-roll-out-plan-to-stabilize-home-insurance-market\">state’s insurance crisis\u003c/a>, brought about by years of disastrous fires and high inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations, submitted Thursday for final approval by the state Office of Administrative Law, allow insurance companies to use forward-looking modeling that incorporates the effects of climate change when they are setting their rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985175/insurance-in-california-is-changing-heres-how-it-may-affect-you\">sought that ability for years in California\u003c/a>, the only state that bars it. Existing regulations force companies to use only historical data to predict future loss, but that data is increasingly worthless as climate-driven disasters, such as wildfires, intensify. A historical approach also makes it impossible to account for how mitigation — such as nearby firebreaks or prescribed burns — may lessen future risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a condition of using these models, the new regulation requires that companies increase the writing of comprehensive policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993316/california-shows-where-insurers-would-need-to-boost-coverage-in-fire-prone-areas\">in areas identified as “wildfire distressed”\u003c/a> and account for mitigation steps taken by homeowners, businesses and communities. The Department of Insurance aims to require companies to write at least 85% of their statewide market share, meaning that if a single company held half of all policies in the state, it would need to offer coverage to 42.5% of homeowners in wildfire-distressed areas. Currently, there is no current legal requirement for insurers to write any coverage in high-risk areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My new regulation will make insurance more available across the state,” Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New growth on trees in Big Basin Redwoods State Park in Boulder Creek on Aug. 17, 2021, one year after the CZU Lightning Complex wildfire swept through the area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As California experiences more intense climate impacts, technology will tell us where the risks truly are and accurately price rates that reflect mitigation and hardening investments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bet is that increasing coverage will lead to more business competition between insurance companies and may help moderate prices. And potentially, the ability to incorporate mitigation steps could lead to increased fire safety and drive down losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate Commissioner Lara for moving this forward,” said State Sen. Bill Dodd from Napa. “It’s a complex problem, and there isn’t a panacea, but this is one part of the equation that has the ability to help. It will be critical that insurance companies are held accountable towards renewing and writing new policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the new regulations should take effect by Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can a public model create more trust?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hand in hand with the new regulations, a strategy group made up of experts from the fields of climate, insurance and wildfires will create recommendations for a public wildfire catastrophe model by April. Cal Poly Humboldt is leading the effort, which presented its goals at a workshop Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A major concern of critics is that private catastrophe models are proprietary black boxes, not open to review, scrutiny or feedback. The goal of creating a public model for California is to allay some of those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While companies might not employ a public model in setting their rates, such a model potentially could be a benchmark to compare one private model against another. Regulators could, in the future, use this to ensure customers are getting a fair deal. The state of Florida, where hurricane damage has driven a similar insurance crisis, already has a public catastrophe model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2022/03/RS54892_GettyImages-1338215530-qut-1020x693.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations drew criticism from Rep. John Garamendi (D-Walnut Grove), a former California insurance commissioner. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/he-leave-lawmaker-says-lara-fails-take-19917697.php\">said in a TV news interview\u003c/a> that Lara had failed to stand up to insurance companies and should step down from the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi, who served as commissioner from 1991 to 1995 and 2003 to 2007, has long criticized Lara’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/01-consumers/180-climate-change/SustainableInsuranceStrategy.cfm\">Sustainable Insurance Strategy\u003c/a>, an effort to update California’s inflexible pro-consumer regulations that the insurance industry said make it difficult to do business in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-lofgren-lead-members-california-congressional-delegation-calling\">Garamendi spearheaded a letter\u003c/a> sent to Lara, signed by members of California’s congressional delegation, urging him to use his “power to stabilize the statewide insurance market … to immediately and quickly review the proposed rate increases under any new risk modeling to determine if they are necessary, adequate, and not excessive for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also believe it would be beneficial to use that power to require that the insurance industry provides adequate, affordable coverage in every part of the state,” the letter continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11968643/why-californias-insurance-market-is-in-trouble\">questioned by KQED\u003c/a> exactly how the current Department of Insurance could require the insurance industry to offer adequate, affordable coverage in all parts of the state without addressing the industry’s complaints, Garamendi failed to provide a clear answer and became frustrated, raising his voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days following, at least one of the signatories to the letter pulled back. “I wanted to let you know that I agree with your approach and hereby rescind my previous support for the original letter,” wrote Rep. Juan Vargas (D-San Diego) in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/16-K2SqINOUt2Ye-FRnyERiFrRGrInU1D/view\">letter to Lara\u003c/a> dated Nov. 29, 2023. “Your outlined approach seeking to […] modernizing decades-old regulations that are ignorant of modern climate change can help solve California’s current insurance market challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the new regulations will work to ease the current crisis in the state’s insurance market will take months to years to determine. Insurance companies have signaled that they are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/26/nx-s1-5015738/california-hopes-to-lure-insurance-companies-back-with-extreme-regulation-overhaul\">keen to expand business \u003c/a>once new regulations are implemented, and they feel their rates accurately reflect the cost of covering homes in the fire-prone Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California insurance regulators hope that new rules on forward-looking risk modeling, paired with a requirement for companies to write more policies in risky wildfire areas, will stem the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906641/california-regulators-roll-out-plan-to-stabilize-home-insurance-market\">state’s insurance crisis\u003c/a>, brought about by years of disastrous fires and high inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations, submitted Thursday for final approval by the state Office of Administrative Law, allow insurance companies to use forward-looking modeling that incorporates the effects of climate change when they are setting their rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985175/insurance-in-california-is-changing-heres-how-it-may-affect-you\">sought that ability for years in California\u003c/a>, the only state that bars it. Existing regulations force companies to use only historical data to predict future loss, but that data is increasingly worthless as climate-driven disasters, such as wildfires, intensify. A historical approach also makes it impossible to account for how mitigation — such as nearby firebreaks or prescribed burns — may lessen future risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a condition of using these models, the new regulation requires that companies increase the writing of comprehensive policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993316/california-shows-where-insurers-would-need-to-boost-coverage-in-fire-prone-areas\">in areas identified as “wildfire distressed”\u003c/a> and account for mitigation steps taken by homeowners, businesses and communities. The Department of Insurance aims to require companies to write at least 85% of their statewide market share, meaning that if a single company held half of all policies in the state, it would need to offer coverage to 42.5% of homeowners in wildfire-distressed areas. Currently, there is no current legal requirement for insurers to write any coverage in high-risk areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My new regulation will make insurance more available across the state,” Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New growth on trees in Big Basin Redwoods State Park in Boulder Creek on Aug. 17, 2021, one year after the CZU Lightning Complex wildfire swept through the area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As California experiences more intense climate impacts, technology will tell us where the risks truly are and accurately price rates that reflect mitigation and hardening investments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bet is that increasing coverage will lead to more business competition between insurance companies and may help moderate prices. And potentially, the ability to incorporate mitigation steps could lead to increased fire safety and drive down losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate Commissioner Lara for moving this forward,” said State Sen. Bill Dodd from Napa. “It’s a complex problem, and there isn’t a panacea, but this is one part of the equation that has the ability to help. It will be critical that insurance companies are held accountable towards renewing and writing new policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the new regulations should take effect by Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can a public model create more trust?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hand in hand with the new regulations, a strategy group made up of experts from the fields of climate, insurance and wildfires will create recommendations for a public wildfire catastrophe model by April. Cal Poly Humboldt is leading the effort, which presented its goals at a workshop Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A major concern of critics is that private catastrophe models are proprietary black boxes, not open to review, scrutiny or feedback. The goal of creating a public model for California is to allay some of those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While companies might not employ a public model in setting their rates, such a model potentially could be a benchmark to compare one private model against another. Regulators could, in the future, use this to ensure customers are getting a fair deal. The state of Florida, where hurricane damage has driven a similar insurance crisis, already has a public catastrophe model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations drew criticism from Rep. John Garamendi (D-Walnut Grove), a former California insurance commissioner. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/he-leave-lawmaker-says-lara-fails-take-19917697.php\">said in a TV news interview\u003c/a> that Lara had failed to stand up to insurance companies and should step down from the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi, who served as commissioner from 1991 to 1995 and 2003 to 2007, has long criticized Lara’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/01-consumers/180-climate-change/SustainableInsuranceStrategy.cfm\">Sustainable Insurance Strategy\u003c/a>, an effort to update California’s inflexible pro-consumer regulations that the insurance industry said make it difficult to do business in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-lofgren-lead-members-california-congressional-delegation-calling\">Garamendi spearheaded a letter\u003c/a> sent to Lara, signed by members of California’s congressional delegation, urging him to use his “power to stabilize the statewide insurance market … to immediately and quickly review the proposed rate increases under any new risk modeling to determine if they are necessary, adequate, and not excessive for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also believe it would be beneficial to use that power to require that the insurance industry provides adequate, affordable coverage in every part of the state,” the letter continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11968643/why-californias-insurance-market-is-in-trouble\">questioned by KQED\u003c/a> exactly how the current Department of Insurance could require the insurance industry to offer adequate, affordable coverage in all parts of the state without addressing the industry’s complaints, Garamendi failed to provide a clear answer and became frustrated, raising his voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days following, at least one of the signatories to the letter pulled back. “I wanted to let you know that I agree with your approach and hereby rescind my previous support for the original letter,” wrote Rep. Juan Vargas (D-San Diego) in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/16-K2SqINOUt2Ye-FRnyERiFrRGrInU1D/view\">letter to Lara\u003c/a> dated Nov. 29, 2023. “Your outlined approach seeking to […] modernizing decades-old regulations that are ignorant of modern climate change can help solve California’s current insurance market challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the new regulations will work to ease the current crisis in the state’s insurance market will take months to years to determine. Insurance companies have signaled that they are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/26/nx-s1-5015738/california-hopes-to-lure-insurance-companies-back-with-extreme-regulation-overhaul\">keen to expand business \u003c/a>once new regulations are implemented, and they feel their rates accurately reflect the cost of covering homes in the fire-prone Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Berkeley Students Walk Out in Anti-Trump Protest, Demand Action From Democrats",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around a dozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> students walked out of class on Friday afternoon and took to Sproul Plaza to protest \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s reelection to the highest office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the protest is to showcase youth solidarity and demand that Democrats do more to fight against Trump’s agenda, said first-year student Ariela Lara, who is also an organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/62224/student-activists-go-to-summer-camp-to-learn-how-to-help-institute-a-green-new-deal-on-their-campuses\">Sunrise Movement\u003c/a>, a youth-led climate action organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As young people across the nation grapple with the reality of another Trump presidency, students are going to demand more from their leaders,” Lara said. “We know that the Democrats really need to stand up in these moments because people voted out of the need to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sunrise Movement organized the walkout with on- and off-campus groups, including Cal Berkeley Democrats and the Student Campaign for Palestine at UC Berkeley, Lara said. Together, they adorned the Sproul Steps with signs that read “Democratic Party: You failed us,” “People over corporations,” and “F—k Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 50 students had pledged to walk out of class, according to Lara, who said she hopes more will show out as the protest gains momentum throughout the afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But turnout remained relatively low — other than the dozen organizers on the Sproul Steps, there were just a handful of supportive onlookers. Most students walking by on their way to and from class stopped to take photos but didn’t stick around for the speeches or chants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finn Does, another first-year organizer with Sunrise Movement, described the political apathy among young people as a “huge crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people are really burnt out,” Does said. “Trump has been in our news for the past eight years, every day. People are waking up every day having to read the same bulls—t, and they’re tired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunrise Movement is planning future actions to help invigorate activism on campus again, Does said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014743\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both Lara and Does led speeches and chants at the walkout, such as “The people, united, will never be defeated,” and “Trump is a liar, our planet is on fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his speech, Does emphasized that Democratic Party platforms this election — from the war in Gaza to fracking — are all connected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other speakers, like Cal Berkeley Democrats President Linsdey Duncan, emphasized pushing the party further to the left over the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014622 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley is not the only campus where the Sunrise Movement is organizing walkouts. Berkeley High students walked out of class last Friday, and Lara said similar protests are taking place across the country at other colleges and high schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walking out of schools means that we have to disrupt the status quo and business as usual,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is only the second organized protest on UC Berkeley’s campus since the election, following a small demonstration on Sproul Plaza the day after Election Night. However, compared with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11166247/trumps-election-greeted-by-berkeley-oakland-protests\">Trump’s first victory in 2016\u003c/a>, the university, known for activism and protest, has been noticeably quiet this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At other college campuses throughout the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014032/dispirited-and-humbled-the-conspicuous-absence-of-bay-area-protests-after-trumps-win\">activists told KQED\u003c/a> that the muted response is a result of young people becoming disillusioned with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also reflected in the results of the election, where turnout among adults under 29 dropped significantly since 2020. More young people also turned out for Trump than in the previous two elections, polling showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are angry at the current government, and we know that there has been a failure of Democratic leadership,” Lara said. “We understand that this election was not about the candidate, it was about the conditions in which we were organizing under. The result of that is that we are organizing under a fascist, racist, misogynist candidate and future president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around a dozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> students walked out of class on Friday afternoon and took to Sproul Plaza to protest \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s reelection to the highest office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the protest is to showcase youth solidarity and demand that Democrats do more to fight against Trump’s agenda, said first-year student Ariela Lara, who is also an organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/62224/student-activists-go-to-summer-camp-to-learn-how-to-help-institute-a-green-new-deal-on-their-campuses\">Sunrise Movement\u003c/a>, a youth-led climate action organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As young people across the nation grapple with the reality of another Trump presidency, students are going to demand more from their leaders,” Lara said. “We know that the Democrats really need to stand up in these moments because people voted out of the need to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sunrise Movement organized the walkout with on- and off-campus groups, including Cal Berkeley Democrats and the Student Campaign for Palestine at UC Berkeley, Lara said. Together, they adorned the Sproul Steps with signs that read “Democratic Party: You failed us,” “People over corporations,” and “F—k Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 50 students had pledged to walk out of class, according to Lara, who said she hopes more will show out as the protest gains momentum throughout the afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But turnout remained relatively low — other than the dozen organizers on the Sproul Steps, there were just a handful of supportive onlookers. Most students walking by on their way to and from class stopped to take photos but didn’t stick around for the speeches or chants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finn Does, another first-year organizer with Sunrise Movement, described the political apathy among young people as a “huge crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people are really burnt out,” Does said. “Trump has been in our news for the past eight years, every day. People are waking up every day having to read the same bulls—t, and they’re tired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunrise Movement is planning future actions to help invigorate activism on campus again, Does said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014743\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both Lara and Does led speeches and chants at the walkout, such as “The people, united, will never be defeated,” and “Trump is a liar, our planet is on fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his speech, Does emphasized that Democratic Party platforms this election — from the war in Gaza to fracking — are all connected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other speakers, like Cal Berkeley Democrats President Linsdey Duncan, emphasized pushing the party further to the left over the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley is not the only campus where the Sunrise Movement is organizing walkouts. Berkeley High students walked out of class last Friday, and Lara said similar protests are taking place across the country at other colleges and high schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walking out of schools means that we have to disrupt the status quo and business as usual,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is only the second organized protest on UC Berkeley’s campus since the election, following a small demonstration on Sproul Plaza the day after Election Night. However, compared with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11166247/trumps-election-greeted-by-berkeley-oakland-protests\">Trump’s first victory in 2016\u003c/a>, the university, known for activism and protest, has been noticeably quiet this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At other college campuses throughout the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014032/dispirited-and-humbled-the-conspicuous-absence-of-bay-area-protests-after-trumps-win\">activists told KQED\u003c/a> that the muted response is a result of young people becoming disillusioned with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also reflected in the results of the election, where turnout among adults under 29 dropped significantly since 2020. More young people also turned out for Trump than in the previous two elections, polling showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are angry at the current government, and we know that there has been a failure of Democratic leadership,” Lara said. “We understand that this election was not about the candidate, it was about the conditions in which we were organizing under. The result of that is that we are organizing under a fascist, racist, misogynist candidate and future president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Tried to Cut Agency That Investigates Oil, Gas Accidents. Will He Do It Again?",
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"headTitle": "Trump Tried to Cut Agency That Investigates Oil, Gas Accidents. Will He Do It Again? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The federal agency responsible for investigating chemical accidents at industrial facilities, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oil-refineries\">oil refineries\u003c/a> like those in the Bay Area, is at risk of being shut down under the second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-President Donald Trump tried and failed to use the budget process \u003ca href=\"https://publicintegrity.org/politics/system-failure/agency-industrial-chemical-safety-board-disasters-life-support-trump-deregulation/\">to shut down the U.S. Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board\u003c/a>, better known as the CSB. He could try it again, as he’s repeatedly said he plans to increase oil and gas production with a deregulatory agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting on Day 1, I will approve new drilling, new pipelines, new refiners, new power plants, new reactors, and we will slash the red tape,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/13/nx-s1-5181963/trump-promises-more-drilling-in-the-u-s-to-boost-fossil-fuel-production\">Trump said in early September\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CSB has investigated major disasters like the Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling explosion and leak that lasted for several months in 2010 and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/bio-lab-inc-conyers-fire-and-chemical-release-/\">Bio-Lab explosion and fire\u003c/a> in Georgia earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, it investigated the explosion and fire at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/94930/how-the-chevron-richmond-fire-happened-feds-release-blow-by-blow-animation-of-accident\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery in 2012\u003c/a> that sent 15,000 people to hospitals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665999/chevron-richmond-move-to-settle-lawsuit-over-2012-refinery-fire-that-sickened-thousands\">most of them with breathing problems\u003c/a>. More recently, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988025/marathons-martinez-refinery-hit-with-state-fines-over-fire-that-burned-worker\">investigated safety violations\u003c/a> that resulted in a fire that injured a worker last year at \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/martinez-renewable-fuels-fire-/\">Marathon Petroleum’s Martinez Renewable Fuels refinery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the folks who show up and just get to the facts and get to the root cause, hold people accountable,” said Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who was a Contra Costa County supervisor when his predecessor, George Miller, helped create the CSB in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-CA) speaks during a House Rules Committee hearing on the impeachment against President Donald Trump on Dec. 17, 2019 in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Patrick Semansky-Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While local agencies like the Bay Area Air Quality Management District and the California Air Resources Board keep tabs on refineries, the CSB’s reports often offer more detail and are released faster than those from other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier — who also supported many environmental protections when he served on the California Air Resources Board and BAAQMD — said the CSB is vital to the health of the nation, as its findings have helped usher in regulations that have made it safer for workers, the environment and human health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should Trump attempt to get rid of the CSB a second time, DeSaulnier said he’ll fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s basically taking the police officer off the beat at the federal level for polluters. He’s saying, ‘Go ahead and pollute. Go ahead and risk your employees’ and your neighbors’ lives. That’s fine with us. Nobody’s going to be watching,’” DeSaulnier said. “I will. I will fight that tooth and nail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the CSB be terminated, “the likelihood of somebody dying goes up in our case” because there will be a push to lower regulations to compete with places with lower environmental standards, DeSaulnier said, using Louisiana and Thailand as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the Environmental Protection Agency or the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, the CSB’s investigatory functioning is free of typical rulemaking, which allows it to investigate multiple facets of an industrial accident, including workplace safety issues and chemical releases that may have harmed the outside community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013686 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress also gave it autonomy so that it isn’t beholden to any other agency or the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the president appoints the CSB’s members. It is a five-member board, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/about-the-csb/board-members/\">two seats are vacant\u003c/a> — and the current three members of the board all have terms that expire before the end of Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump has yet to formally call for the end of the CSB, he has already told one of his Cabinet appointments, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. — a former environmental lawyer tapped to lead the Department of Health and Human Services — “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/06/nx-s1-5181891/trump-win-climate-change-fossil-fuels-clean-energy\">to stay away from the liquid gold\u003c/a>,” alluding to oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier said that the “real gold” is renewable energy and that more oil refineries are turning greener, evidenced by two of the four refineries in Contra Costa County — the Marathon refinery in Martinez and the Phillips 66 refinery in Rodeo — announcing last year that they were switching to processing plant-based diesel fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the economic model is very compelling,” DeSaulnier said, adding that if the U.S. doesn’t continue to transition to renewable energy, it’ll be far behind other countries already doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/11/12/exxon-ceo-says-trump-should-keep-us-involved-in-global-effort-to-address-climate-change.html\">Exxon Mobil’s CEO pushed back\u003c/a> against Trump’s reliance on fossil fuels as the company attempts to transition to other forms of energy because “investors know where the future is, and they know where the return on investment is,” DeSaulnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Trump to gut or cut the CSB and continue to push for less regulation on the fossil fuel industry “is just perfect madness,” DeSaulnier said. “But I think he will do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nov. 18: A previous version of this story misstated one of the two Contra Costa County refineries that announced switches to processing plant-based diesel fuels last year. It was the Marathon refinery in Martinez, not PBF.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "An East Bay congressional representative told KQED he’ll fight 'tooth and nail' if Trump tries again to shut down the Chemical Safety Board, which has investigated fires at Bay Area oil refineries.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The federal agency responsible for investigating chemical accidents at industrial facilities, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oil-refineries\">oil refineries\u003c/a> like those in the Bay Area, is at risk of being shut down under the second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-President Donald Trump tried and failed to use the budget process \u003ca href=\"https://publicintegrity.org/politics/system-failure/agency-industrial-chemical-safety-board-disasters-life-support-trump-deregulation/\">to shut down the U.S. Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board\u003c/a>, better known as the CSB. He could try it again, as he’s repeatedly said he plans to increase oil and gas production with a deregulatory agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting on Day 1, I will approve new drilling, new pipelines, new refiners, new power plants, new reactors, and we will slash the red tape,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/13/nx-s1-5181963/trump-promises-more-drilling-in-the-u-s-to-boost-fossil-fuel-production\">Trump said in early September\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CSB has investigated major disasters like the Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling explosion and leak that lasted for several months in 2010 and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/bio-lab-inc-conyers-fire-and-chemical-release-/\">Bio-Lab explosion and fire\u003c/a> in Georgia earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, it investigated the explosion and fire at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/94930/how-the-chevron-richmond-fire-happened-feds-release-blow-by-blow-animation-of-accident\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery in 2012\u003c/a> that sent 15,000 people to hospitals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665999/chevron-richmond-move-to-settle-lawsuit-over-2012-refinery-fire-that-sickened-thousands\">most of them with breathing problems\u003c/a>. More recently, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988025/marathons-martinez-refinery-hit-with-state-fines-over-fire-that-burned-worker\">investigated safety violations\u003c/a> that resulted in a fire that injured a worker last year at \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/martinez-renewable-fuels-fire-/\">Marathon Petroleum’s Martinez Renewable Fuels refinery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the folks who show up and just get to the facts and get to the root cause, hold people accountable,” said Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who was a Contra Costa County supervisor when his predecessor, George Miller, helped create the CSB in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-CA) speaks during a House Rules Committee hearing on the impeachment against President Donald Trump on Dec. 17, 2019 in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Patrick Semansky-Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While local agencies like the Bay Area Air Quality Management District and the California Air Resources Board keep tabs on refineries, the CSB’s reports often offer more detail and are released faster than those from other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier — who also supported many environmental protections when he served on the California Air Resources Board and BAAQMD — said the CSB is vital to the health of the nation, as its findings have helped usher in regulations that have made it safer for workers, the environment and human health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should Trump attempt to get rid of the CSB a second time, DeSaulnier said he’ll fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s basically taking the police officer off the beat at the federal level for polluters. He’s saying, ‘Go ahead and pollute. Go ahead and risk your employees’ and your neighbors’ lives. That’s fine with us. Nobody’s going to be watching,’” DeSaulnier said. “I will. I will fight that tooth and nail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the CSB be terminated, “the likelihood of somebody dying goes up in our case” because there will be a push to lower regulations to compete with places with lower environmental standards, DeSaulnier said, using Louisiana and Thailand as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the Environmental Protection Agency or the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, the CSB’s investigatory functioning is free of typical rulemaking, which allows it to investigate multiple facets of an industrial accident, including workplace safety issues and chemical releases that may have harmed the outside community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress also gave it autonomy so that it isn’t beholden to any other agency or the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the president appoints the CSB’s members. It is a five-member board, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/about-the-csb/board-members/\">two seats are vacant\u003c/a> — and the current three members of the board all have terms that expire before the end of Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump has yet to formally call for the end of the CSB, he has already told one of his Cabinet appointments, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. — a former environmental lawyer tapped to lead the Department of Health and Human Services — “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/06/nx-s1-5181891/trump-win-climate-change-fossil-fuels-clean-energy\">to stay away from the liquid gold\u003c/a>,” alluding to oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier said that the “real gold” is renewable energy and that more oil refineries are turning greener, evidenced by two of the four refineries in Contra Costa County — the Marathon refinery in Martinez and the Phillips 66 refinery in Rodeo — announcing last year that they were switching to processing plant-based diesel fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the economic model is very compelling,” DeSaulnier said, adding that if the U.S. doesn’t continue to transition to renewable energy, it’ll be far behind other countries already doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/11/12/exxon-ceo-says-trump-should-keep-us-involved-in-global-effort-to-address-climate-change.html\">Exxon Mobil’s CEO pushed back\u003c/a> against Trump’s reliance on fossil fuels as the company attempts to transition to other forms of energy because “investors know where the future is, and they know where the return on investment is,” DeSaulnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Trump to gut or cut the CSB and continue to push for less regulation on the fossil fuel industry “is just perfect madness,” DeSaulnier said. “But I think he will do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nov. 18: A previous version of this story misstated one of the two Contra Costa County refineries that announced switches to processing plant-based diesel fuels last year. It was the Marathon refinery in Martinez, not PBF.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uc-faces-500-million-budget-shortfall-increases-tuition-for-new-nonresident-students",
"title": "UC Faces $500 Million Budget Shortfall, Increases Tuition for New Nonresident Students",
