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"content": "\u003cp>The first years of life are extremely important for our brains. One million neural connections are made every single second of life until the age of 3, according to current research, and the preschool years have a long-term influence on outcomes in health and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means there’s a very small window of time to make a monumental impact on the course of development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during the recession, state funding for programs like infant toddler care and preschool was severely cut — and those funds have not been restored under Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early childhood advocates have been campaigning for months to get the next governor on board with their efforts, arguing that otherwise the state risks another eight years with an underfunded field and another generation of California constituents missing out on crucial resources for human development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going into the June primary, their efforts are bearing fruit. Early childhood care and education has taken center stage in numerous debates and candidate forums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first time that babies, toddlers, preschoolers are being talked about by the leading candidates for governor and it’s really, really exciting,” said Avo Makdessian, director of the Center for Early Learning at the Silicon Valley Community Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That foundation, in partnership with organizations across the state, launched a multimillion-dollar initiative called \u003ca href=\"https://choosechildren.org/\">Choose Children 2018\u003c/a> to raise awareness about the importance of the first years of life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each of the leading candidates got in-person briefings and packets on the more than 100 studies on brain development, school readiness and about how investments in early childhood can save on costs down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Early education needs to be the next climate change, or cap and trade … or the next big transportation package.’\u003ccite>Khydeeja Alam Javid, Advancement Project California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There’s good reason for the candidates to pay attention. California is home to roughly 3 million children ages 5 and under, and the state has the highest child poverty rate in the country. In L.A. County, more than half of babies and toddlers are eligible for state-subsidized care, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/03/27/81920/thousands-of-families-are-eligible-for-childcare-s/\">only 6 percent are getting it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign polled voters and found that nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/09/28/76113/new-poll-voters-want-the-next-governor-to-invest-b/\">nine in 10 want California’s next governor\u003c/a> to support greater investments in early childhood care and education. The majority of those polled ranked early childhood issues above infrastructure and homelessness. Other polls show great support for paid family leave and home visiting programs for new parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Early education needs to be the next climate change, or cap and trade, or the next Local Control Funding Formula, or the next big transportation package — that is what it needs to be for the next governor,” said Khydeeja Alam Javid, director of governmental relations at Advancement Project California. “So we’re doing everything possible to make sure that’s the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the idea is, if it’s a campaign promise, advocates can hold the next governor accountable to deliver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a rare moment in California history because there are already leaders in the state Senate and Assembly who are passionate about early childhood issues — right now the Legislative Women’s Caucus is asking Gov. Brown for a \u003ca href=\"http://womenscaucus.legislature.ca.gov/sites/womenscaucus.legislature.ca.gov/files/PDF/LTR%20-%20LWC%20budget%20Gov%205.7.18%20Final.pdf\">$1 billion investment\u003c/a> in child care in the current budget — so getting the state’s top politician on board would create an alignment of the stars of political willpower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another part of the Choose Children 2018 initiative’s strategy was to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCArmUukO7E5_6DaMCL9EnDg/videos?view=0&flow=grid&sort=da\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hold forums with the top candidates\u003c/a> on early childhood issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/governor-2018\">Full Coverage of the 2018 California Governor’s Race\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/governor-2018\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1180x756.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Advocates say that as the body of research about brain development grows and becomes more accessible, there’s been a societal shift in the way we think about young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One extreme example: Up until at least the late 1970s, it was common practice to operate on infants with little or no anesthesia because of a belief that \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/24/science/infants-sense-of-pain-is-recognized-finally.html\">newborns didn’t feel pain\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what we’re seeing is also a sea change among voters, but also just among the general public to understand that those [early years] are investment years to actually build strong foundations,” said Kim Pattillo Brownson, vice president of policy and strategy at First 5 LA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poke around the campaign websites for any of the leading Democratic candidates and you will see evidence that the message has been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education, starting with prenatal care, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.gavinnewsom.com/\">on the homepage\u003c/a> of front-runner Gavin Newsom’s campaign site. He has four young children of his own and, during a recent visit to an early learning center in the L.A. Unified School District, called himself a “fanatic” when it comes to early childhood issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delaine Eastin’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.delaineforgovernor.com/her_vision#education\">section on education\u003c/a> starts with a goal to improve prenatal and delivery care and parental leave, before moving on to child development programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Chiang’s website has \u003ca href=\"https://johnchiang.com/road-map-for-educationca/\">a section that’s all about investing in the early years\u003c/a> to save down the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antonio Villaraigosa includes early childhood as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://antonioforcalifornia.com/education-op-ed/\">California Student Bill of Rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While his website doesn’t mention education, Republican candidate John Cox, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11671806/gavin-newsom-john-cox-grow-leads-in-new-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">coming in second in some polls\u003c/a>, said during a recent debate that he wants to bring down the cost of living so parents can afford early care and education for their kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watch how each candidate responds to a question about universal preschool:\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The first years of life are extremely important for our brains. One million neural connections are made every single second of life until the age of 3, according to current research, and the preschool years have a long-term influence on outcomes in health and education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means there’s a very small window of time to make a monumental impact on the course of development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during the recession, state funding for programs like infant toddler care and preschool was severely cut — and those funds have not been restored under Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early childhood advocates have been campaigning for months to get the next governor on board with their efforts, arguing that otherwise the state risks another eight years with an underfunded field and another generation of California constituents missing out on crucial resources for human development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going into the June primary, their efforts are bearing fruit. Early childhood care and education has taken center stage in numerous debates and candidate forums.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first time that babies, toddlers, preschoolers are being talked about by the leading candidates for governor and it’s really, really exciting,” said Avo Makdessian, director of the Center for Early Learning at the Silicon Valley Community Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That foundation, in partnership with organizations across the state, launched a multimillion-dollar initiative called \u003ca href=\"https://choosechildren.org/\">Choose Children 2018\u003c/a> to raise awareness about the importance of the first years of life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each of the leading candidates got in-person briefings and packets on the more than 100 studies on brain development, school readiness and about how investments in early childhood can save on costs down the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Early education needs to be the next climate change, or cap and trade … or the next big transportation package.’\u003ccite>Khydeeja Alam Javid, Advancement Project California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>There’s good reason for the candidates to pay attention. California is home to roughly 3 million children ages 5 and under, and the state has the highest child poverty rate in the country. In L.A. County, more than half of babies and toddlers are eligible for state-subsidized care, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/03/27/81920/thousands-of-families-are-eligible-for-childcare-s/\">only 6 percent are getting it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign polled voters and found that nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/09/28/76113/new-poll-voters-want-the-next-governor-to-invest-b/\">nine in 10 want California’s next governor\u003c/a> to support greater investments in early childhood care and education. The majority of those polled ranked early childhood issues above infrastructure and homelessness. Other polls show great support for paid family leave and home visiting programs for new parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Early education needs to be the next climate change, or cap and trade, or the next Local Control Funding Formula, or the next big transportation package — that is what it needs to be for the next governor,” said Khydeeja Alam Javid, director of governmental relations at Advancement Project California. “So we’re doing everything possible to make sure that’s the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the idea is, if it’s a campaign promise, advocates can hold the next governor accountable to deliver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a rare moment in California history because there are already leaders in the state Senate and Assembly who are passionate about early childhood issues — right now the Legislative Women’s Caucus is asking Gov. Brown for a \u003ca href=\"http://womenscaucus.legislature.ca.gov/sites/womenscaucus.legislature.ca.gov/files/PDF/LTR%20-%20LWC%20budget%20Gov%205.7.18%20Final.pdf\">$1 billion investment\u003c/a> in child care in the current budget — so getting the state’s top politician on board would create an alignment of the stars of political willpower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another part of the Choose Children 2018 initiative’s strategy was to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCArmUukO7E5_6DaMCL9EnDg/videos?view=0&flow=grid&sort=da\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">hold forums with the top candidates\u003c/a> on early childhood issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/governor-2018\">Full Coverage of the 2018 California Governor’s Race\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/governor-2018\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1180x756.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Advocates say that as the body of research about brain development grows and becomes more accessible, there’s been a societal shift in the way we think about young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One extreme example: Up until at least the late 1970s, it was common practice to operate on infants with little or no anesthesia because of a belief that \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/24/science/infants-sense-of-pain-is-recognized-finally.html\">newborns didn’t feel pain\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think what we’re seeing is also a sea change among voters, but also just among the general public to understand that those [early years] are investment years to actually build strong foundations,” said Kim Pattillo Brownson, vice president of policy and strategy at First 5 LA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poke around the campaign websites for any of the leading Democratic candidates and you will see evidence that the message has been received.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Education, starting with prenatal care, is \u003ca href=\"https://www.gavinnewsom.com/\">on the homepage\u003c/a> of front-runner Gavin Newsom’s campaign site. He has four young children of his own and, during a recent visit to an early learning center in the L.A. Unified School District, called himself a “fanatic” when it comes to early childhood issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Delaine Eastin’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.delaineforgovernor.com/her_vision#education\">section on education\u003c/a> starts with a goal to improve prenatal and delivery care and parental leave, before moving on to child development programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Chiang’s website has \u003ca href=\"https://johnchiang.com/road-map-for-educationca/\">a section that’s all about investing in the early years\u003c/a> to save down the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antonio Villaraigosa includes early childhood as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://antonioforcalifornia.com/education-op-ed/\">California Student Bill of Rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While his website doesn’t mention education, Republican candidate John Cox, who is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11671806/gavin-newsom-john-cox-grow-leads-in-new-poll\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">coming in second in some polls\u003c/a>, said during a recent debate that he wants to bring down the cost of living so parents can afford early care and education for their kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Watch how each candidate responds to a question about universal preschool:\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-do-thousands-of-l-a-s-homeless-shelter-beds-sit-empty-each-night-rats-roaches-bedbugs-mold",
"title": "Why Do Thousands of L.A.'s Homeless Shelter Beds Sit Empty Each Night? Rats, Roaches, Bedbugs, Mold",
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"headTitle": "Why Do Thousands of L.A.’s Homeless Shelter Beds Sit Empty Each Night? Rats, Roaches, Bedbugs, Mold | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]E[/dropcap]very night, some 43,000 people sleep on the streets of Los Angeles County in tents, cars and makeshift structures. So why do thousands of beds run by the biggest homeless agencies go empty at night?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">KPCC\u003c/a> investigation found reports of bedbugs, rats, foul odors, poor lighting, harassment, lax care in medical wards and even a “chicken incubator” in a room where homeless people were sleeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public documents — including monitoring reports from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA), health department inspections, coroner reports, surveys from the Department of Mental Health and police reports — reveal safety and sanitation problems in shelters around the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reviews conducted at 60 shelters funded by LAHSA last year found more than half — 33 — were not filling all of their beds. Overall, LAHSA-funded shelters had a 78 percent utilization rate, well below the 90 percent required in their contracts. Monitors also found that 25 of those facilities were failing to meet the minimum standards required by their contracts to get people off the streets for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KPCC found that negative monitoring reports, health citations and grievance complaints rarely result in a shelter being shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some shelters raise philanthropic dollars on their own to improve living conditions in their buildings. Those that don’t receive public dollars operate with little to no public accountability at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of accountability for meeting quality and service benchmarks raises questions about what taxpayers are paying for with the hundreds of millions of dollars in Measure H funding now flowing through LAHSA and other public agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who is looking out for the people officials say they are trying to help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are about 16,600 shelter beds in L.A. County. They’re almost always run by private nonprofit and faith organizations. Many have contracts with federal, local, and state government agencies that pay for beds for mental health clients, veterans, and other populations they serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is a patchwork system of oversight. No single public entity is charged with making sure shelters are clean, safe places to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA officials told KPCC the agency has plans to improve shelter quality in L.A. The status quo, however, is not pretty.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Rats, Roaches, Bedbugs, Mold\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Craig Aslin tried the whole homeless shelter thing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, he tried The House of Hope, a boarding home in Jefferson Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sucked,” he said. “I got [eaten] up with bedbugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Aslin left and ended up in a tent on a hilly median off Franklin and Vine in Hollywood. Why? He says his tent is cleaner, he doesn’t have to deal with people he doesn’t like, and he can come and go as he pleases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I live better now than I did then, I mean for real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668656\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Craig Aslin is originally from Virginia. He was staying in a tent in Hollywood on Friday, March 16, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668656\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin.jpg 929w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Craig Aslin is originally from Virginia. He was staying in a tent in Hollywood on Friday, March 16, 2018. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2017 public health inspection of The House of Hope, the shelter Aslin left, did not find bed bugs. It did find 17 other health code violations, including evidence of rats, roaches, suspected mold and issues with waste storage and disposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public health department said it does follow-up inspections and sends compliance letters to shelters. It does not, however, shut shelters down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If compliance is not met, enforcement proceeds to the city or district attorney requesting a criminal complaint,” the public affairs department said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House of Hope is one of many emergency housing options in the county that does not rely on government dollars; that means it’s operating with very little in the way of oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in shelters that do receive public dollars, complaints of unsanitary conditions, vermin and pests are common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a shelter run by Volunteers of America on Skid Row, LAHSA monitors found “water leaking from the walls and underneath the toilets” in the bathroom, toilets that were “not secured,” and a broken, leaking faucet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another VOA shelter in South L.A. was found to have visible damage on floors and the walls and ceilings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One center also did not have grievance forms for clients to complain about its conditions — a requirement of its contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Ward, executive director of external affairs at the VOA-Greater Los Angeles said the organization has made improvements after having recently taken over the shelter space from another organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We house close to 400 people between the two shelters,” he said. “As you can imagine with such high traffic numbers, maintenance and cleaning was and is a resource-intense undertaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-800x431.jpg\" alt=\"Tents are pitched near an offramp in Hollywood in March. Residents there said they prefer living outside to using a homeless shelter where couples will have to be separated and strict scheduling is enforced.\" width=\"800\" height=\"431\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-800x431.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-240x129.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-375x202.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-520x280.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents.jpg 921w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents are pitched near an offramp in Hollywood in March. Residents there said they prefer living outside to using a homeless shelter where couples will have to be separated and strict scheduling is enforced. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanitation, he said, has improved in the past year. And new funds from Measure H have helped the organization make changes in its shelters, including staying open 24 hours a day and offering more services on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Russ Hotel in Downtown L.A., a Department of Mental Health client reported bathrooms that were “trashed daily” with toilets that “don’t flush.” Another client reported cockroaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A client at the Testimonial Community Love Center in South L.A. complained of cockroaches in August 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an L.A. Family Housing Shelter, LAHSA monitors found “unacceptable conditions” and “a lack of supervision over rooms.” In one Boyle Heights shelter, monitors found the “walls were covered with Crayola and/or marker writing” and a chicken incubator. Another room was “extremely dirty.” A third had “foul odors” coming from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. Family Housing has since cleared those complaints with the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eve Garrow, who works on homeless issues for the American Civil Liberties Union, said she’s heard complaints of homeless people getting sick in shelters with body lice, head lice and other communicable diseases like MRSA, an infection that is resistant to treatment with many antibiotics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mold in the bathrooms, blood on the walls, just a variety of issues that are really unacceptable,” she said. “People with disabilities may try to use shelters and very quickly decide they’re unable to manage their mental health conditions in those shelter spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Dangerous as Heck’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lorenna Taylor went to Samoshel, a Santa Monica shelter that resembles a large tent, in 2016 after having neck surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately, she said, another client harassed her. The woman, Taylor said, would follow her to the bathroom and started telling other people in the shelter Taylor was actually a man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have left, but I could barely walk,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She complained to staff, but “they told me, you need to be the bigger person,” Taylor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, there was a physical altercation between the two of them outside of the shelter. Neither woman was convicted of a crime in a subsequent court case. But Taylor said the entire experience left her with trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no safety,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668704\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-800x553.jpg\" alt=\"Pepper Pilar talks about experiencing homelessness and spending time in a shelter on Friday, March 16, 2018. Pilar ended up homeless after a series of hardships and a relationship that ended left no other options.\" width=\"800\" height=\"553\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668704\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-800x553.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-520x360.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper.jpg 954w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pepper Pilar talks about experiencing homelessness and spending time in a shelter on Friday, March 16, 2018. Pilar ended up homeless after a series of hardships and a relationship that ended left no other options. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Living in close quarters can breed conflict, said John Maceri of The People Concern, which runs Samoshel. He said his staff intervened multiple times in Taylor’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many homeless people told KPCC they were victims of theft, harassment and even assault by other clients in shelters, and that staff were either indifferent to or untrained to handle the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The shelters are dangerous as heck,” said Pepper Pilar, who rides a bike covered with Dr. Pepper stickers around Hollywood. “At least out here I have friends to watch my back. In there, they [will steal] your stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Police Department records show that some shelters are visited frequently by officers. A VOA shelter on Broadway in South L.A. had 138 LAPD visits between Jan. 1, 2017 and the end of April 2018. Another VOA shelter had 197 visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LAPD visits are largely due to client crisis situations as well as calls from shelter staff when client safety is compromised,” said Ward of VOA. “Some would argue that is better that people experience trauma at a staffed facility than on the streets where the outcome is less predictable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘No One Noticed’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Safety and violence are just one concern about quality of care. Former shelter residents also told KPCC they didn’t have faith in medical services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andria McFerson, a former Samoshel resident, said that clients in the “medical ward” — where people with severe medical needs are housed in proximity to a staff nurse — are not checked on regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My friend died there and no one noticed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her friend was Charles Waldron, a Vietnam War veteran. An L.A. Coroner’s report found that he died of a heart attack at the shelter on Jan. 24, 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667527/the-only-california-city-to-solve-veteran-homelessness-is-on-a-mission-to-go-bigger\">The Only California City to Solve Veteran Homelessness Is on a Mission to Go Bigger\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667527/the-only-california-city-to-solve-veteran-homelessness-is-on-a-mission-to-go-bigger\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/206887-full-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Waldron was staying in the medical ward, a room with six metal twin-sized beds. He’d been at the shelter about seven months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Staff saw decedent on 1/23/2016 around midnight in the common area of the shelter,” the report said. At noon the next day, “staff discovered the decedent unresponsive and dialed 911.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedics, who found Waldron with red foam coming out of his mouth, beyond resuscitation, pronounced him dead 11 minutes later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maceri of The People Concern said it’s not unusual for clients to skip a meal. He said Waldron’s medical needs were not severe enough where he needed to be checked by medical professionals daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There would not have been a medical reason to force Mr. Waldron to wake up from what staff assumed was him sleeping in after being up late the night before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4454509-Waldron.html#document/p1/a422371\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">coroner’s report\u003c/a> described his corpse as in the stage of “early decomposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No Recourse and Fears of Retaliation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Other homeless people said shelters didn’t work out for them because they were told to leave, often after running into problems. And they said they had no recourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robbin Nugent was kicked out of Samoshel in March after not showing up at the shelter for 68 of the 170 days she was a client. If she wasn’t going to use her bed, the program told her, they’d need it for someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem: her boyfriend, with whom she’s four months pregnant with twins, was also homeless. He’d just graduated from a drug rehab program and was back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I wasn’t with him at night, I think he would mess up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-800x589.jpg\" alt=\"Robbin Nugent was asked to leave a Santa Monica shelter for not utilizing her bed enough, so she packed her belongings into a rolling trash can. Nugent is pregnant with twins.\" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-800x589.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-1020x751.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-960x707.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-240x177.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-375x276.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-520x383.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robbin Nugent was asked to leave a Santa Monica shelter for not utilizing her bed enough, so she packed her belongings into a rolling trash can. Nugent is pregnant with twins. \u003ccite>(RINA PALTA/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So she left the shelter to stay with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were like, ‘What’s it going to take to get you back into the program?’ And I was like, ‘Get him off the street!’” Nugent said. “It’s my babies’ dad. If he messes up, then all things go to hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Samoshel told her they didn’t have room for him and didn’t offer any referrals to shelters that might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nugent, still pregnant, and her boyfriend are now staying in a tent in an alley behind a Santa Monica restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maceri said clients are expected to use their beds the majority of nights they’re in the program and that shelter “staff spent nearly six months attempting to work with Ms. Nugent to help her be more comfortable in the shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to kick someone out of a shelter should be subject to outside review, said Olga Zurawska.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zurawska, a filmmaker who found herself homeless several years ago, said she herself was kicked out of Turning Point, a Santa Monica shelter, in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now an activist for the rights of homeless people, she said she was targeted for speaking up about shelter quality issues. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People Concern, which runs the shelter, said it helped place her in permanent housing and that her allegations are untrue and have been thoroughly investigated by multiple agencies, which found them to have no merit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zurawska said behind the dispute about her stay at Turning Point is a bigger issue: there wasn’t an outside body to step in and provide a neutral assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662564/californias-housing-crisis-working-but-on-the-brink-of-homelessness\">California’s Housing Crisis: Working But on the Brink of Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662564/californias-housing-crisis-working-but-on-the-brink-of-homelessness\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/siegler-two-9df2c90bfc797a208badf4e4cc348fffba31700e-1-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It goes to the patchwork nature of oversight in an industry — homeless services — that is growing rapidly. Because the shelter she stayed in didn’t receive LAHSA funding, the grievance she filed with the agency bounced back. Turning Point did receive Department of Mental Health funding, but Zurawska was not a mental health client. That meant she did not have recourse with that agency. Eventually she complained to the city of Santa Monica, which helps fund Turning Point, but she said that was a dead end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alisa Orduña, Santa Monica’s senior adviser on homelessness, said complaints about the shelters it funds are taken seriously. But first clients are required to exhaust whatever internal complaint system the shelter has before turning to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zurawska said the grievance process was confusing and hard to navigate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This population has no rights and no voice, really, and somebody has to do something about it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrow of the ACLU agrees that clients need an accessible, visible, neutral third party to appeal to if shelters are going to be more effective going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Staff really have too much power over clients and clients really have no recourse when staff treat them in a denigrating or disrespectful manner other than to submit a complaint to the very organization that’s mistreating them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, LAHSA, which administers the majority of homeless service contracts in the county, does not have a uniform policy on when it is appropriate to terminate a client from a program. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency does review each shelter’s policy, if it funds the shelter, said Chris Callandrillo, director of procurement and performance management. It does not have reliable data on how many people are kicked out of shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Shelters Do Improve, When They Want To\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A startling claim was buried deep inside a client satisfaction report filed on Jan. 5, 2018 by a Department of Mental Health client. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The client gave the shelter run by the nonprofit L.A. Family Housing largely high marks when asked whether to agree or disagree with statements like, “I have generally positive interactions with staff” and “I receive toiletries when I need them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in the comments section, the client wrote: “Someone got stabbed in their room. This place feels like a jail with an open door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie Klasky-Gamer, the president of L.A. Family Housing, confirmed the stabbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was an incredibly sad — and scary — but sad day here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also a learning opportunity. The shelter switched security companies — bags were already searched and people searched with a wand on entry, but a knife had gotten in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also revamped its procedures for checking clients, from “every person, every day,” to “every room, every day” — meaning staff members now need to enter every room on the property on a daily basis to check on clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It also allowed us to see things that were getting in that shouldn’t have,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of those changes were required by the myriad agencies that monitor L.A. Family Housing: the Veterans Administration, LAHSA, the L.A. County Department of Mental Health, L.A. County Department of Health Services, several individual cities and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other shelters may also want to improve, she said, but might not have the expertise or resources to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would not say that any of our colleagues don’t care,” she said. “I think when you have really limited resources, there are places you cut back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klasky-Gamer said auditors visit the shelters roughly three times a week, generally performing one of three types of check: financial audits, programmatic audits and physical audits. There’s so much monitoring that the space-crunched agency even has a room dedicated to files in its main campus building in North Hollywood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she wishes one agency was tasked with taking the lead on auditing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I don’t begrudge oversight,” she said. “These are public dollars and this is a public benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some major issues are not addressed, however, in all the monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA reports do not directly address safety issues beyond emergency evacuation plans, fire extinguishers and cleanliness. The agency said it requires shelters to report incidents of violence and then passes that information to whatever entity — like the city or county or federal government — that funds the shelter’s contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Ward of the VOA said the decentralized system for regulating shelters can be frustrating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may suffer from not only a lack of a uniform set of standards, but differing levels of accountability and, in some instances, a lack of direction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City, Philadelphia and San Francisco have “cabinet level” officers dedicated to addressing homelessness, he said, which helps them organize and build a common mission and set of best practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. has nothing comparable. There’s more coordination than ever before in L.A., but not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still must build a common vision with 15 council districts, a mayor and five county supervisors,” Ward said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callandrillo said such a system would be hard to reproduce in decentralized Los Angeles, with its numerous municipalities, multiple funding sources for shelters and wide geography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the small city of San Francisco, it’s doable,” he said. “Within a region like L.A. County, which is 400 square miles, it’s just not a manageable model. And to do it regionally, like we do other services, would probably cost a lot of money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear what it takes for a shelter to lose its contract with LAHSA, which works with dozens of agencies. Callandrillo said that it’s happened three times in the past four years. Even as thousands of beds sit empty, the overall number of available beds is too small to risk losing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-800x541.jpg\" alt=\"Alice Myles, 61, used to be a nurse before becoming homeless. She tried living in shelters, she said, but her belongings were stolen and she didn't like being around fights.\" width=\"800\" height=\"541\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668711\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-800x541.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-960x649.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-240x162.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-375x254.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-520x352.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles.jpg 991w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Myles, 61, used to be a nurse before becoming homeless. She tried living in shelters, she said, but her belongings were stolen and she didn’t like being around fights. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Typically a shelter provider owns the site or holds the lease for a site, so if we’re cancelling a contract, often we’re cancelling the availability of shelter beds in an environment where we have very few shelter beds,” he said. “We try to work with our providers to not have to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callandrillo said the problem of unused beds is “systemic,” and less about an individual shelter than how people get and find beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not for lack of need,” he said. “One of the main issues is connecting people to available shelter beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A person might walk into a shelter in Santa Monica that’s full, while across town, there’s an available bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA is working on a way to better track available beds so that providers can immediately direct clients to them, Callandrillo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said LAHSA has posted a position to create that system, but has not hired for it yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Happens Next?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As these conditions persist, the push is on to rapidly expand L.A.’s shelter system to accommodate a growing population of homeless people — all amidst a housing market that makes the region’s larger goal of finding everyone a long-term, affordable place to live more challenging by the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County and the city of L.A. — through Proposition HHH and a new developer fee for affordable housing — are putting hundreds of millions of dollars into the construction of permanent housing. Providers, however, are still struggling to find enough spots for clients, and construction will take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti has proposed funneling $20 million in city funds into creating “temporary” homeless shelters in each of the city’s 15 council districts. A neighborhood that accepts a shelter, in turn, has been promised additional sanitation resources and police attention to ensure that it stays free of encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every homeless Angeleno needs a safe, clean, place to sleep at night,” Anna Bahr, the mayor’s deputy press secretary, said. “Each new site will have unprecedented service delivery: 24/7 security, mental health professionals, employment specialists, and anti-addiction experts. The mayor’s office will be monitoring each site closely, to ensure they remain safe and clean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County is also poised to shift more funds from Measure H, a new quarter-cent sales tax for homeless services, into interim housing like shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA has recently upped the rate it pays shelters to improve quality. That money is intended to fund more robust services and amenities on site — what the industry calls “bridge housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a key change if the goal remains finding permanent housing and jobs for as many of the region’s homeless people as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move appears to have merit. LAHSA figures show that for the past year, about 39 percent of those in bridge housing have moved on to permanent homes. For those in traditional shelters, the number was 17 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 clients were in bridge housing during that period, while 12,000 lived in standard shelters. In all, close to 60,000 people lack permanent housing in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s Garrow says the goal of getting people back on their feet and into permanent housing is not easy. That makes conditions in shelters that much more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise is that they’re temporary, but so often it’s a broken promise,” Garrow said. “We have to ensure that shelters are humane and held to the highest possible standards because people will be living in them for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Alex Derosier contributed to this report. This story was made possible with help from the Fund for Investigative Reporting. Support was also provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which is supporting an investigative reporting collaboration among KPCC, WNYC in New York, WABE in Atlanta, KCUR in Kansas City and APM Reports.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Why Do Thousands of L.A.'s Homeless Shelter Beds Sit Empty Each Night? Rats, Roaches, Bedbugs, Mold | KQED",
"description": "Health department inspections, coroner reports, surveys from the Department of Mental Health and police reports reveal safety and sanitation problems in shelters around L.A. County.",
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"headline": "Why Do Thousands of L.A.'s Homeless Shelter Beds Sit Empty Each Night? Rats, Roaches, Bedbugs, Mold",
"datePublished": "2018-05-16T14:29:08-07:00",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/about/people/staff/rina-palta\">Rina Palta\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">E\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>very night, some 43,000 people sleep on the streets of Los Angeles County in tents, cars and makeshift structures. So why do thousands of beds run by the biggest homeless agencies go empty at night?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">KPCC\u003c/a> investigation found reports of bedbugs, rats, foul odors, poor lighting, harassment, lax care in medical wards and even a “chicken incubator” in a room where homeless people were sleeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public documents — including monitoring reports from the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (LAHSA), health department inspections, coroner reports, surveys from the Department of Mental Health and police reports — reveal safety and sanitation problems in shelters around the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reviews conducted at 60 shelters funded by LAHSA last year found more than half — 33 — were not filling all of their beds. Overall, LAHSA-funded shelters had a 78 percent utilization rate, well below the 90 percent required in their contracts. Monitors also found that 25 of those facilities were failing to meet the minimum standards required by their contracts to get people off the streets for good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KPCC found that negative monitoring reports, health citations and grievance complaints rarely result in a shelter being shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some shelters raise philanthropic dollars on their own to improve living conditions in their buildings. Those that don’t receive public dollars operate with little to no public accountability at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of accountability for meeting quality and service benchmarks raises questions about what taxpayers are paying for with the hundreds of millions of dollars in Measure H funding now flowing through LAHSA and other public agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who is looking out for the people officials say they are trying to help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are about 16,600 shelter beds in L.A. County. They’re almost always run by private nonprofit and faith organizations. Many have contracts with federal, local, and state government agencies that pay for beds for mental health clients, veterans, and other populations they serve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is a patchwork system of oversight. No single public entity is charged with making sure shelters are clean, safe places to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA officials told KPCC the agency has plans to improve shelter quality in L.A. The status quo, however, is not pretty.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Rats, Roaches, Bedbugs, Mold\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Craig Aslin tried the whole homeless shelter thing, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Specifically, he tried The House of Hope, a boarding home in Jefferson Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sucked,” he said. “I got [eaten] up with bedbugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Aslin left and ended up in a tent on a hilly median off Franklin and Vine in Hollywood. Why? He says his tent is cleaner, he doesn’t have to deal with people he doesn’t like, and he can come and go as he pleases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I live better now than I did then, I mean for real,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668656\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Craig Aslin is originally from Virginia. He was staying in a tent in Hollywood on Friday, March 16, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668656\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin-520x347.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CraigAslin.jpg 929w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Craig Aslin is originally from Virginia. He was staying in a tent in Hollywood on Friday, March 16, 2018. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2017 public health inspection of The House of Hope, the shelter Aslin left, did not find bed bugs. It did find 17 other health code violations, including evidence of rats, roaches, suspected mold and issues with waste storage and disposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The public health department said it does follow-up inspections and sends compliance letters to shelters. It does not, however, shut shelters down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If compliance is not met, enforcement proceeds to the city or district attorney requesting a criminal complaint,” the public affairs department said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House of Hope is one of many emergency housing options in the county that does not rely on government dollars; that means it’s operating with very little in the way of oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even in shelters that do receive public dollars, complaints of unsanitary conditions, vermin and pests are common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a shelter run by Volunteers of America on Skid Row, LAHSA monitors found “water leaking from the walls and underneath the toilets” in the bathroom, toilets that were “not secured,” and a broken, leaking faucet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another VOA shelter in South L.A. was found to have visible damage on floors and the walls and ceilings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One center also did not have grievance forms for clients to complain about its conditions — a requirement of its contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Ward, executive director of external affairs at the VOA-Greater Los Angeles said the organization has made improvements after having recently taken over the shelter space from another organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We house close to 400 people between the two shelters,” he said. “As you can imagine with such high traffic numbers, maintenance and cleaning was and is a resource-intense undertaking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668664\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-800x431.jpg\" alt=\"Tents are pitched near an offramp in Hollywood in March. Residents there said they prefer living outside to using a homeless shelter where couples will have to be separated and strict scheduling is enforced.\" width=\"800\" height=\"431\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668664\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-800x431.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-160x86.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-240x129.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-375x202.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents-520x280.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OfframpTents.jpg 921w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents are pitched near an offramp in Hollywood in March. Residents there said they prefer living outside to using a homeless shelter where couples will have to be separated and strict scheduling is enforced. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanitation, he said, has improved in the past year. And new funds from Measure H have helped the organization make changes in its shelters, including staying open 24 hours a day and offering more services on site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Russ Hotel in Downtown L.A., a Department of Mental Health client reported bathrooms that were “trashed daily” with toilets that “don’t flush.” Another client reported cockroaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A client at the Testimonial Community Love Center in South L.A. complained of cockroaches in August 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an L.A. Family Housing Shelter, LAHSA monitors found “unacceptable conditions” and “a lack of supervision over rooms.” In one Boyle Heights shelter, monitors found the “walls were covered with Crayola and/or marker writing” and a chicken incubator. Another room was “extremely dirty.” A third had “foul odors” coming from it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. Family Housing has since cleared those complaints with the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eve Garrow, who works on homeless issues for the American Civil Liberties Union, said she’s heard complaints of homeless people getting sick in shelters with body lice, head lice and other communicable diseases like MRSA, an infection that is resistant to treatment with many antibiotics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mold in the bathrooms, blood on the walls, just a variety of issues that are really unacceptable,” she said. “People with disabilities may try to use shelters and very quickly decide they’re unable to manage their mental health conditions in those shelter spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Dangerous as Heck’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lorenna Taylor went to Samoshel, a Santa Monica shelter that resembles a large tent, in 2016 after having neck surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost immediately, she said, another client harassed her. The woman, Taylor said, would follow her to the bathroom and started telling other people in the shelter Taylor was actually a man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would have left, but I could barely walk,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She complained to staff, but “they told me, you need to be the bigger person,” Taylor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, there was a physical altercation between the two of them outside of the shelter. Neither woman was convicted of a crime in a subsequent court case. But Taylor said the entire experience left her with trauma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no safety,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668704\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-800x553.jpg\" alt=\"Pepper Pilar talks about experiencing homelessness and spending time in a shelter on Friday, March 16, 2018. Pilar ended up homeless after a series of hardships and a relationship that ended left no other options.\" width=\"800\" height=\"553\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668704\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-800x553.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper-520x360.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Pepper.jpg 954w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pepper Pilar talks about experiencing homelessness and spending time in a shelter on Friday, March 16, 2018. Pilar ended up homeless after a series of hardships and a relationship that ended left no other options. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Living in close quarters can breed conflict, said John Maceri of The People Concern, which runs Samoshel. He said his staff intervened multiple times in Taylor’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many homeless people told KPCC they were victims of theft, harassment and even assault by other clients in shelters, and that staff were either indifferent to or untrained to handle the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The shelters are dangerous as heck,” said Pepper Pilar, who rides a bike covered with Dr. Pepper stickers around Hollywood. “At least out here I have friends to watch my back. In there, they [will steal] your stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Police Department records show that some shelters are visited frequently by officers. A VOA shelter on Broadway in South L.A. had 138 LAPD visits between Jan. 1, 2017 and the end of April 2018. Another VOA shelter had 197 visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The LAPD visits are largely due to client crisis situations as well as calls from shelter staff when client safety is compromised,” said Ward of VOA. “Some would argue that is better that people experience trauma at a staffed facility than on the streets where the outcome is less predictable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘No One Noticed’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Safety and violence are just one concern about quality of care. Former shelter residents also told KPCC they didn’t have faith in medical services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Andria McFerson, a former Samoshel resident, said that clients in the “medical ward” — where people with severe medical needs are housed in proximity to a staff nurse — are not checked on regularly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My friend died there and no one noticed,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her friend was Charles Waldron, a Vietnam War veteran. An L.A. Coroner’s report found that he died of a heart attack at the shelter on Jan. 24, 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667527/the-only-california-city-to-solve-veteran-homelessness-is-on-a-mission-to-go-bigger\">The Only California City to Solve Veteran Homelessness Is on a Mission to Go Bigger\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667527/the-only-california-city-to-solve-veteran-homelessness-is-on-a-mission-to-go-bigger\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/206887-full-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Waldron was staying in the medical ward, a room with six metal twin-sized beds. He’d been at the shelter about seven months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Staff saw decedent on 1/23/2016 around midnight in the common area of the shelter,” the report said. At noon the next day, “staff discovered the decedent unresponsive and dialed 911.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paramedics, who found Waldron with red foam coming out of his mouth, beyond resuscitation, pronounced him dead 11 minutes later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maceri of The People Concern said it’s not unusual for clients to skip a meal. He said Waldron’s medical needs were not severe enough where he needed to be checked by medical professionals daily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There would not have been a medical reason to force Mr. Waldron to wake up from what staff assumed was him sleeping in after being up late the night before,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4454509-Waldron.html#document/p1/a422371\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">coroner’s report\u003c/a> described his corpse as in the stage of “early decomposition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No Recourse and Fears of Retaliation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Other homeless people said shelters didn’t work out for them because they were told to leave, often after running into problems. And they said they had no recourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robbin Nugent was kicked out of Samoshel in March after not showing up at the shelter for 68 of the 170 days she was a client. If she wasn’t going to use her bed, the program told her, they’d need it for someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem: her boyfriend, with whom she’s four months pregnant with twins, was also homeless. He’d just graduated from a drug rehab program and was back on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I wasn’t with him at night, I think he would mess up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668708\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-800x589.jpg\" alt=\"Robbin Nugent was asked to leave a Santa Monica shelter for not utilizing her bed enough, so she packed her belongings into a rolling trash can. Nugent is pregnant with twins.\" width=\"800\" height=\"589\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668708\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-800x589.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-1020x751.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-960x707.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-240x177.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-375x276.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes-520x383.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/HomelessBikes.