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"headTitle": "UC Faces $500 Million Budget Shortfall, Increases Tuition for New Nonresident Students | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The University of California is eyeing a looming budget gap of half a billion dollars next year. To help balance the books it’s relying in part on its out-of-state undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the system is pouring tens of billions of dollars into construction projects for seismic retrofitting, new classrooms and medical centers — while also acknowledging it lacks the funding to build or renovate most of what it needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out-of-state undergraduates at the UC are charged more than three times the total tuition in-state students are expected to pay. Now system leaders have increased the supplemental tuition for new nonresident undergraduates by $3,402 next fall, an amount that’s $2,208 more than what the supplemental tuition would increase by under existing UC policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC regents committee approved the new hike Wednesday; the full board voted to green-light the measure today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One regent, Jose M. Hernandez, voted No. Two elected state leaders on the board, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, abstained from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be on the record opposing the tuition increase, and also on the record recognizing the commitment of staff to continue to work to evaluate and understand these decisions to increase the cost of attendance for out of state students,” Kounalakis said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/07/uc-tuition-hike/\">model passed in 2021\u003c/a>, each new cohort of undergraduates sees higher tuition and fees than the previous crop of new students but that tuition stays flat for their time at the UC. In-state students are charged tuition and a systemwide fee. Out-of-state students are charged that plus a much larger supplemental fee. The base tuition and fee would go up as planned under the 2022 model; only the supplemental fee would rise at a higher than expected amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, it would mean new nonresident undergraduates would pay $52,536 in total mandatory tuition next fall, excluding separate campus fees that are an \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">average of $1,700\u003c/a>. Current new nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202425/2024-25.pdf\">pay $48,636 annually (PDF)\u003c/a>, plus campus fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would affect the roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/fall-enrollment-glance#ugentry\">15% of UC undergraduates\u003c/a>, including transfer students, who live outside of California and will begin their studies at the university system next fall. The increase wouldn’t affect current students or future graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As UC prepares for an anticipated state budget cut that could impact student services across the entire system, we are proposing an increase to support core operations without raising costs for current students and California residents,” wrote UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hike would increase revenue by about $41 million for the system annually, Rodriguez wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=zdrPdTCtK5t-A0lD&t=3551\">impending half-billion shortfall next summer\u003c/a> would occur if state lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom make good on a deal to delay previously promised new money for the UC and apply a cut to its state support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s operating revenue is estimated to be \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=3\">about $53 billion in 2024–25 (PDF)\u003c/a>. Most of that is from the system’s medical services work, including hospitals. Its core mission of educating students, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">largely faculty salary and benefits (PDF)\u003c/a> as well as financial aid, makes up about $11 billion of the system’s budget. That amount is \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">almost evenly paid (PDF)\u003c/a> for with state dollars and a combination of tuition revenue and other university funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s among the numerous fiscal details that emerged at the regents’ regularly scheduled November meeting, including the revelation that the UC plans to spend $30 billion to repair or replace its increasingly aging stock of academic buildings, medical centers and dorms by decade’s end. And yet, that massive sum falls far short of the 10-campus system’s stated construction needs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=99wyMrJDoDasG7Ug&t=1643\">a total of $53 billion in projects without a funding source\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building spree is occurring as UC trundles\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=11\"> toward a goal of adding 23,000 new California students by 2030 (PDF)\u003c/a> — fueled in part by lawmaker demands that the vaunted system make space for more California high schoolers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The tuition hike in context\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some ways the emphasis on out-of-state students is a return to form for the UC, which both relies on these students for the much higher tuition they pay but also is under pressure by lawmakers to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/09/uc-out-of-state-tuition/\">limit how many non-Californian undergraduates the system enrolls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Tapia Jr-Urbieta, an executive officer for the UC Student Association, which represents undergraduate students, said that the student association opposes the increase. “Opportunity to higher education should not face any more barriers. Instead of increasing the salaries of UC administrators, let’s make sure college is more affordable for all,” he told regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those September raises came in two waves: \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g2.pdf\">4.2% (PDF)\u003c/a> for senior UC officials, such as the system president and most campus chancellors, and \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g4.pdf\">extra raises (PDF)\u003c/a>, including for most of the chancellors — ranging from \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g3.pdf#page=3\">16% to 33% (PDF)\u003c/a>. The extra chancellor raises are paid with private donations, not tuition or state support. The updated chancellor salaries range from $785,000 to nearly $1.2 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonresident undergraduate students tend to have \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2023/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=the%20data%20glossary.-,2.2%20INCOME%20PROFILE,-A%20large%20proportion\">higher family incomes than resident students\u003c/a>. In 2021, 45% of nonresident undergraduates had family incomes of above $185,000. The same was true for 25% of undergraduates from California. Nearly three-quarters of nonresident undergraduates came from households exceeding $93,000; for California-based undergrads, it was 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nonresident students on average pay much more to attend a UC campus, even after all financial aid \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/undergraduate-affordability#Netcostoftrend\">is factored into their costs\u003c/a>. The net price — which includes tuition, housing and other related costs minus grants and scholarships — for resident undergraduates with household incomes above $180,000 was around $37,000 a year last fall. For nonresident undergraduates, the average net price was $67,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support it (the nonresident tuition increase). I’ll get pushback for that, but here we are,” said Josiah Beharry, a student regent who can cast a vote on the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials said that compared to some other major public universities, UC’s nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=wdlQCmWop4RGp5M8&t=3101\">pay lower nonresident fees\u003c/a>. For example, University of Michigan nonresident students paid $11,500 more than their nonresident UC peers in 2023-24. University of Virginia nonresident undergraduate paid $7,000 more. Even when adjusting for living costs, nonresident Californians are charged less for their education, UC officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC policy permits 20% of new nonresident tuition revenue to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/policies/universitywide-program-policies-and-guidelines/revised-administrative-guidelines-for-usap-and-select-aid-programs-final-002.pdf#page=6\">reserved for financial aid for nonresident undergraduates (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>$30 billion in planned construction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $30 billion construction plan — and $50 billion in projects without a funding source — were spelled out in a new, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf\">207-page report detailing (PDF)\u003c/a> construction plans that UC budget officials presented to the system’s regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s enrollment growth and continuing needs for renewal, modernization and seismic correction of existing facilities are the key drivers of capital investments,” \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f9attach1.pdf#page=17\">the report said (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cranes have been soaring above the system’s campus skylines for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, the UC has added beds for 42,000 students, growing from nearly 75,000 beds. The increase means the system can house 40% of its students, up from 32% a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And UC isn’t done as it’s on track to build dorm space for 14,000 new beds at all nine undergraduate-serving campuses through 2030 — at a cost of $6.9 billion. That’s nearly half-a-million-dollars per bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while student housing projects can largely pay for themselves over time through the rents campuses charge, classroom buildings have fewer sources of cash beyond system bonds and state dollars — which the UC says are hardly enough to meet campus needs.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12006322,news_11986301,news_11987878\"]Take for example all the seismic repairs UC says it must undergo to extend the life of its buildings, with structures built in the 1950s and 1960s \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=18\">representing the largest chunk of UC’s gargantuan building footprint (PDF)\u003c/a>. UC has $16 billion in seismic retrofit needs but only identified funding for 16% of that, or $2.5 billion, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=16\">last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just finding money that’s a concern for UC. As buildings undergo remodeling, the classrooms, research and other activity core to the system’s mission has to continue. “The scope and complexity of planning required to minimize these disruptions can often necessitate the construction of temporary or replacement space,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scale of the need is vast. According to the UC, about 1,464 buildings require seismic upgrades across the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials disclosed yesterday that the system is debuting a new plan in which campuses will reduce its backlog of structures that need seismic upgrades by 4% annually, with the structures most in need of an overhaul receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s all the new construction UC needs. The system \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=21\">completed 139 projects at a cost of $1.4 billion last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a> — but has more than $20 billion in active construction\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=24\"> plans for about 400 projects (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than half of those are for UC’s extensive medical care operation, in part to satisfy state rules on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/seismic-safety-hospitals-california/\">strengthening hospitals to better withstand earthquakes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through 2030, UC’s construction plans total $30 billion, with about $12 billion \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=29\">for its medical centers (PDF)\u003c/a>. Philanthropy helps pay for all those projects, but only a little. Just about $2 billion of the construction plan budget \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">will come from gifts (PDF)\u003c/a>. About $300 million will come from state funds directly — a relatively tiny portion of the overall revenue picture for the system’s six-year building plan. Much of the projects will be paid for \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">with external financing (PDF)\u003c/a>, such as bonds that the system sells to investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s just projects with a funding source. UC Berkeley, for example, has more than $14 billion in construction needs but has identified the funding for just about \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=39\">$2.8 billion of that (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is getting built at the system’s oldest campus? For starters, a new undergraduate academic building that’ll include 27 classrooms and a 400-seat auditorium with a rooftop terrace. \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=41\">All of that costs $137 million (PDF)\u003c/a>. It’s scheduled to open in the 2025–26 academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The University of California anticipates more than a $500 million budget gap next summer, so It’s increasing tuition by at least $3,402 for new nonresident students next fall. Meanwhile, the system is planning billions in construction projects.",