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robbin Nugent was asked to leave a Santa Monica shelter for not utilizing her bed enough, so she packed her belongings into a rolling trash can. Nugent is pregnant with twins. \u003ccite>(RINA PALTA/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So she left the shelter to stay with him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were like, ‘What’s it going to take to get you back into the program?’ And I was like, ‘Get him off the street!’” Nugent said. “It’s my babies’ dad. If he messes up, then all things go to hell.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Samoshel told her they didn’t have room for him and didn’t offer any referrals to shelters that might.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nugent, still pregnant, and her boyfriend are now staying in a tent in an alley behind a Santa Monica restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maceri said clients are expected to use their beds the majority of nights they’re in the program and that shelter “staff spent nearly six months attempting to work with Ms. Nugent to help her be more comfortable in the shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision to kick someone out of a shelter should be subject to outside review, said Olga Zurawska.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zurawska, a filmmaker who found herself homeless several years ago, said she herself was kicked out of Turning Point, a Santa Monica shelter, in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now an activist for the rights of homeless people, she said she was targeted for speaking up about shelter quality issues. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People Concern, which runs the shelter, said it helped place her in permanent housing and that her allegations are untrue and have been thoroughly investigated by multiple agencies, which found them to have no merit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zurawska said behind the dispute about her stay at Turning Point is a bigger issue: there wasn’t an outside body to step in and provide a neutral assessment.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662564/californias-housing-crisis-working-but-on-the-brink-of-homelessness\">California’s Housing Crisis: Working But on the Brink of Homelessness\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662564/californias-housing-crisis-working-but-on-the-brink-of-homelessness\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/siegler-two-9df2c90bfc797a208badf4e4cc348fffba31700e-1-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It goes to the patchwork nature of oversight in an industry — homeless services — that is growing rapidly. Because the shelter she stayed in didn’t receive LAHSA funding, the grievance she filed with the agency bounced back. Turning Point did receive Department of Mental Health funding, but Zurawska was not a mental health client. That meant she did not have recourse with that agency. Eventually she complained to the city of Santa Monica, which helps fund Turning Point, but she said that was a dead end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alisa Orduña, Santa Monica’s senior adviser on homelessness, said complaints about the shelters it funds are taken seriously. But first clients are required to exhaust whatever internal complaint system the shelter has before turning to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zurawska said the grievance process was confusing and hard to navigate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This population has no rights and no voice, really, and somebody has to do something about it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrow of the ACLU agrees that clients need an accessible, visible, neutral third party to appeal to if shelters are going to be more effective going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Staff really have too much power over clients and clients really have no recourse when staff treat them in a denigrating or disrespectful manner other than to submit a complaint to the very organization that’s mistreating them,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, LAHSA, which administers the majority of homeless service contracts in the county, does not have a uniform policy on when it is appropriate to terminate a client from a program. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency does review each shelter’s policy, if it funds the shelter, said Chris Callandrillo, director of procurement and performance management. It does not have reliable data on how many people are kicked out of shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Shelters Do Improve, When They Want To\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A startling claim was buried deep inside a client satisfaction report filed on Jan. 5, 2018 by a Department of Mental Health client. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The client gave the shelter run by the nonprofit L.A. Family Housing largely high marks when asked whether to agree or disagree with statements like, “I have generally positive interactions with staff” and “I receive toiletries when I need them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then in the comments section, the client wrote: “Someone got stabbed in their room. This place feels like a jail with an open door.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephanie Klasky-Gamer, the president of L.A. Family Housing, confirmed the stabbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was an incredibly sad — and scary — but sad day here,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was also a learning opportunity. The shelter switched security companies — bags were already searched and people searched with a wand on entry, but a knife had gotten in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency also revamped its procedures for checking clients, from “every person, every day,” to “every room, every day” — meaning staff members now need to enter every room on the property on a daily basis to check on clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It also allowed us to see things that were getting in that shouldn’t have,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of those changes were required by the myriad agencies that monitor L.A. Family Housing: the Veterans Administration, LAHSA, the L.A. County Department of Mental Health, L.A. County Department of Health Services, several individual cities and the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other shelters may also want to improve, she said, but might not have the expertise or resources to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would not say that any of our colleagues don’t care,” she said. “I think when you have really limited resources, there are places you cut back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klasky-Gamer said auditors visit the shelters roughly three times a week, generally performing one of three types of check: financial audits, programmatic audits and physical audits. There’s so much monitoring that the space-crunched agency even has a room dedicated to files in its main campus building in North Hollywood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she wishes one agency was tasked with taking the lead on auditing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I don’t begrudge oversight,” she said. “These are public dollars and this is a public benefit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some major issues are not addressed, however, in all the monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA reports do not directly address safety issues beyond emergency evacuation plans, fire extinguishers and cleanliness. The agency said it requires shelters to report incidents of violence and then passes that information to whatever entity — like the city or county or federal government — that funds the shelter’s contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orlando Ward of the VOA said the decentralized system for regulating shelters can be frustrating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may suffer from not only a lack of a uniform set of standards, but differing levels of accountability and, in some instances, a lack of direction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York City, Philadelphia and San Francisco have “cabinet level” officers dedicated to addressing homelessness, he said, which helps them organize and build a common mission and set of best practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. has nothing comparable. There’s more coordination than ever before in L.A., but not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still must build a common vision with 15 council districts, a mayor and five county supervisors,” Ward said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callandrillo said such a system would be hard to reproduce in decentralized Los Angeles, with its numerous municipalities, multiple funding sources for shelters and wide geography.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the small city of San Francisco, it’s doable,” he said. “Within a region like L.A. County, which is 400 square miles, it’s just not a manageable model. And to do it regionally, like we do other services, would probably cost a lot of money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear what it takes for a shelter to lose its contract with LAHSA, which works with dozens of agencies. Callandrillo said that it’s happened three times in the past four years. Even as thousands of beds sit empty, the overall number of available beds is too small to risk losing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-800x541.jpg\" alt=\"Alice Myles, 61, used to be a nurse before becoming homeless. She tried living in shelters, she said, but her belongings were stolen and she didn't like being around fights.\" width=\"800\" height=\"541\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668711\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-800x541.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-960x649.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-240x162.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-375x254.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles-520x352.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/AliceMyles.jpg 991w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alice Myles, 61, used to be a nurse before becoming homeless. She tried living in shelters, she said, but her belongings were stolen and she didn’t like being around fights. \u003ccite>(SUSANICA TAM/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Typically a shelter provider owns the site or holds the lease for a site, so if we’re cancelling a contract, often we’re cancelling the availability of shelter beds in an environment where we have very few shelter beds,” he said. “We try to work with our providers to not have to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Callandrillo said the problem of unused beds is “systemic,” and less about an individual shelter than how people get and find beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not for lack of need,” he said. “One of the main issues is connecting people to available shelter beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A person might walk into a shelter in Santa Monica that’s full, while across town, there’s an available bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA is working on a way to better track available beds so that providers can immediately direct clients to them, Callandrillo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said LAHSA has posted a position to create that system, but has not hired for it yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Happens Next?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As these conditions persist, the push is on to rapidly expand L.A.’s shelter system to accommodate a growing population of homeless people — all amidst a housing market that makes the region’s larger goal of finding everyone a long-term, affordable place to live more challenging by the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County and the city of L.A. — through Proposition HHH and a new developer fee for affordable housing — are putting hundreds of millions of dollars into the construction of permanent housing. Providers, however, are still struggling to find enough spots for clients, and construction will take time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti has proposed funneling $20 million in city funds into creating “temporary” homeless shelters in each of the city’s 15 council districts. A neighborhood that accepts a shelter, in turn, has been promised additional sanitation resources and police attention to ensure that it stays free of encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every homeless Angeleno needs a safe, clean, place to sleep at night,” Anna Bahr, the mayor’s deputy press secretary, said. “Each new site will have unprecedented service delivery: 24/7 security, mental health professionals, employment specialists, and anti-addiction experts. The mayor’s office will be monitoring each site closely, to ensure they remain safe and clean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County is also poised to shift more funds from Measure H, a new quarter-cent sales tax for homeless services, into interim housing like shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LAHSA has recently upped the rate it pays shelters to improve quality. That money is intended to fund more robust services and amenities on site — what the industry calls “bridge housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a key change if the goal remains finding permanent housing and jobs for as many of the region’s homeless people as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move appears to have merit. LAHSA figures show that for the past year, about 39 percent of those in bridge housing have moved on to permanent homes. For those in traditional shelters, the number was 17 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 clients were in bridge housing during that period, while 12,000 lived in standard shelters. In all, close to 60,000 people lack permanent housing in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU’s Garrow says the goal of getting people back on their feet and into permanent housing is not easy. That makes conditions in shelters that much more important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise is that they’re temporary, but so often it’s a broken promise,” Garrow said. “We have to ensure that shelters are humane and held to the highest possible standards because people will be living in them for a long time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Alex Derosier contributed to this report. This story was made possible with help from the Fund for Investigative Reporting. Support was also provided by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, which is supporting an investigative reporting collaboration among KPCC, WNYC in New York, WABE in Atlanta, KCUR in Kansas City and APM Reports.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "If Parents Are Arrested and Separated From Children at the Border, Where Do the Kids Go?",
"title": "If Parents Are Arrested and Separated From Children at the Border, Where Do the Kids Go?",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667065/sessions-says-zero-tolerance-policy-for-border-crossers-may-split-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last week\u003c/a> stoked the immigration debate in announcing officials will impose a \"zero tolerance\" policy and prosecute anyone entering the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those referred for prosecution who have their children with them will be separated from their kids, federal officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration plan raises several questions about the impact on the detained children. Here's what we know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What does the 'zero tolerance' policy mean for children who are crossing the border with their parents?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If parents are referred for prosecution and detained by immigration officials, their children will be placed in a shelter, just as a minor traveling alone who crosses the border would be. These shelters are run by the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), an agency under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “zero tolerance” policy is intended to apply specifically to people who are caught crossing illegally, say U.S. Homeland Security officials. Families who present themselves at a port of entry seeking asylum won’t be separated or prosecuted. However, asylum-seekers in recent months \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/huppke/ct-met-congo-aclu-family-separation-immigration-huppke-20180312-story.html\">have been separated from their children\u003c/a>, so there have been exceptions to the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Once the children are in the custody of federal officials, where do they go?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The children would be placed in one of several shelters maintained by ORR located around the country. On its \u003ca href=\"https://www.acf.hhs.gov/orr/unaccompanied-children-frequently-asked-questions\">website\u003c/a>, Health and Human Services says the shelters are operated by nonprofit organizations, with about half caring for fewer than 50 unaccompanied children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>ORR pays for and provides all services for the children while they are in care at a shelter. This includes providing food, clothing, education, medical screening, and any needed medical care to the children. Children spend fewer than 35 days on average at the shelters and do not integrate into the local community. They remain under staff supervision at all times.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Children stay at the shelters until they can be placed in the care of U.S. relatives or other adult sponsors, such as family friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials did not respond to a request for further information on the shelters, but according to legal service providers who work with unaccompanied minors, there are close to 10,000 shelter beds nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, a crush of unaccompanied minors arriving at the southern border from Central America led ORR to open emergency temporary shelters, including one at a military base in Port Hueneme in Ventura County. That shelter has since been closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Will increased demand for shelter beds prompt officials to open more emergency shelters for children?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Federal officials would not provide details on whether they plan to open more shelters or reopen the facility at Port Hueneme. A Health and Human Services spokesman told KPCC by email that \"for starters, we have a temporary facility in Homestead, Florida.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would be a long distance for parents detained in Southern California. But legal providers who work with immigrant families say it's not unusual for children to be placed far away from detained parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very possible that a parent could be sent to one state to a detention facility, and the child sent to a detention shelter in a different state,” said Lindsay Toczylowski, executive director of the Immigrant Defenders Law Center in Los Angeles, which works with detained families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocates expect to see more long-distance separations as the latest immigration policy is carried out and demand grows for bed space in both the children's shelters and adult detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toczylowski said as more children and teens are sent to federal shelters, the surge could strain the system, much as the arrival of large numbers of unaccompanied minors did back in the mid-2010s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One of the challenges when the parent and child are separated is that, because of the strains on both systems, there isn't a lot of coordination,\" said Toczylowski.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This, she said, is because children in federal shelters are in the custody of ORR, while adults in immigrant detention centers are in the custody of a different agency, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's difficult for the two detention systems to coordinate,\" Toczylowski said. \"It is partly because where they have emergency shelter beds differs, so they have capacity to take additional detainees who are adults in one state, and only have beds for children in another state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could also mean a family has to navigate through two separate immigration courts, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another concern is finding and reviewing relatives and sponsors who can take in the minors. KPCC reported in 2014 that as the number of unaccompanied child migrants arriving at the border skyrocketed and officials scrambled to seek and screen family members, some children wound up in \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/blogs/multiamerican/2014/06/19/16874/as-more-unaccompanied-minors-arrive-some-family-re/\">inadequate or unsafe situations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, the ORR does a very good job at vetting sponsors,\" Toczylowski said. \"But ... when you are talking about any government system that is set up to handle a certain number of minors, if you are talking about potentially designating thousands more into that system with very little notice, I think we can expect to see those systems really struggle.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials say they need to separate families as part of the government's enforcement of U.S. immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667587/homeland-security-secretary-defends-separating-families-of-illegal-border-crossers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told NPR\u003c/a> that adults entering the country illegally are breaking the law and should be prosecuted, even if they arrive with their children.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667065/sessions-says-zero-tolerance-policy-for-border-crossers-may-split-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">last week\u003c/a> stoked the immigration debate in announcing officials will impose a \"zero tolerance\" policy and prosecute anyone entering the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those referred for prosecution who have their children with them will be separated from their kids, federal officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration plan raises several questions about the impact on the detained children. Here's what we know:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What does the 'zero tolerance' policy mean for children who are crossing the border with their parents?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>If parents are referred for prosecution and detained by immigration officials, their children will be placed in a shelter, just as a minor traveling alone who crosses the border would be. These shelters are run by the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR), an agency under the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “zero tolerance” policy is intended to apply specifically to people who are caught crossing illegally, say U.S. Homeland Security officials. Families who present themselves at a port of entry seeking asylum won’t be separated or prosecuted. However, asylum-seekers in recent months \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/opinion/huppke/ct-met-congo-aclu-family-separation-immigration-huppke-20180312-story.html\">have been separated from their children\u003c/a>, so there have been exceptions to the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Once the children are in the custody of federal officials, where do they go?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The children would be placed in one of several shelters maintained by ORR located around the country. On its \u003ca href=\"https://www.acf.hhs.gov/orr/unaccompanied-children-frequently-asked-questions\">website\u003c/a>, Health and Human Services says the shelters are operated by nonprofit organizations, with about half caring for fewer than 50 unaccompanied children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>ORR pays for and provides all services for the children while they are in care at a shelter. This includes providing food, clothing, education, medical screening, and any needed medical care to the children. Children spend fewer than 35 days on average at the shelters and do not integrate into the local community. They remain under staff supervision at all times.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Children stay at the shelters until they can be placed in the care of U.S. relatives or other adult sponsors, such as family friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials did not respond to a request for further information on the shelters, but according to legal service providers who work with unaccompanied minors, there are close to 10,000 shelter beds nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, a crush of unaccompanied minors arriving at the southern border from Central America led ORR to open emergency temporary shelters, including one at a military base in Port Hueneme in Ventura County. That shelter has since been closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Will increased demand for shelter beds prompt officials to open more emergency shelters for children?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Federal officials would not provide details on whether they plan to open more shelters or reopen the facility at Port Hueneme. A Health and Human Services spokesman told KPCC by email that \"for starters, we have a temporary facility in Homestead, Florida.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would be a long distance for parents detained in Southern California. But legal providers who work with immigrant families say it's not unusual for children to be placed far away from detained parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very possible that a parent could be sent to one state to a detention facility, and the child sent to a detention shelter in a different state,” said Lindsay Toczylowski, executive director of the Immigrant Defenders Law Center in Los Angeles, which works with detained families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocates expect to see more long-distance separations as the latest immigration policy is carried out and demand grows for bed space in both the children's shelters and adult detention centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toczylowski said as more children and teens are sent to federal shelters, the surge could strain the system, much as the arrival of large numbers of unaccompanied minors did back in the mid-2010s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One of the challenges when the parent and child are separated is that, because of the strains on both systems, there isn't a lot of coordination,\" said Toczylowski.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This, she said, is because children in federal shelters are in the custody of ORR, while adults in immigrant detention centers are in the custody of a different agency, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's difficult for the two detention systems to coordinate,\" Toczylowski said. \"It is partly because where they have emergency shelter beds differs, so they have capacity to take additional detainees who are adults in one state, and only have beds for children in another state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This could also mean a family has to navigate through two separate immigration courts, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another concern is finding and reviewing relatives and sponsors who can take in the minors. KPCC reported in 2014 that as the number of unaccompanied child migrants arriving at the border skyrocketed and officials scrambled to seek and screen family members, some children wound up in \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/blogs/multiamerican/2014/06/19/16874/as-more-unaccompanied-minors-arrive-some-family-re/\">inadequate or unsafe situations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Generally, the ORR does a very good job at vetting sponsors,\" Toczylowski said. \"But ... when you are talking about any government system that is set up to handle a certain number of minors, if you are talking about potentially designating thousands more into that system with very little notice, I think we can expect to see those systems really struggle.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal officials say they need to separate families as part of the government's enforcement of U.S. immigration laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667587/homeland-security-secretary-defends-separating-families-of-illegal-border-crossers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">told NPR\u003c/a> that adults entering the country illegally are breaking the law and should be prosecuted, even if they arrive with their children.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The 49th Congressional District of California spans parts of coastal Orange and San Diego Counties, from La Jolla in the South up to Dana Point in the North. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has long been considered a GOP stronghold. But Hillary Clinton won here in 2016, and it’s now considered to be trending purple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes the race to replace Darrell Issa — an eight-term GOP congressman who announced in January that he wouldn’t run again — a very competitive one.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Candidate Forum\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Four of the 16 candidates on the primary ballot took the stage at Capo Beach Church in Capistrano Beach on Monday night. The forum was organized by a group of non-partisan, non-profit organizations: Capo Cares of Dana Point, Advocates for Responsible Treatment of San Juan Capistrano and the Coalition to Save San Clemente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the candidates who spoke at the forum, two are Republicans, and two are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The links below go to pages on their positions and donors on the nonpartisan website Voter’s Edge and to their campaign websites:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rocky Chavez (R)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/area/69/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138107?&county=san%20diego%20county&election_authority_id=37\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.rockychavezforcongress.com/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian Maryott (R)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/area/69/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138110?&county=san%20diego%20county&election_authority_id=37\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://maryottforcongress.com/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Doug Applegate (D)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/69-c138de/address/%2025975%20domingo%20ave,%20capistrano%20beach/zip/92624/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138103?date=2018-06-05\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.applegateforcongress.com/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mike Levin (D)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/69-c138de/address/%2025975%20domingo%20ave,%20capistrano%20beach/zip/92624/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138106?date=2018-06-05\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://mikelevin.org/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/69-c138de/address/%2025975%20domingo%20ave,%20capistrano%20beach/zip/92624/contests/contest/16631?date=2018-06-05\">Read about the rest of the field on Voter’s Edge >>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Happened to the Incumbent?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In January, GOP Congressman Darrell Issa announced he would not run again. He’d served eight terms. Readers with good memories might remember that it was Issa, who is one of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-richest-in-congress-darrell-issa-story.html\">wealthiest members of Congress\u003c/a>, who got the recall of Gov. Gray Davis going. He bowed out once fellow Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger, and ultimate victor, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-issa-says-arnolds-entry-pushed-him-out-of-recall-2003aug14-story.html\">entered the race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665809\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-800x550.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Darrell Issa and then-gubernatorial candidate Arnold Schwarzenegger shake hands September 26, 2003 in Santa Monica.\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665809\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-800x550.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-1020x701.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-1200x824.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-1180x811.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-960x660.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-240x165.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-375x258.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-520x357.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Darrell Issa and then-gubernatorial candidate Arnold Schwarzenegger shake hands September 26, 2003 in Santa Monica. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prior to Issa’s decision to leave Congress, activists had spent months showing up to weekly demonstrations outside his Vista district offices. Those protests even caused a mild controversy when \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-conflicting-stories-follow-image-of-1496173239-htmlstory.html\">Issa appeared on the roof \u003c/a>to take a photo of the protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Race to Replace Issa\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After months of campaigning and jockeying for position, the race to represent California’s 49th district still looks like a free-for-all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before Issa’s retirement, the seat was considered a toss-up. Registered Republican voters \u003ca href=\"http://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/154day-stwddirprim-2018/congressional.pdf\">outnumber\u003c/a> Democrats in the district, but Hillary Clinton carried the top of the ticket in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Issa barely survived a bruising race. He defeated his opponent, attorney and Marine Corps veteran Doug Applegate, by less than 1 percent, or fewer than 1,700 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, Issa had been identified as one of the most vulnerable GOP incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Does That Mean a Democrat Will Win?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just over a month away from California’s June 5 primary election, the 49th is far from a sure pickup for Democrats. But it is key in their quest to win 24 Republican seats nationwide and flip the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Party faithful on both sides of the aisle are fretting. Energy and enthusiasm for a “blue wave” on the left and the lure of a rare open seat on the right has attracted 16 hopefuls — including four Democrats and eight Republicans. It will be a long primary ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means both Democrats and Republicans risk fracturing the vote. California has a top-two primary system, and that could result in either two Democrats or two Republicans to pick from come November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/libdenk/status/991125200644202496\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How Would That Work?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California allows the two highest vote-getters to pass through to the general election, regardless of party affiliation. In a field stacked with viable candidates, fellow Republicans could splinter their party’s vote and allow two Democrats to rise to the top. Likewise, too many options for Democrats may spread liberal votes too thinly, leading to a GOP-only race in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cook Political Report has placed CA-49 in the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\">Lean Democratic\u003c/a>” column.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But liberal activists and party operatives believe without a culling of the field, there’s a good chance no Democrat survives to face off in November. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-democratic-activists-hoping-flip-rep-1519236882-htmlstory.html\">released in February\u003c/a> by the left-leaning group Flip the 49th showed two Republicans — Assemblyman Rocky Chavez and state Board of Equalization member Diane Harkey — edging out the Democratic field, led by Doug Applegate and environmental Attorney Mike Levin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic voters got little clarity from the state party’s convention in February. Levin narrowly failed to garner 60 percent of the delegate vote needed to get the official Democratic endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What the Voters Said\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At Monday’s forum, where the crowd leaned left, Nicholas Walker of San Clemente said he’s worried too many Democrats on the ballot is a losing proposition. Those now polling lower, he says, should drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s too many, we need to narrow it down,” he said. “If you’re one or two percent, there’s no way possible, mathematically, that you can stay in a race. You have to concede.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>D.J. Logemann of San Juan Capistrano said he’s always been an independent and he still hadn’t heard anything compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important issue is access to elected officials. Like town halls,” Logemann said. “This environment is very partisan. Everyone is more interested in helping themselves, not their constituents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What the Polls Say\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>GOP voters seem to be coalescing somewhat more distinctly around a frontrunner. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.surveyusa.com/client/PollReport.aspx?g=1ce8330c-2f95-4035-9e94-97ca9bfc0ba5\">SurveyUSA Poll\u003c/a> conducted in early April, Republican Chavez leads returning challenger Applegate, garnering 16 percent support to 12 percent for the Democrat. The rest of the field failed to break 10 percent. And there was a big caveat: Nearly one in five polled said they were undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez, who like Applegate also served in the Marine Corps, has become a target for some critics from the right. Their objection? His support for former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s centrist New Way California group. They also criticize his vote last summer to help extend Gov. Jerry Brown’s cap-and-trade system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Juan Capistrano City Councilman Brian Maryott lagged in the April 12 poll, coming in at 5 percent, tying San Diego County Supervisor and GOP candidate Kristin Gaspar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/politics/sd-me-campaign-finances-20180417-story.html\">out-fundraising\u003c/a> Republicans in the race. Four Democrats, including former non-profit CEO Sara Jacobs and real estate investor Paul Kerr, each have more money in the bank than the highest-raising Republican.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Just over a month from California’s June 5 primary, Issa’s district is far from a sure pickup for Democrats. But it is key in their quest to flip the House of Representatives.",
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"title": "What You Need to Know in the Free-for-all Race to Replace Darrell Issa | KQED",