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"title": "UC Faces $500 Million Budget Shortfall, Increases Tuition for New Nonresident Students | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The University of California is eyeing a looming budget gap of half a billion dollars next year. To help balance the books it’s relying in part on its out-of-state undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the system is pouring tens of billions of dollars into construction projects for seismic retrofitting, new classrooms and medical centers — while also acknowledging it lacks the funding to build or renovate most of what it needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out-of-state undergraduates at the UC are charged more than three times the total tuition in-state students are expected to pay. Now system leaders have increased the supplemental tuition for new nonresident undergraduates by $3,402 next fall, an amount that’s $2,208 more than what the supplemental tuition would increase by under existing UC policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC regents committee approved the new hike Wednesday; the full board voted to green-light the measure today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One regent, Jose M. Hernandez, voted No. Two elected state leaders on the board, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, abstained from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be on the record opposing the tuition increase, and also on the record recognizing the commitment of staff to continue to work to evaluate and understand these decisions to increase the cost of attendance for out of state students,” Kounalakis said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/07/uc-tuition-hike/\">model passed in 2021\u003c/a>, each new cohort of undergraduates sees higher tuition and fees than the previous crop of new students but that tuition stays flat for their time at the UC. In-state students are charged tuition and a systemwide fee. Out-of-state students are charged that plus a much larger supplemental fee. The base tuition and fee would go up as planned under the 2022 model; only the supplemental fee would rise at a higher than expected amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, it would mean new nonresident undergraduates would pay $52,536 in total mandatory tuition next fall, excluding separate campus fees that are an \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">average of $1,700\u003c/a>. Current new nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202425/2024-25.pdf\">pay $48,636 annually (PDF)\u003c/a>, plus campus fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would affect the roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/fall-enrollment-glance#ugentry\">15% of UC undergraduates\u003c/a>, including transfer students, who live outside of California and will begin their studies at the university system next fall. The increase wouldn’t affect current students or future graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As UC prepares for an anticipated state budget cut that could impact student services across the entire system, we are proposing an increase to support core operations without raising costs for current students and California residents,” wrote UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hike would increase revenue by about $41 million for the system annually, Rodriguez wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=zdrPdTCtK5t-A0lD&t=3551\">impending half-billion shortfall next summer\u003c/a> would occur if state lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom make good on a deal to delay previously promised new money for the UC and apply a cut to its state support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s operating revenue is estimated to be \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=3\">about $53 billion in 2024–25 (PDF)\u003c/a>. Most of that is from the system’s medical services work, including hospitals. Its core mission of educating students, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">largely faculty salary and benefits (PDF)\u003c/a> as well as financial aid, makes up about $11 billion of the system’s budget. That amount is \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">almost evenly paid (PDF)\u003c/a> for with state dollars and a combination of tuition revenue and other university funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s among the numerous fiscal details that emerged at the regents’ regularly scheduled November meeting, including the revelation that the UC plans to spend $30 billion to repair or replace its increasingly aging stock of academic buildings, medical centers and dorms by decade’s end. And yet, that massive sum falls far short of the 10-campus system’s stated construction needs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=99wyMrJDoDasG7Ug&t=1643\">a total of $53 billion in projects without a funding source\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building spree is occurring as UC trundles\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=11\"> toward a goal of adding 23,000 new California students by 2030 (PDF)\u003c/a> — fueled in part by lawmaker demands that the vaunted system make space for more California high schoolers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The tuition hike in context\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some ways the emphasis on out-of-state students is a return to form for the UC, which both relies on these students for the much higher tuition they pay but also is under pressure by lawmakers to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/09/uc-out-of-state-tuition/\">limit how many non-Californian undergraduates the system enrolls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Tapia Jr-Urbieta, an executive officer for the UC Student Association, which represents undergraduate students, said that the student association opposes the increase. “Opportunity to higher education should not face any more barriers. Instead of increasing the salaries of UC administrators, let’s make sure college is more affordable for all,” he told regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those September raises came in two waves: \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g2.pdf\">4.2% (PDF)\u003c/a> for senior UC officials, such as the system president and most campus chancellors, and \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g4.pdf\">extra raises (PDF)\u003c/a>, including for most of the chancellors — ranging from \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g3.pdf#page=3\">16% to 33% (PDF)\u003c/a>. The extra chancellor raises are paid with private donations, not tuition or state support. The updated chancellor salaries range from $785,000 to nearly $1.2 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonresident undergraduate students tend to have \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2023/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=the%20data%20glossary.-,2.2%20INCOME%20PROFILE,-A%20large%20proportion\">higher family incomes than resident students\u003c/a>. In 2021, 45% of nonresident undergraduates had family incomes of above $185,000. The same was true for 25% of undergraduates from California. Nearly three-quarters of nonresident undergraduates came from households exceeding $93,000; for California-based undergrads, it was 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nonresident students on average pay much more to attend a UC campus, even after all financial aid \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/undergraduate-affordability#Netcostoftrend\">is factored into their costs\u003c/a>. The net price — which includes tuition, housing and other related costs minus grants and scholarships — for resident undergraduates with household incomes above $180,000 was around $37,000 a year last fall. For nonresident undergraduates, the average net price was $67,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support it (the nonresident tuition increase). I’ll get pushback for that, but here we are,” said Josiah Beharry, a student regent who can cast a vote on the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials said that compared to some other major public universities, UC’s nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=wdlQCmWop4RGp5M8&t=3101\">pay lower nonresident fees\u003c/a>. For example, University of Michigan nonresident students paid $11,500 more than their nonresident UC peers in 2023-24. University of Virginia nonresident undergraduate paid $7,000 more. Even when adjusting for living costs, nonresident Californians are charged less for their education, UC officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC policy permits 20% of new nonresident tuition revenue to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/policies/universitywide-program-policies-and-guidelines/revised-administrative-guidelines-for-usap-and-select-aid-programs-final-002.pdf#page=6\">reserved for financial aid for nonresident undergraduates (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>$30 billion in planned construction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $30 billion construction plan — and $50 billion in projects without a funding source — were spelled out in a new, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf\">207-page report detailing (PDF)\u003c/a> construction plans that UC budget officials presented to the system’s regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s enrollment growth and continuing needs for renewal, modernization and seismic correction of existing facilities are the key drivers of capital investments,” \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f9attach1.pdf#page=17\">the report said (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cranes have been soaring above the system’s campus skylines for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, the UC has added beds for 42,000 students, growing from nearly 75,000 beds. The increase means the system can house 40% of its students, up from 32% a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And UC isn’t done as it’s on track to build dorm space for 14,000 new beds at all nine undergraduate-serving campuses through 2030 — at a cost of $6.9 billion. That’s nearly half-a-million-dollars per bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while student housing projects can largely pay for themselves over time through the rents campuses charge, classroom buildings have fewer sources of cash beyond system bonds and state dollars — which the UC says are hardly enough to meet campus needs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Take for example all the seismic repairs UC says it must undergo to extend the life of its buildings, with structures built in the 1950s and 1960s \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=18\">representing the largest chunk of UC’s gargantuan building footprint (PDF)\u003c/a>. UC has $16 billion in seismic retrofit needs but only identified funding for 16% of that, or $2.5 billion, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=16\">last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just finding money that’s a concern for UC. As buildings undergo remodeling, the classrooms, research and other activity core to the system’s mission has to continue. “The scope and complexity of planning required to minimize these disruptions can often necessitate the construction of temporary or replacement space,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scale of the need is vast. According to the UC, about 1,464 buildings require seismic upgrades across the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials disclosed yesterday that the system is debuting a new plan in which campuses will reduce its backlog of structures that need seismic upgrades by 4% annually, with the structures most in need of an overhaul receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s all the new construction UC needs. The system \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=21\">completed 139 projects at a cost of $1.4 billion last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a> — but has more than $20 billion in active construction\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=24\"> plans for about 400 projects (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than half of those are for UC’s extensive medical care operation, in part to satisfy state rules on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/seismic-safety-hospitals-california/\">strengthening hospitals to better withstand earthquakes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through 2030, UC’s construction plans total $30 billion, with about $12 billion \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=29\">for its medical centers (PDF)\u003c/a>. Philanthropy helps pay for all those projects, but only a little. Just about $2 billion of the construction plan budget \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">will come from gifts (PDF)\u003c/a>. About $300 million will come from state funds directly — a relatively tiny portion of the overall revenue picture for the system’s six-year building plan. Much of the projects will be paid for \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">with external financing (PDF)\u003c/a>, such as bonds that the system sells to investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s just projects with a funding source. UC Berkeley, for example, has more than $14 billion in construction needs but has identified the funding for just about \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=39\">$2.8 billion of that (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is getting built at the system’s oldest campus? For starters, a new undergraduate academic building that’ll include 27 classrooms and a 400-seat auditorium with a rooftop terrace. \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=41\">All of that costs $137 million (PDF)\u003c/a>. It’s scheduled to open in the 2025–26 academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:52 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1955598/king-tides-are-here-why-they-happen-and-what-they-teach-us\">king tide\u003c/a> of the season will make an appearance this weekend, prompting advisories for flooding and high surf around the bay and up and down the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“King tide” is not a scientific term but a popular one used to describe very high tides followed by very low tides that occur during a new or full moon. In the Bay Area, they occur a couple of times per year, washing up on San Francisco’s Embarcadero and other low-lying spots across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the king tide will be at its most extreme on Saturday, when the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration forecasts the high tide will be 7.01 feet at 10:43 a.m., and the low tide will drop down to -1.51 feet at 5:38 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high