"description": "Just over a month from California’s June 5 primary, Issa’s district is far from a sure pickup for Democrats. But it is key in their quest to flip the House of Representatives.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The 49th Congressional District of California spans parts of coastal Orange and San Diego Counties, from La Jolla in the South up to Dana Point in the North. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has long been considered a GOP stronghold. But Hillary Clinton won here in 2016, and it’s now considered to be trending purple.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes the race to replace Darrell Issa — an eight-term GOP congressman who announced in January that he wouldn’t run again — a very competitive one.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Candidate Forum\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Four of the 16 candidates on the primary ballot took the stage at Capo Beach Church in Capistrano Beach on Monday night. The forum was organized by a group of non-partisan, non-profit organizations: Capo Cares of Dana Point, Advocates for Responsible Treatment of San Juan Capistrano and the Coalition to Save San Clemente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the candidates who spoke at the forum, two are Republicans, and two are Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The links below go to pages on their positions and donors on the nonpartisan website Voter’s Edge and to their campaign websites:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rocky Chavez (R)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/area/69/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138107?&county=san%20diego%20county&election_authority_id=37\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.rockychavezforcongress.com/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brian Maryott (R)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/area/69/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138110?&county=san%20diego%20county&election_authority_id=37\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://maryottforcongress.com/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Doug Applegate (D)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/69-c138de/address/%2025975%20domingo%20ave,%20capistrano%20beach/zip/92624/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138103?date=2018-06-05\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://www.applegateforcongress.com/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Mike Levin (D)\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/69-c138de/address/%2025975%20domingo%20ave,%20capistrano%20beach/zip/92624/contests/contest/16631/candidate/138106?date=2018-06-05\">Voters Edge info\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003ca href=\"https://mikelevin.org/\">Campaign site\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.org/ca/en/ballot/election/69-c138de/address/%2025975%20domingo%20ave,%20capistrano%20beach/zip/92624/contests/contest/16631?date=2018-06-05\">Read about the rest of the field on Voter’s Edge >>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What Happened to the Incumbent?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In January, GOP Congressman Darrell Issa announced he would not run again. He’d served eight terms. Readers with good memories might remember that it was Issa, who is one of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-richest-in-congress-darrell-issa-story.html\">wealthiest members of Congress\u003c/a>, who got the recall of Gov. Gray Davis going. He bowed out once fellow Republican Arnold Schwarzenegger, and ultimate victor, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-issa-says-arnolds-entry-pushed-him-out-of-recall-2003aug14-story.html\">entered the race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665809\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-800x550.jpg\" alt=\"Rep. Darrell Issa and then-gubernatorial candidate Arnold Schwarzenegger shake hands September 26, 2003 in Santa Monica.\" width=\"800\" height=\"550\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665809\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-800x550.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-1020x701.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-1200x824.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-1180x811.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-960x660.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-240x165.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-375x258.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/IssaArnold-520x357.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Darrell Issa and then-gubernatorial candidate Arnold Schwarzenegger shake hands September 26, 2003 in Santa Monica. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prior to Issa’s decision to leave Congress, activists had spent months showing up to weekly demonstrations outside his Vista district offices. Those protests even caused a mild controversy when \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-conflicting-stories-follow-image-of-1496173239-htmlstory.html\">Issa appeared on the roof \u003c/a>to take a photo of the protesters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Race to Replace Issa\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>After months of campaigning and jockeying for position, the race to represent California’s 49th district still looks like a free-for-all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before Issa’s retirement, the seat was considered a toss-up. Registered Republican voters \u003ca href=\"http://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ror/154day-stwddirprim-2018/congressional.pdf\">outnumber\u003c/a> Democrats in the district, but Hillary Clinton carried the top of the ticket in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Issa barely survived a bruising race. He defeated his opponent, attorney and Marine Corps veteran Doug Applegate, by less than 1 percent, or fewer than 1,700 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, Issa had been identified as one of the most vulnerable GOP incumbents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Does That Mean a Democrat Will Win?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just over a month away from California’s June 5 primary election, the 49th is far from a sure pickup for Democrats. But it is key in their quest to win 24 Republican seats nationwide and flip the House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Party faithful on both sides of the aisle are fretting. Energy and enthusiasm for a “blue wave” on the left and the lure of a rare open seat on the right has attracted 16 hopefuls — including four Democrats and eight Republicans. It will be a long primary ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that means both Democrats and Republicans risk fracturing the vote. California has a top-two primary system, and that could result in either two Democrats or two Republicans to pick from come November.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003ch3>How Would That Work?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>California allows the two highest vote-getters to pass through to the general election, regardless of party affiliation. In a field stacked with viable candidates, fellow Republicans could splinter their party’s vote and allow two Democrats to rise to the top. Likewise, too many options for Democrats may spread liberal votes too thinly, leading to a GOP-only race in the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cook Political Report has placed CA-49 in the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.cookpolitical.com/ratings/house-race-ratings\">Lean Democratic\u003c/a>” column.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But liberal activists and party operatives believe without a culling of the field, there’s a good chance no Democrat survives to face off in November. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A poll \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-democratic-activists-hoping-flip-rep-1519236882-htmlstory.html\">released in February\u003c/a> by the left-leaning group Flip the 49th showed two Republicans — Assemblyman Rocky Chavez and state Board of Equalization member Diane Harkey — edging out the Democratic field, led by Doug Applegate and environmental Attorney Mike Levin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic voters got little clarity from the state party’s convention in February. Levin narrowly failed to garner 60 percent of the delegate vote needed to get the official Democratic endorsement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What the Voters Said\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>At Monday’s forum, where the crowd leaned left, Nicholas Walker of San Clemente said he’s worried too many Democrats on the ballot is a losing proposition. Those now polling lower, he says, should drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s too many, we need to narrow it down,” he said. “If you’re one or two percent, there’s no way possible, mathematically, that you can stay in a race. You have to concede.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>D.J. Logemann of San Juan Capistrano said he’s always been an independent and he still hadn’t heard anything compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important issue is access to elected officials. Like town halls,” Logemann said. “This environment is very partisan. Everyone is more interested in helping themselves, not their constituents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What the Polls Say\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>GOP voters seem to be coalescing somewhat more distinctly around a frontrunner. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.surveyusa.com/client/PollReport.aspx?g=1ce8330c-2f95-4035-9e94-97ca9bfc0ba5\">SurveyUSA Poll\u003c/a> conducted in early April, Republican Chavez leads returning challenger Applegate, garnering 16 percent support to 12 percent for the Democrat. The rest of the field failed to break 10 percent. And there was a big caveat: Nearly one in five polled said they were undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chavez, who like Applegate also served in the Marine Corps, has become a target for some critics from the right. Their objection? His support for former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger’s centrist New Way California group. They also criticize his vote last summer to help extend Gov. Jerry Brown’s cap-and-trade system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Juan Capistrano City Councilman Brian Maryott lagged in the April 12 poll, coming in at 5 percent, tying San Diego County Supervisor and GOP candidate Kristin Gaspar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are \u003ca href=\"http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/news/politics/sd-me-campaign-finances-20180417-story.html\">out-fundraising\u003c/a> Republicans in the race. Four Democrats, including former non-profit CEO Sara Jacobs and real estate investor Paul Kerr, each have more money in the bank than the highest-raising Republican.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The ACLU and other groups filed a lawsuit Wednesday against the Orange County city of Los Alamitos for its new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656951/small-city-moves-to-opt-out-of-californias-sanctuary-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordinance\u003c/a> barring the city from enforcing a state law that limits local cooperation with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed on behalf of several Los Alamitos residents and the group Los Alamitos Community United, claims the city’s ordinance violates the California Constitution and state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Los Alamitos City Council cannot pick and choose which state laws it follows,” ACLU attorney Sameer Ahmed said at a news conference in front of the City Council chambers, before delivering the lawsuit to city officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just days earlier, several hundred pro-immigrant protesters had stood in the same spot in hopes of convincing the City Council to reverse its earlier vote to pass the ordinance. Those protesters were countered by a group that turned out to support the city’s defiance of the state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, the council confirmed the ordinance in a 4-1 vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move by Los Alamitos has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662431/opposition-to-immigrant-sanctuary-spreading-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sparked a wave of measures\u003c/a> in other cities in Orange County and elsewhere in the state opposing the state’s California Values Act, also known as the sanctuary law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boards of supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658198/orange-county-considers-fighting-states-sanctuary-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Orange\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11663084/san-diego-county-supervisors-vote-to-support-trump-sanctuary-state-lawsuit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Diego\u003c/a> counties have both voted to join the U.S. Department of Justice’s lawsuit against California over the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Los Alamitos appears to be the only city in California to pass a law exempting itself from complying with the California Values Act. The city of Orange passed a similar resolution, which is generally weaker than an ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rev. Sam Pullen of the Community Congregational United Church of Christ of Los Alamitos said residents had a moral obligation to oppose the city’s ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It not only violates the California Values Act, it also violates a deeper moral law that we are called to follow, which is to love and welcome our immigrant neighbors,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Alamitos City Councilman Warren Kusumoto, who introduced the anti-sanctuary ordinance, said in an email that he couldn’t comment on pending litigation. The mayor and city manager also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Shelley Hasselbrink said Monday, before casting her vote in favor of the ordinance, “I’m taking a stance on this because of my oath to uphold the Constitution of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other opponents of the California Values Act say it violates the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The ACLU and other groups filed a lawsuit Wednesday against the Orange County city of Los Alamitos for its new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656951/small-city-moves-to-opt-out-of-californias-sanctuary-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ordinance\u003c/a> barring the city from enforcing a state law that limits local cooperation with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit, filed on behalf of several Los Alamitos residents and the group Los Alamitos Community United, claims the city’s ordinance violates the California Constitution and state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Los Alamitos City Council cannot pick and choose which state laws it follows,” ACLU attorney Sameer Ahmed said at a news conference in front of the City Council chambers, before delivering the lawsuit to city officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just days earlier, several hundred pro-immigrant protesters had stood in the same spot in hopes of convincing the City Council to reverse its earlier vote to pass the ordinance. Those protesters were countered by a group that turned out to support the city’s defiance of the state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end, the council confirmed the ordinance in a 4-1 vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move by Los Alamitos has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11662431/opposition-to-immigrant-sanctuary-spreading-in-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sparked a wave of measures\u003c/a> in other cities in Orange County and elsewhere in the state opposing the state’s California Values Act, also known as the sanctuary law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The boards of supervisors in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658198/orange-county-considers-fighting-states-sanctuary-law\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Orange\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11663084/san-diego-county-supervisors-vote-to-support-trump-sanctuary-state-lawsuit\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Diego\u003c/a> counties have both voted to join the U.S. Department of Justice’s lawsuit against California over the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Los Alamitos appears to be the only city in California to pass a law exempting itself from complying with the California Values Act. The city of Orange passed a similar resolution, which is generally weaker than an ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rev. Sam Pullen of the Community Congregational United Church of Christ of Los Alamitos said residents had a moral obligation to oppose the city’s ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It not only violates the California Values Act, it also violates a deeper moral law that we are called to follow, which is to love and welcome our immigrant neighbors,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Alamitos City Councilman Warren Kusumoto, who introduced the anti-sanctuary ordinance, said in an email that he couldn’t comment on pending litigation. The mayor and city manager also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilwoman Shelley Hasselbrink said Monday, before casting her vote in favor of the ordinance, “I’m taking a stance on this because of my oath to uphold the Constitution of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and other opponents of the California Values Act say it violates the U.S. Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "L.A. Mayor's New Homelessness Plan: More Shelters, More Enforcement",
"title": "L.A. Mayor's New Homelessness Plan: More Shelters, More Enforcement",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Could the prospect of cleaner streets and sidewalks free of homeless encampments be enough to override L.A.'s history of NIMBYism?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's the hope behind a new plan by L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti to spread $20 million worth of emergency homeless shelters across the city — and simultaneously beef up the Bureau of Sanitation resources traditionally responsible for clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcetti unveiled the proposal \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/04/16/82323/la-mayor-s-state-of-the-city-address-live-with-ann/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">during his annual State of the City address\u003c/a> on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has approximately 25,000 \"unsheltered\" homeless, living in vehicles, tents or in the open, according to the last tally in January 2017. Officials estimate there are nearly 43,000 unsheltered homeless countywide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county estimates it needs more than 3,000 more shelter beds to be able to accommodate everyone — and finding sites for new shelters is a perpetual challenge. Neighborhoods simply don't want them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has left the need in places like the San Fernando Valley and L.A.'s West Side quite high, said Matt Szabo, Garcetti's deputy chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan to change that centers around a promise: For any neighborhood that houses one of these new shelters, the city will keep it clear of homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Plan Would Work\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Garcetti is asking the City Council to appropriate about $1.3 million to each of L.A.'s 15 council districts to construct a temporary shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The area around the shelter would then become a target zone for enforcement efforts by special LAPD Homeless Outreach and Proactive Engagement (HOPE) teams and Bureau of Sanitation workers who would keep the area clear of encampments. (HOPE teams partner law enforcement with service providers to do outreach and enforcement related to homelessness.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teams from the L.A. Homeless Services Authority and L.A. County Department of Mental Health would conduct outreach in the neighborhood in the runup to the shelters' opening to get as many people into services and housing as possible, according to the mayor's plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Once the facilities are open, then those that remain in the encampments will be encouraged to move into the shelter,\" Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Garcetti said anyone who seeks help getting off the streets will get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662872\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-800x558.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti.\" width=\"800\" height=\"558\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-800x558.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-1020x711.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-1180x822.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-960x669.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-240x167.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-375x261.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-520x362.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. \u003ccite>(Emma McIntyre/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Some folks will only stay for a few weeks in our new shelters, where we can connect them to a job or a rapid-rehousing voucher. Once they’ve gotten back on their feet, we’ll be able to turn that bed over to someone else ... two, three, four times in a year,\" Garcetti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Other folks could be there for six months before they’re ready to move somewhere permanent. But everybody will get the help that they need.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city would then determine and post a date by which homeless people would either have to move into the shelter or leave the neighborhood, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When the enforcement begins, the encampment will be removed, and we will not allow for re-encampment in those targeted areas,\" Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if the mayor is confident the plan complies with L.A.'s various settlement agreements regarding the rights of homeless people, Szabo said the mayor's office has been working with the L.A. City Attorney's Office on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details of how enforcement would work and what radius around the shelter would be an encampment-free zone is still under discussion, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To fund enforcement, Garcetti is proposing a $29 million boost in homelessness spending related to city departments in the coming fiscal year, $17 million of which would go to the Bureau of Sanitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of LAPD officers paired with these teams (40 citywide) would remain the same as in the last fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662876\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662876\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"LAPD officers patrol on bicycles past a homeless man in downtown Los Angeles.\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-800x504.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-1020x642.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-1200x756.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-1180x743.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-960x605.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LAPD officers patrol on bicycles past a homeless man in downtown Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What Would These Shelters Look Like and Where Would They Be?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed shelters are intended to be temporary, meaning lasting up to three years, and could take many forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're looking at tent structures, we're looking at trailers,\" Szabo said. \"There may be some instances where we use an existing building.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shelters would be administered by the L.A. Homeless Services Authority, likely through contracts with community providers. Any on-site services would ideally be paid for by L.A. County, he said, adding that the city is in talks with the county to determine whether funds from Measure H, a new sales tax, could pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simultaneously, the city has been working with the state to establish \"alternative minimum health and safety standards\" to apply to the temporary shelters, which would relieve the structures of some of the need to conform to building and fire safety codes, said Szabo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for such standards and any zoning changes and other red tape would be substantially reduced if the L.A. City Council enacts an emergency declaration regarding homelessness. The council is expected to take up such a declaration on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for siting, Szabo said no council district or neighborhood would be forced to open a shelter against the community's wishes. Neighborhood councils would be involved in locating sites. And the district's city council representative would still have the ability to nix any project, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But should a council district not use its funds in short order, it would lose access to them, and to the promise of stepped-up encampment cleanups, Szabo noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money could potentially fund up to 100 beds in each council district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662867\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-800x498.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless woman stands in front of her tent near Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles on June 20, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"498\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-800x498.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-160x100.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-1020x635.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-1200x747.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-1180x734.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-960x598.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-240x149.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-375x233.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-520x324.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless woman stands in front of her tent near Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles on June 20, 2017. \u003ccite>(FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Wait, That's Nowhere Near Enough to Shelter L.A.'s Homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\"The need is enormous. This is a start,\" Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city, he said, is hoping for financial help from the state to expand the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcetti was recently in Sacramento to help lobby for the passage of AB 3171, a bill that would create $1.5 billion in block grants for localities to spend on addressing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, introduced by Assembly Member Phil Ting (D-San Francisco), is scheduled to go before the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB 3171 becomes law, Szabo said Garcetti's plan could work as a model for rolling those funds out in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Nowhere Near Enough': Homeless Advocates Respond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Andy Bales, CEO of the Union Rescue Mission, said Mayor Garcetti's proposal is a good first step, but that more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[This plan] is nowhere near what I would hope for, nowhere near what the Urban Land Institute called for,\" he said. \"These are experts from all around the country who came and consulted with the leaders of Los Angeles, and it's nowhere near enough for people who are suffering on the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Urban Land Institute recently recommended that L.A. build 60 shelters across the city, which would be four in each district, not one, Bales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, building shelters in more neighborhoods would be a positive change, he said, because it could be a step to help get more people into shelters and off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Having a shelter in your own neighborhood to go to when you lose your housing rather than having to go to the mean streets of skid row, that would help immensely,\" Bales said. \"And wouldn't we as neighbors rather say yes to shelter and accountability and care, rather than saying no, not in my backyard? Yes to people being under a roof instead of leaving people on the streets to suffer?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, finding shelter sites has been a challenge around Southern California because many neighborhoods don't want them, so the opinions of residents across L.A. are a potential concern for Garcetti's new plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Ko, director of Homeless Initiatives for United Way of Greater Los Angeles, said his organization's polling shows that L.A. residents actually do support more shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think people understand that other solutions are just temporary and patchworks. People that we've spoken to, as long as they know that there's a plan and that there's something that is more holistic that will move people inside, that's what our residents are really asking for at the end of the day.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea of a more holistic, permanent solution to homelessness is something that should be incorporated into this plan and the shelters being built, Ko said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we need to make sure is that every single bed constructed has a connection to permanent housing. We've started calling these solutions bridge housing because we want them to connect to the next step of exiting homelessness. Unless every bed has a connection to a permanent exit, they become bridges to nowhere.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ko said that means having enough permanent housing to accommodate everyone in shelters later moving to a permanent home.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Eric Garcetti plans to spread $20 million worth of emergency shelters across the city while simultaneously beefing up resources traditionally responsible for clearing encampments.",
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"description": "Eric Garcetti plans to spread $20 million worth of emergency shelters across the city while simultaneously beefing up resources traditionally responsible for clearing encampments.",
"title": "L.A. Mayor's New Homelessness Plan: More Shelters, More Enforcement | KQED",
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"headline": "L.A. Mayor's New Homelessness Plan: More Shelters, More Enforcement",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/about/people/staff/rina-palta\">Rina Palta\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Could the prospect of cleaner streets and sidewalks free of homeless encampments be enough to override L.A.'s history of NIMBYism?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's the hope behind a new plan by L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti to spread $20 million worth of emergency homeless shelters across the city — and simultaneously beef up the Bureau of Sanitation resources traditionally responsible for clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcetti unveiled the proposal \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/04/16/82323/la-mayor-s-state-of-the-city-address-live-with-ann/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">during his annual State of the City address\u003c/a> on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has approximately 25,000 \"unsheltered\" homeless, living in vehicles, tents or in the open, according to the last tally in January 2017. Officials estimate there are nearly 43,000 unsheltered homeless countywide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county estimates it needs more than 3,000 more shelter beds to be able to accommodate everyone — and finding sites for new shelters is a perpetual challenge. Neighborhoods simply don't want them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has left the need in places like the San Fernando Valley and L.A.'s West Side quite high, said Matt Szabo, Garcetti's deputy chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan to change that centers around a promise: For any neighborhood that houses one of these new shelters, the city will keep it clear of homeless encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How the Plan Would Work\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Garcetti is asking the City Council to appropriate about $1.3 million to each of L.A.'s 15 council districts to construct a temporary shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The area around the shelter would then become a target zone for enforcement efforts by special LAPD Homeless Outreach and Proactive Engagement (HOPE) teams and Bureau of Sanitation workers who would keep the area clear of encampments. (HOPE teams partner law enforcement with service providers to do outreach and enforcement related to homelessness.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teams from the L.A. Homeless Services Authority and L.A. County Department of Mental Health would conduct outreach in the neighborhood in the runup to the shelters' opening to get as many people into services and housing as possible, according to the mayor's plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Once the facilities are open, then those that remain in the encampments will be encouraged to move into the shelter,\" Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his address, Garcetti said anyone who seeks help getting off the streets will get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662872\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662872\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-800x558.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti.\" width=\"800\" height=\"558\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-800x558.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-160x112.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-1020x711.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-1200x836.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-1180x822.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-960x669.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-240x167.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-375x261.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Garcetti-520x362.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. \u003ccite>(Emma McIntyre/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"Some folks will only stay for a few weeks in our new shelters, where we can connect them to a job or a rapid-rehousing voucher. Once they’ve gotten back on their feet, we’ll be able to turn that bed over to someone else ... two, three, four times in a year,\" Garcetti said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Other folks could be there for six months before they’re ready to move somewhere permanent. But everybody will get the help that they need.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city would then determine and post a date by which homeless people would either have to move into the shelter or leave the neighborhood, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When the enforcement begins, the encampment will be removed, and we will not allow for re-encampment in those targeted areas,\" Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if the mayor is confident the plan complies with L.A.'s various settlement agreements regarding the rights of homeless people, Szabo said the mayor's office has been working with the L.A. City Attorney's Office on the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details of how enforcement would work and what radius around the shelter would be an encampment-free zone is still under discussion, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To fund enforcement, Garcetti is proposing a $29 million boost in homelessness spending related to city departments in the coming fiscal year, $17 million of which would go to the Bureau of Sanitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of LAPD officers paired with these teams (40 citywide) would remain the same as in the last fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662876\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662876\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"LAPD officers patrol on bicycles past a homeless man in downtown Los Angeles.\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-800x504.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-160x101.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-1020x642.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-1200x756.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-1180x743.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-960x605.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-240x151.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-375x236.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PoliceRidePast-520x327.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LAPD officers patrol on bicycles past a homeless man in downtown Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What Would These Shelters Look Like and Where Would They Be?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed shelters are intended to be temporary, meaning lasting up to three years, and could take many forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're looking at tent structures, we're looking at trailers,\" Szabo said. \"There may be some instances where we use an existing building.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shelters would be administered by the L.A. Homeless Services Authority, likely through contracts with community providers. Any on-site services would ideally be paid for by L.A. County, he said, adding that the city is in talks with the county to determine whether funds from Measure H, a new sales tax, could pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simultaneously, the city has been working with the state to establish \"alternative minimum health and safety standards\" to apply to the temporary shelters, which would relieve the structures of some of the need to conform to building and fire safety codes, said Szabo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for such standards and any zoning changes and other red tape would be substantially reduced if the L.A. City Council enacts an emergency declaration regarding homelessness. The council is expected to take up such a declaration on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for siting, Szabo said no council district or neighborhood would be forced to open a shelter against the community's wishes. Neighborhood councils would be involved in locating sites. And the district's city council representative would still have the ability to nix any project, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But should a council district not use its funds in short order, it would lose access to them, and to the promise of stepped-up encampment cleanups, Szabo noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money could potentially fund up to 100 beds in each council district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11662867\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11662867\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-800x498.jpg\" alt=\"A homeless woman stands in front of her tent near Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles on June 20, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"498\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-800x498.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-160x100.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-1020x635.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-1200x747.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-1180x734.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-960x598.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-240x149.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-375x233.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/LAHomeless-520x324.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless woman stands in front of her tent near Skid Row in downtown Los Angeles on June 20, 2017. \u003ccite>(FREDERIC J. BROWN/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Wait, That's Nowhere Near Enough to Shelter L.A.'s Homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\"The need is enormous. This is a start,\" Szabo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city, he said, is hoping for financial help from the state to expand the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcetti was recently in Sacramento to help lobby for the passage of AB 3171, a bill that would create $1.5 billion in block grants for localities to spend on addressing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, introduced by Assembly Member Phil Ting (D-San Francisco), is scheduled to go before the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If AB 3171 becomes law, Szabo said Garcetti's plan could work as a model for rolling those funds out in L.A.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'Nowhere Near Enough': Homeless Advocates Respond\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Andy Bales, CEO of the Union Rescue Mission, said Mayor Garcetti's proposal is a good first step, but that more needs to be done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[This plan] is nowhere near what I would hope for, nowhere near what the Urban Land Institute called for,\" he said. \"These are experts from all around the country who came and consulted with the leaders of Los Angeles, and it's nowhere near enough for people who are suffering on the streets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Urban Land Institute recently recommended that L.A. build 60 shelters across the city, which would be four in each district, not one, Bales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, building shelters in more neighborhoods would be a positive change, he said, because it could be a step to help get more people into shelters and off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Having a shelter in your own neighborhood to go to when you lose your housing rather than having to go to the mean streets of skid row, that would help immensely,\" Bales said. \"And wouldn't we as neighbors rather say yes to shelter and accountability and care, rather than saying no, not in my backyard? Yes to people being under a roof instead of leaving people on the streets to suffer?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, finding shelter sites has been a challenge around Southern California because many neighborhoods don't want them, so the opinions of residents across L.A. are a potential concern for Garcetti's new plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Ko, director of Homeless Initiatives for United Way of Greater Los Angeles, said his organization's polling shows that L.A. residents actually do support more shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think people understand that other solutions are just temporary and patchworks. People that we've spoken to, as long as they know that there's a plan and that there's something that is more holistic that will move people inside, that's what our residents are really asking for at the end of the day.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea of a more holistic, permanent solution to homelessness is something that should be incorporated into this plan and the shelters being built, Ko said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"What we need to make sure is that every single bed constructed has a connection to permanent housing. We've started calling these solutions bridge housing because we want them to connect to the next step of exiting homelessness. Unless every bed has a connection to a permanent exit, they become bridges to nowhere.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ko said that means having enough permanent housing to accommodate everyone in shelters later moving to a permanent home.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "LAUSD Will Base Some School Spending on Neighborhood Shootings, Asthma Rates",