tides are expected to last through Sunday and could bring flooding to schools, parks, sidewalks and roads along the shoreline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service has issued a high surf warning for all Pacific Coast beaches until 11 a.m. Saturday. Swimming and surfing are not advised, as large waves can crop up without warning and pull people into the ocean, the agency warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coastal flood advisory is in effect until 4 p.m. Monday. Some road closures are expected this weekend, and the weather service advises against travel in lowland areas unless necessary. If you choose to travel, allow for extra time in case of road closures and never drive around barricades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low-lying areas are particularly at risk during king tides, including cities like San Rafael, which is largely built upon reclaimed wetlands that have subsided over the decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014403 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpDisasterAidAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of this area is now lower than the bay during high tides,” said Kate Hagemann, San Rafael’s climate adaptation and resilience planner. “It has a bowl shape, which creates quite a lot of risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has physical barriers in place to protect against saltwater flooding during high tides. It also has pump stations designed to get rid of rainwater during big storms. While they’re not designed for high tides, they can help if flooding occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hagemann said some long-time residents are accustomed to the flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have those pockets where, unfortunately, they’re seeing pretty frequent high tide flooding,” she said. “They check the tides themselves and also move their cars and things like that, too, to stay out of the salt water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists say the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1977842/bay-area-king-tide-floods-foreshadow-future-climate-risk\">king tide offers a glimpse\u003c/a> into the Bay Area’s future, as climate change drives rising sea levels that bring increased flood risk to the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These king tide events really do give us an idea of what we might be seeing in the not-too-distant future,” said Ben Hamlington, NASA’s Sea Level Change Team leader. “This will be our new baseline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay has already risen approximately eight inches since the mid-1800s and could increase by about a foot more over the next few decades, according to scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The season’s first king tide is expected to bring flooding and high surf this weekend. Scientists say it offers a look at the Bay Area’s future with climate change-driven sea level rise.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:52 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1955598/king-tides-are-here-why-they-happen-and-what-they-teach-us\">king tide\u003c/a> of the season will make an appearance this weekend, prompting advisories for flooding and high surf around the bay and up and down the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“King tide” is not a scientific term but a popular one used to describe very high tides followed by very low tides that occur during a new or full moon. In the Bay Area, they occur a couple of times per year, washing up on San Francisco’s Embarcadero and other low-lying spots across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the king tide will be at its most extreme on Saturday, when the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration forecasts the high tide will be 7.01 feet at 10:43 a.m., and the low tide will drop down to -1.51 feet at 5:38 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high tides are expected to last through Sunday and could bring flooding to schools, parks, sidewalks and roads along the shoreline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service has issued a high surf warning for all Pacific Coast beaches until 11 a.m. Saturday. Swimming and surfing are not advised, as large waves can crop up without warning and pull people into the ocean, the agency warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coastal flood advisory is in effect until 4 p.m. Monday. Some road closures are expected this weekend, and the weather service advises against travel in lowland areas unless necessary. If you choose to travel, allow for extra time in case of road closures and never drive around barricades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low-lying areas are particularly at risk during king tides, including cities like San Rafael, which is largely built upon reclaimed wetlands that have subsided over the decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of this area is now lower than the bay during high tides,” said Kate Hagemann, San Rafael’s climate adaptation and resilience planner. “It has a bowl shape, which creates quite a lot of risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has physical barriers in place to protect against saltwater flooding during high tides. It also has pump stations designed to get rid of rainwater during big storms. While they’re not designed for high tides, they can help if flooding occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hagemann said some long-time residents are accustomed to the flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have those pockets where, unfortunately, they’re seeing pretty frequent high tide flooding,” she said. “They check the tides themselves and also move their cars and things like that, too, to stay out of the salt water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists say the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1977842/bay-area-king-tide-floods-foreshadow-future-climate-risk\">king tide offers a glimpse\u003c/a> into the Bay Area’s future, as climate change drives rising sea levels that bring increased flood risk to the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These king tide events really do give us an idea of what we might be seeing in the not-too-distant future,” said Ben Hamlington, NASA’s Sea Level Change Team leader. “This will be our new baseline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay has already risen approximately eight inches since the mid-1800s and could increase by about a foot more over the next few decades, according to scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "can-trump-really-withhold-fire-relief-from-california-hes-tried-it-before",
"title": "Can Trump Really Withhold Fire Relief From California? He’s Tried It Before",
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"headTitle": "Can Trump Really Withhold Fire Relief From California? He’s Tried It Before | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the campaign trail, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> repeatedly threatened to cut off financial disaster recovery aid to California, even as the state grapples with increasingly large and destructive fires \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1984200/climate-change-makes-wildfires-in-california-more-extreme\">due in part to climate change\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not giving any of that fire money that we send you all the time for all the fire, forest fires that you have,” Trump said at a pre-election \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009289/why-is-donald-trump-campaigning-in-california-a-state-hes-almost-certain-to-lose\">rally in California’s Coachella Valley\u003c/a>, directing the threat toward Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If history is any indicator, Trump is almost certain to follow through on that threat, as presidents have executive authority to decide whether, when and where to direct emergency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal disaster assistance is provided through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/pdf/emergency/nrf/nrf-stafford.pdf\">Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act\u003c/a>, a federal law enacted in 1988 that designed the system through which states request and are granted financial assistance after a natural disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a wildfire, for example, local emergency responders are first to assess damage and relay information to state officials, who are responsible for declaring a state of emergency, should the incident arise to such a level, and shoring up state financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the governor reaches out to the Federal Emergency Management Agency and requests a disaster declaration. FEMA has various guidelines before making such a recommendation, including assessing the extent and severity of damage and an estimate of how much funding is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once FEMA has recommended a disaster declaration, it goes to the secretary of Homeland Security (Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/12/g-s1-33820/trump-kristi-noem-homeland-security\">has nominated\u003c/a> South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem for that position), who sends it on up to the president to approve or deny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that this whole process, once you get above FEMA to the Department of Homeland Security and between the president, those conversations are executive privilege, so we can’t analyze what’s going on there,” said Matt Sedlar, a climate analyst at the Center for Economic and Policy Research who researches disaster relief aid. “It could just be a political decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first term in office, Trump sought to deny wildfire recovery aid to California on multiple occasions. In 2018, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/camp-fire\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> became California’s deadliest on record, Trump resisted providing aid because of the state’s Democratic leanings, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/03/helene-trump-politics-natural-disaster-00182419\">according to \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He reportedly changed his mind after his aides pulled data showing how many people voted for him in the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2020, in the aftermath of six major wildfires that burned across the state, the Trump administration initially \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/15/politics/trump-california-fire-disaster-assistance/index.html\">denied the state aid\u003c/a>, saying the disaster declaration was “not supported by the relevant data.” It eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/16/us/trump-california-wildfire-relief.html\">reversed that decisio\u003c/a>n.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would he punish any American really reeling from a natural disaster?” Democratic Rep. Jared Huffman, who represents parts of the North Bay and California’s North Coast region, said in an interview this week with KQED. “It’s just so despicable. But that’s likely to be what we’re up against, and we’ve got a few strategies that we’re developing to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman, whose district has been faced with historic wildfires in recent years, said he’s been in talks this week with Newsom and colleagues in California’s congressional delegation about disaster aid contingency plans for Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, how California can backfill and protect things that we care about and how we are going to navigate some of these likely confrontations going forward,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is looking to establish a fund he can draw from in the event of a natural disaster, he said in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/22/trump-california-emergency-aid-newsom-00184799\">interview with \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He’s expected to introduce the funding as part of his budget proposal in January.[aside postID=news_12013395 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/NewsomTrump2018AP.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Trump isn’t the only president to deny California wildfire aid, he stands apart in directly citing political reasons for doing so. Research shows that political factors \u003ca href=\"https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1027&context=jpmsp\">do shade presidents’ decisions\u003c/a> to deny disaster relief, particularly during election years, but Sedlar said, “I can’t think of any other instances in which a president has said the quiet part out loud so many times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden denied individual assistance — a type of financial aid for affected individuals — to victims of the 2021 Caldor Fire after FEMA determined that enough of them were covered by insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Tom McClintock, a Republican who represents the area affected by the Caldor Fire, appealed Biden’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The denial of Individual Assistance, if allowed to stand, will have devastating consequences on survivors whose homes and livelihoods have been destroyed,” he \u003ca href=\"https://mcclintock.house.gov/newsroom/press-releases/rep-mcclintock-calls-for-president-biden-to-fulfill-his-promise-to-caldor\">wrote in a letter\u003c/a> at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, tribal authorities and members of Congress can appeal a decision to deny aid, but “unless there’s some kind of political factor that might change the president’s mind, he doesn’t really have to change anything,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other possible avenues for federal relief, Sedlar said, including suing the federal government — specifically the U.S. Forest Service — for negligence in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994972/forest-service-halts-prescribed-burns-california-worth-risk\">recent decision to halt prescribed burns\u003c/a>, which can protect homes from future wildfires. Still, it’s unlikely a lawsuit payout would equal FEMA aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Democratic nominee Kamala Harris won the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/trump-vote-california-county-19897935.php\">Trump increased his margins in California\u003c/a> this election, which could potentially help the state secure federal relief when wildfires undoubtedly strike over the next four years. Though, by that logic, the Bay Area could face hurdles in seeking aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, wildfires do not follow political boundaries, and some of these coastal areas that have fires went towards Harris,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In his first term, President Trump tried to deny FEMA aid — until he was told some of his supporters were affected. Such political calculus is likely to affect wildfire-prone California. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the campaign trail, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> repeatedly threatened to cut off financial disaster recovery aid to California, even as the state grapples with increasingly large and destructive fires \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1984200/climate-change-makes-wildfires-in-california-more-extreme\">due in part to climate change\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not giving any of that fire money that we send you all the time for all the fire, forest fires that you have,” Trump said at a pre-election \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009289/why-is-donald-trump-campaigning-in-california-a-state-hes-almost-certain-to-lose\">rally in California’s Coachella Valley\u003c/a>, directing the threat toward Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If history is any indicator, Trump is almost certain to follow through on that threat, as presidents have executive authority to decide whether, when and where to direct emergency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal disaster assistance is provided through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/pdf/emergency/nrf/nrf-stafford.pdf\">Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act\u003c/a>, a federal law enacted in 1988 that designed the system through which states request and are granted financial assistance after a natural disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a wildfire, for example, local emergency responders are first to assess damage and relay information to state officials, who are responsible for declaring a state of emergency, should the incident arise to such a level, and shoring up state financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the governor reaches out to the Federal Emergency Management Agency and requests a disaster declaration. FEMA has various guidelines before making such a recommendation, including assessing the extent and severity of damage and an estimate of how much funding is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once FEMA has recommended a disaster declaration, it goes to the secretary of Homeland Security (Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/12/g-s1-33820/trump-kristi-noem-homeland-security\">has nominated\u003c/a> South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem for that position), who sends it on up to the president to approve or deny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that this whole process, once you get above FEMA to the Department of Homeland Security and between the president, those conversations are executive privilege, so we can’t analyze what’s going on there,” said Matt Sedlar, a climate analyst at the Center for Economic and Policy Research who researches disaster relief aid. “It could just be a political decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first term in office, Trump sought to deny wildfire recovery aid to California on multiple occasions. In 2018, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/camp-fire\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> became California’s deadliest on record, Trump resisted providing aid because of the state’s Democratic leanings, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/03/helene-trump-politics-natural-disaster-00182419\">according to \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He reportedly changed his mind after his aides pulled data showing how many people voted for him in the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2020, in the aftermath of six major wildfires that burned across the state, the Trump administration initially \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/15/politics/trump-california-fire-disaster-assistance/index.html\">denied the state aid\u003c/a>, saying the disaster declaration was “not supported by the relevant data.” It eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/16/us/trump-california-wildfire-relief.html\">reversed that decisio\u003c/a>n.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would he punish any American really reeling from a natural disaster?” Democratic Rep. Jared Huffman, who represents parts of the North Bay and California’s North Coast region, said in an interview this week with KQED. “It’s just so despicable. But that’s likely to be what we’re up against, and we’ve got a few strategies that we’re developing to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman, whose district has been faced with historic wildfires in recent years, said he’s been in talks this week with Newsom and colleagues in California’s congressional delegation about disaster aid contingency plans for Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, how California can backfill and protect things that we care about and how we are going to navigate some of these likely confrontations going forward,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is looking to establish a fund he can draw from in the event of a natural disaster, he said in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/22/trump-california-emergency-aid-newsom-00184799\">interview with \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He’s expected to introduce the funding as part of his budget proposal in January.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Trump isn’t the only president to deny California wildfire aid, he stands apart in directly citing political reasons for doing so. Research shows that political factors \u003ca href=\"https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1027&context=jpmsp\">do shade presidents’ decisions\u003c/a> to deny disaster relief, particularly during election years, but Sedlar said, “I can’t think of any other instances in which a president has said the quiet part out loud so many times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden denied individual assistance — a type of financial aid for affected individuals — to victims of the 2021 Caldor Fire after FEMA determined that enough of them were covered by insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Tom McClintock, a Republican who represents the area affected by the Caldor Fire, appealed Biden’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The denial of Individual Assistance, if allowed to stand, will have devastating consequences on survivors whose homes and livelihoods have been destroyed,” he \u003ca href=\"https://mcclintock.house.gov/newsroom/press-releases/rep-mcclintock-calls-for-president-biden-to-fulfill-his-promise-to-caldor\">wrote in a letter\u003c/a> at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, tribal authorities and members of Congress can appeal a decision to deny aid, but “unless there’s some kind of political factor that might change the president’s mind, he doesn’t really have to change anything,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other possible avenues for federal relief, Sedlar said, including suing the federal government — specifically the U.S. Forest Service — for negligence in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994972/forest-service-halts-prescribed-burns-california-worth-risk\">recent decision to halt prescribed burns\u003c/a>, which can protect homes from future wildfires. Still, it’s unlikely a lawsuit payout would equal FEMA aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Democratic nominee Kamala Harris won the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/trump-vote-california-county-19897935.php\">Trump increased his margins in California\u003c/a> this election, which could potentially help the state secure federal relief when wildfires undoubtedly strike over the next four years. Though, by that logic, the Bay Area could face hurdles in seeking aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, wildfires do not follow political boundaries, and some of these coastal areas that have fires went towards Harris,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Whooping cough cases are on the rise in California and the Bay Area, particularly in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> — and health experts warn that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/15263/vaccine-refusals-fueled-california-whooping-cough-epidemic-personal-belief-exemption\">flagging vaccination rates\u003c/a> are likely playing a major part in the surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#whooping-cough-vaccine\">Where can I find the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/CDPH%20Document%20Library/Immunization/Pertussis_Report_SEP2024.pdf\">Department of Public Health\u003c/a>, nearly 1,800 cases of whooping cough have been reported in California as of Sept. 30, a more than sixfold increase from the same time last year, when there were 288.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County alone, 336 cases have been reported, compared with only five at the same time last year. Although Marin is squarely in the middle of California’s counties by population, its case count this year is the second highest — behind only San Diego County, with 470.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, there have been 84 reported cases this year, a massive increase considering there was only one reported case in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s entirely possible that a lot of the rise that we’re seeing not only in the Bay Area but also nationwide when it comes to whooping cough is related to a lower-than-ideal vaccination rate,” said Dr. Alok Patel, a pediatric hospitalist at Stanford Children’s Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whooping cough, also known as pertussis, largely affects young children and infants, although adults and teens are also at risk of contracting the bacterial disease. The respiratory illness is incredibly contagious and can easily spread through exposure to droplets released during a cough or sneeze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Reported pertussis cases in Bay Area counties (through Sept. 30)\" aria-label=\"Grouped Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-rmjFS\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/rmjFS/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While symptoms of pertussis may resemble those of a common cold — mild cough, low fever and a runny nose — serious infections can result in respiratory pain, prolonged coughing fits and difficulty breathing. In severe cases, the infection can even be fatal for school-age children and babies who have not been vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Patel, the ideal vaccination rate for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/perspectives/201007080735/pertussis-and-herd-immunity\">herd immunity\u003c/a> against whooping cough is 95%. He noted, however, that several counties in both the Bay Area and the rest of California have vaccination rates well below that number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have multiple groups of unvaccinated individuals, whether that is by choice or because a child is too young to get vaccinated, it’s easier for an infectious disease that’s really contagious, like whooping cough, to spread among multiple children,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, Marin County was known for vaccine hesitancy among its largely highly educated, affluent parents, many of whom were skeptical of traditional medicine and pharmaceutical companies. In the 2010s, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/115361/marin-parents-opt-out-of-vaccines-at-high-rate-put-community-at-risk-say-health-officials\">led the Bay Area in so-called personal belief exemptions\u003c/a> to required immunizations for schoolchildren. During the pandemic, public health officials made strides in boosting COVID-19 vaccine rates there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As whooping cough rates soar, Patel advised parents to make sure their children’s vaccinations are up to date as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lower vaccination rates, some experts suggest that there has been a loss of immunity over time even for those who have previously been vaccinated, leading to higher case infection rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel said the disease spreads most effectively in clusters due to its contagious nature. He noted that many pandemic-era practices may be useful when it comes to stopping the spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent handwashing, basic hygiene and wearing a mask can help prevent further infections, Patel noted. He also added that individuals who suspect they may be sick should stay home and that public messaging needs to reflect the seriousness of this respiratory disease so that employers and teachers are more lenient when it comes to excusing absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Patel emphasized that the most effective way to stop the spread of whooping cough is to get vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we had an effective whooping cough vaccine, in the 1940s, there were an estimated over 200,000 cases of whooping cough per year that we knew about,” Patel said. “If you fast forward a few decades, that number dropped by 99% in the mid-’70s. We have a completely effective vaccine that has proven its worth for 80 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"whooping-cough-vaccine\">\u003c/a>Do I need to get the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/types.html\">The “whooping cough vaccine” \u003c/a>is actually a combination vaccine that protects against not just pertussis but also tetanus and diphtheria. It’s called the DTaP vaccine for babies and children under 7 and the Tdap vaccine for older children and adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For babies and young children (DTaP vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple shots are recommended for maximum immunity. Babies are recommended to get three DTaP shots — one at 2 months, 4 months and 6 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that children then get two booster shots later (at 15–18 months and 4–6 years) to maintain their protection in early childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For older children (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC said that preteens should get a Tdap shot between the ages of 11 and 12 years as a booster — and any teenager who didn’t get this earlier shot should get one the next time they visit their provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For adults (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re an adult who’s never had a Tdap shot, the CDC said you should get one — at any time. The agency also recommends that adults get a booster every 10 years. Pregnant people are also advised to get a Tdap shot early in their third trimester of every pregnancy to protect their baby from whooping cough in their vulnerable first few newborn months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Where can I find a shot in the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you have health insurance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/recommendations.html\">the CDC’s recommendation of these shots\u003c/a> means that your insurer should cover the costs. You can find appointments for a Tdap vaccine at:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Your regular health care provider\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A local pharmacy like \u003ca href=\"https://www.cvs.com/immunizations/tdap-dtap\">CVS \u003c/a>or \u003ca href=\"https://www.walgreens.com/topic/pharmacy/scheduler/tdap-td-tetanus-diphtheria-pertussis-vaccine_32.jsp\">Walgreens\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccines.gov/en/\">vaccines.gov\u003c/a>, the federal government’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://myturn.ca.gov/vaccinelocator.html\">myturn.ca.gov\u003c/a>, the state’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For those without insurance: Uninsured children ages 18 and under can get free DTaP vaccines — and other no-cost immunizations — as part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/programs/vfc/index.html\">Vaccines for Children Program\u003c/a>. People without insurance can get the vaccine at a lower cost — or even free\u003ca href=\"https://eziz.org/assets/docs/IMM-1247.pdf\"> if they qualify for the Vaccines for Adults Program\u003c/a> — from several providers and community clinics around the Bay Area, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/aitc-services-and-prices\">San Francisco Department of Public Health’s AITC clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/immunization/clinics.php#Uninsured\">Contra Costa Public Health Immunization Clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acphd.org/clinics/\">Alameda County Immunization Clinics.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>(And while you’re at it, remember that now is a great time to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001396/where-can-i-get-new-covid-vaccine-near-me-2024\">get your updated COVID shot and your flu vaccine, too\u003c/a>, as we enter winter respiratory virus season.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Whooping cough cases are on the rise in California and the Bay Area, particularly in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> — and health experts warn that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/15263/vaccine-refusals-fueled-california-whooping-cough-epidemic-personal-belief-exemption\">flagging vaccination rates\u003c/a> are likely playing a major part in the surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#whooping-cough-vaccine\">Where can I find the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/CDPH%20Document%20Library/Immunization/Pertussis_Report_SEP2024.pdf\">Department of Public Health\u003c/a>, nearly 1,800 cases of whooping cough have been reported in California as of Sept. 30, a more than sixfold increase from the same time last year, when there were 288.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County alone, 336 cases have been reported, compared with only five at the same time last year. Although Marin is squarely in the middle of California’s counties by population, its case count this year is the second highest — behind only San Diego County, with 470.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, there have been 84 reported cases this year, a massive increase considering there was only one reported case in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s entirely possible that a lot of the rise that we’re seeing not only in the Bay Area but also nationwide when it comes to whooping cough is related to a lower-than-ideal vaccination rate,” said Dr. Alok Patel, a pediatric hospitalist at Stanford Children’s Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whooping cough, also known as pertussis, largely affects young children and infants, although adults and teens are also at risk of contracting the bacterial disease. The respiratory illness is incredibly contagious and can easily spread through exposure to droplets released during a cough or sneeze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Reported pertussis cases in Bay Area counties (through Sept. 30)\" aria-label=\"Grouped Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-rmjFS\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/rmjFS/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While symptoms of pertussis may resemble those of a common cold — mild cough, low fever and a runny nose — serious infections can result in respiratory pain, prolonged coughing fits and difficulty breathing. In severe cases, the infection can even be fatal for school-age children and babies who have not been vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Patel, the ideal vaccination rate for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/perspectives/201007080735/pertussis-and-herd-immunity\">herd immunity\u003c/a> against whooping cough is 95%. He noted, however, that several counties in both the Bay Area and the rest of California have vaccination rates well below that number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have multiple groups of unvaccinated individuals, whether that is by choice or because a child is too young to get vaccinated, it’s easier for an infectious disease that’s really contagious, like whooping cough, to spread among multiple children,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, Marin County was known for vaccine hesitancy among its largely highly educated, affluent parents, many of whom were skeptical of traditional medicine and pharmaceutical companies. In the 2010s, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/115361/marin-parents-opt-out-of-vaccines-at-high-rate-put-community-at-risk-say-health-officials\">led the Bay Area in so-called personal belief exemptions\u003c/a> to required immunizations for schoolchildren. During the pandemic, public health officials made strides in boosting COVID-19 vaccine rates there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As whooping cough rates soar, Patel advised parents to make sure their children’s vaccinations are up to date as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lower vaccination rates, some experts suggest that there has been a loss of immunity over time even for those who have previously been vaccinated, leading to higher case infection rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel said the disease spreads most effectively in clusters due to its contagious nature. He noted that many pandemic-era practices may be useful when it comes to stopping the spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent handwashing, basic hygiene and wearing a mask can help prevent further infections, Patel noted. He also added that individuals who suspect they may be sick should stay home and that public messaging needs to reflect the seriousness of this respiratory disease so that employers and teachers are more lenient when it comes to excusing absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Patel emphasized that the most effective way to stop the spread of whooping cough is to get vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we had an effective whooping cough vaccine, in the 1940s, there were an estimated over 200,000 cases of whooping cough per year that we knew about,” Patel said. “If you fast forward a few decades, that number dropped by 99% in the mid-’70s. We have a completely effective vaccine that has proven its worth for 80 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"whooping-cough-vaccine\">\u003c/a>Do I need to get the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/types.html\">The “whooping cough vaccine” \u003c/a>is actually a combination vaccine that protects against not just pertussis but also tetanus and diphtheria. It’s called the DTaP vaccine for babies and children under 7 and the Tdap vaccine for older children and adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For babies and young children (DTaP vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple shots are recommended for maximum immunity. Babies are recommended to get three DTaP shots — one at 2 months, 4 months and 6 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that children then get two booster shots later (at 15–18 months and 4–6 years) to maintain their protection in early childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For older children (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC said that preteens should get a Tdap shot between the ages of 11 and 12 years as a booster — and any teenager who didn’t get this earlier shot should get one the next time they visit their provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For adults (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re an adult who’s never had a Tdap shot, the CDC said you should get one — at any time. The agency also recommends that adults get a booster every 10 years. Pregnant people are also advised to get a Tdap shot early in their third trimester of every pregnancy to protect their baby from whooping cough in their vulnerable first few newborn months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Where can I find a shot in the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you have health insurance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/recommendations.html\">the CDC’s recommendation of these shots\u003c/a> means that your insurer should cover the costs. You can find appointments for a Tdap vaccine at:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Your regular health care provider\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A local pharmacy like \u003ca href=\"https://www.cvs.com/immunizations/tdap-dtap\">CVS \u003c/a>or \u003ca href=\"https://www.walgreens.com/topic/pharmacy/scheduler/tdap-td-tetanus-diphtheria-pertussis-vaccine_32.jsp\">Walgreens\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccines.gov/en/\">vaccines.gov\u003c/a>, the federal government’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://myturn.ca.gov/vaccinelocator.html\">myturn.ca.gov\u003c/a>, the state’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For those without insurance: Uninsured children ages 18 and under can get free DTaP vaccines — and other no-cost immunizations — as part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/programs/vfc/index.html\">Vaccines for Children Program\u003c/a>. People without insurance can get the vaccine at a lower cost — or even free\u003ca href=\"https://eziz.org/assets/docs/IMM-1247.pdf\"> if they qualify for the Vaccines for Adults Program\u003c/a> — from several providers and community clinics around the Bay Area, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/aitc-services-and-prices\">San Francisco Department of Public Health’s AITC clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/immunization/clinics.php#Uninsured\">Contra Costa Public Health Immunization Clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acphd.org/clinics/\">Alameda County Immunization Clinics.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>(And while you’re at it, remember that now is a great time to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001396/where-can-i-get-new-covid-vaccine-near-me-2024\">get your updated COVID shot and your flu vaccine, too\u003c/a>, as we enter winter respiratory virus season.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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