"title": "LAUSD Will Base Some School Spending on Neighborhood Shootings, Asthma Rates",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Starting next year, Los Angeles Unified School District officials will consider asthma rates and injuries from gun violence in neighborhoods near its campuses to help decide which district schools are most in need of extra funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are among nearly a dozen new factors L.A. Unified officials will use to rank schools by their level of student need. Among the new metrics: graduation rates, test scores, how many fights a school sees and even how well incoming students fared academically in their old schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The L.A. Unified School Board voted unanimously Tuesday night to add these factors and others to its Student Equity Needs Index (SENI), a formula it has used to divvy up a relatively small portion of its overall budget to around 780 schools across the district since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rewritten index — \"SENI 2.0,\" as its backers called it — still takes into account whether a school serves high numbers of low-income students, foster youth and English learners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those three groups of students all generate extra funding for L.A. Unified under California's school funding law — and that law nominally requires districts to use that extra funding to pay for new services for those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of L.A. Unified students fit into at least one of these three groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, activist groups — most of them from South and East L.A. — have sought a rewrite to the district's formula, saying L.A. Unified officials need to meaningfully differentiate needy schools from the needi\u003cem>est\u003c/em> schools, and target funding to those schools more carefully. (One group even \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/06/06/61320/state-l-a-unified-shortchanging-funding-for-high-n/\">sued\u003c/a> the district over concerns the neediest students were being shortchanged; \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/09/14/75626/lausd-settles-legal-case-that-cut-to-the-core-of-h/\">the case was recently settled\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hence the desire to include new metrics that might illustrate more vividly the level of student need in a school — such as measures of asthma cases and gun injuries in neighborhoods \u003cem>around\u003c/em> the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’ve consistently found,\" said John Kim, executive director of the Advancement Project of California, \"that asthma severity and non-fatal gunshot injuries are the best proxy predictors for additional trauma and additional health burdens that these students face.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 100 student and parent supporters from organizing groups like Inner City Struggle and the Community Coalition of South L.A. packed the meeting, waving signs and pounding drums just outside, urging board members to proceed with the rewrite.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We’ve consistently found that asthma severity and non-fatal gunshot injuries are the best proxy predictors for additional trauma and additional health burdens that these students face.'\u003ccite>John Kim, Advancement Project of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"It's just really dope,\" said Edna Chavez, a senior at Manual Arts High School, who emerged exuberant from Tuesday's meeting. Chavez is also a student leader in the Community Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This was really important,\" Chavez added, \"not only for me, but for my peers and for many students across LAUSD.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the sea of SENI 2.0 supporters, another group of more skeptical parents held firm. They contend that within L.A. Unified — a district in which nearly nine out of every 10 students qualifies as low-income — it's not possible to take funds away from even a relatively well-off school without harming services for needy students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachel Greene, a former chair of L.A. Unified's Parent Advisory Committee, said the last time that group studied a similar proposal, \"there were concerns about robbing Peter to pay Paul.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is the issue, again, of adequacy,\" added Greene, referring to California's near-worst-in-the-nation levels of per-pupil funding. \"If the energy that you’re about to hear would also be redirected toward a [\u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article198755304.html\">proposed increase in commercial property taxes\u003c/a>], we would be talking about something real. Instead, what we’re talking about is shifting deck chairs while we try to maneuver away from icebergs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661373\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles Unified School Board President Mónica García addresses a crowd of students and parents from Inner City Struggle and the Community Coalition of South L.A. The group gathered on Tuesday, April 10, 2018, to support García's resolution to re-write the district's "Student Equity Needs Index."\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-800x552.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-960x663.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-240x166.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-375x259.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-520x359.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Unified School Board President Mónica García addresses a crowd of students and parents from Inner City Struggle and the Community Coalition of South L.A. The group gathered on April 10, 2018, to support García's resolution to rewrite the district's Student Equity Needs Index. \u003ccite>(Kyle Stokes/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Parents also objected to the timing of the board's vote. Initially, the board was supposed to vote on the index in May. But at 4:45 p.m. Monday afternoon, the L.A. Unified board posted notice that it would vote on the new equity index 24 hours later. Even supporters deeply involved in the process were surprised. On a press call just after 5:30 p.m. Monday, supporters expressed surprise to learn the item had been scheduled for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a very surreptitious way of doing business whereby you trying to hide from something perhaps you don’t want us to know,\" said Roberto Fonseca, a member of L.A. Unified's Parent Advisory Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activist groups can't walk away completely satisfied either. As much as they wanted a rewritten Student Needs Equity Index, they also wanted to push the L.A. Unified board to put more money behind that index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, L.A. Unified officials say they distribute more than $240 million based on its old Student Equity Needs Index. (One report from the Partnership for L.A. Schools suggests \u003ca href=\"https://partnershipla.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/StudentNeedIndex_18_final.pdf\">the amount linked to that index is actually much less\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, school board president Mónica García proposed bringing in SENI 2.0 with a big budget splash, committing another $100 million in new funding for its rollout next school year — and yet another $300 million in new funding the year after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other board members balked at that high investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a flurry of last-minute amendments, the L.A. Unified board decided to scrounge up only $25 million in 2018-19 based on SENI 2.0 metrics like asthma rates, gunshot injuries and test scores. The rest of the money will be distributed to schools based on the old index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, in the year after next, SENI 2.0 would be used to divide up a larger pot of money — about $263 million in 2019-20, according to chief financial officer Scott Price — but in total, still not much more than the district says it currently distributes based on the index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm Mónica García — I always want more,\" the board member said lightheartedly after the meeting. \"And yes, we could've done more, but it was so important to move. ... It's a first step in correcting or addressing the absence of an equity needs index systemwide.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. Unified officials argue that, in terms of the amount of funds the district has discretion in spending, the equity index is a significant program. It accounts for roughly one-fifth of the $1.1 billion in \"supplemental and concentration\" funds from the state -- funds the district has the greatest flexibility in spending to benefit high-needs students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, UC Berkeley professor Bruce Fuller — who has collaborated with some of the activist groups in the past — noted the district's overall budget stands at more than $7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Bottom-line,\" Fuller wrote in an email Tuesday morning, the new index \"could boost the district's progress in raising achievement in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods. But it would still apply to a tiny fraction of the district's overall budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "It’s an attempt by L.A. Unified to use metrics that more vividly illustrate the level of student need in a given school, in order to target funding more carefully.",
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"title": "LAUSD Will Base Some School Spending on Neighborhood Shootings, Asthma Rates | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Starting next year, Los Angeles Unified School District officials will consider asthma rates and injuries from gun violence in neighborhoods near its campuses to help decide which district schools are most in need of extra funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are among nearly a dozen new factors L.A. Unified officials will use to rank schools by their level of student need. Among the new metrics: graduation rates, test scores, how many fights a school sees and even how well incoming students fared academically in their old schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The L.A. Unified School Board voted unanimously Tuesday night to add these factors and others to its Student Equity Needs Index (SENI), a formula it has used to divvy up a relatively small portion of its overall budget to around 780 schools across the district since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rewritten index — \"SENI 2.0,\" as its backers called it — still takes into account whether a school serves high numbers of low-income students, foster youth and English learners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those three groups of students all generate extra funding for L.A. Unified under California's school funding law — and that law nominally requires districts to use that extra funding to pay for new services for those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of L.A. Unified students fit into at least one of these three groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, activist groups — most of them from South and East L.A. — have sought a rewrite to the district's formula, saying L.A. Unified officials need to meaningfully differentiate needy schools from the needi\u003cem>est\u003c/em> schools, and target funding to those schools more carefully. (One group even \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/06/06/61320/state-l-a-unified-shortchanging-funding-for-high-n/\">sued\u003c/a> the district over concerns the neediest students were being shortchanged; \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/09/14/75626/lausd-settles-legal-case-that-cut-to-the-core-of-h/\">the case was recently settled\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hence the desire to include new metrics that might illustrate more vividly the level of student need in a school — such as measures of asthma cases and gun injuries in neighborhoods \u003cem>around\u003c/em> the school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We’ve consistently found,\" said John Kim, executive director of the Advancement Project of California, \"that asthma severity and non-fatal gunshot injuries are the best proxy predictors for additional trauma and additional health burdens that these students face.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 100 student and parent supporters from organizing groups like Inner City Struggle and the Community Coalition of South L.A. packed the meeting, waving signs and pounding drums just outside, urging board members to proceed with the rewrite.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We’ve consistently found that asthma severity and non-fatal gunshot injuries are the best proxy predictors for additional trauma and additional health burdens that these students face.'\u003ccite>John Kim, Advancement Project of California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"It's just really dope,\" said Edna Chavez, a senior at Manual Arts High School, who emerged exuberant from Tuesday's meeting. Chavez is also a student leader in the Community Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This was really important,\" Chavez added, \"not only for me, but for my peers and for many students across LAUSD.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the sea of SENI 2.0 supporters, another group of more skeptical parents held firm. They contend that within L.A. Unified — a district in which nearly nine out of every 10 students qualifies as low-income — it's not possible to take funds away from even a relatively well-off school without harming services for needy students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachel Greene, a former chair of L.A. Unified's Parent Advisory Committee, said the last time that group studied a similar proposal, \"there were concerns about robbing Peter to pay Paul.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is the issue, again, of adequacy,\" added Greene, referring to California's near-worst-in-the-nation levels of per-pupil funding. \"If the energy that you’re about to hear would also be redirected toward a [\u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article198755304.html\">proposed increase in commercial property taxes\u003c/a>], we would be talking about something real. Instead, what we’re talking about is shifting deck chairs while we try to maneuver away from icebergs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11661373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11661373\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"Los Angeles Unified School Board President Mónica García addresses a crowd of students and parents from Inner City Struggle and the Community Coalition of South L.A. The group gathered on Tuesday, April 10, 2018, to support García's resolution to re-write the district's "Student Equity Needs Index."\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-800x552.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-960x663.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-240x166.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-375x259.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia-520x359.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MonicaGarcia.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Angeles Unified School Board President Mónica García addresses a crowd of students and parents from Inner City Struggle and the Community Coalition of South L.A. The group gathered on April 10, 2018, to support García's resolution to rewrite the district's Student Equity Needs Index. \u003ccite>(Kyle Stokes/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Parents also objected to the timing of the board's vote. Initially, the board was supposed to vote on the index in May. But at 4:45 p.m. Monday afternoon, the L.A. Unified board posted notice that it would vote on the new equity index 24 hours later. Even supporters deeply involved in the process were surprised. On a press call just after 5:30 p.m. Monday, supporters expressed surprise to learn the item had been scheduled for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a very surreptitious way of doing business whereby you trying to hide from something perhaps you don’t want us to know,\" said Roberto Fonseca, a member of L.A. Unified's Parent Advisory Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The activist groups can't walk away completely satisfied either. As much as they wanted a rewritten Student Needs Equity Index, they also wanted to push the L.A. Unified board to put more money behind that index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, L.A. Unified officials say they distribute more than $240 million based on its old Student Equity Needs Index. (One report from the Partnership for L.A. Schools suggests \u003ca href=\"https://partnershipla.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/StudentNeedIndex_18_final.pdf\">the amount linked to that index is actually much less\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, school board president Mónica García proposed bringing in SENI 2.0 with a big budget splash, committing another $100 million in new funding for its rollout next school year — and yet another $300 million in new funding the year after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But other board members balked at that high investment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a flurry of last-minute amendments, the L.A. Unified board decided to scrounge up only $25 million in 2018-19 based on SENI 2.0 metrics like asthma rates, gunshot injuries and test scores. The rest of the money will be distributed to schools based on the old index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, in the year after next, SENI 2.0 would be used to divide up a larger pot of money — about $263 million in 2019-20, according to chief financial officer Scott Price — but in total, still not much more than the district says it currently distributes based on the index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm Mónica García — I always want more,\" the board member said lightheartedly after the meeting. \"And yes, we could've done more, but it was so important to move. ... It's a first step in correcting or addressing the absence of an equity needs index systemwide.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. Unified officials argue that, in terms of the amount of funds the district has discretion in spending, the equity index is a significant program. It accounts for roughly one-fifth of the $1.1 billion in \"supplemental and concentration\" funds from the state -- funds the district has the greatest flexibility in spending to benefit high-needs students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, UC Berkeley professor Bruce Fuller — who has collaborated with some of the activist groups in the past — noted the district's overall budget stands at more than $7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Bottom-line,\" Fuller wrote in an email Tuesday morning, the new index \"could boost the district's progress in raising achievement in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods. But it would still apply to a tiny fraction of the district's overall budget.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Gov. Brown Hedges on Sending Troops to California's Border With Mexico",
"title": "Gov. Brown Hedges on Sending Troops to California's Border With Mexico",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. Jerry Brown has been silent on President Donald Trump's call this week for National Guard troops to help protect the southern border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That contrasts with the Democratic governor's quick response when Trump's administration recently sued over the deep blue state's immigration policy days before the president journeyed to San Diego to view his border wall prototypes earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was just the latest jousting in the escalating feud between the Trump administration and California, which has resisted the president at almost every turn on issues from marijuana policy to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the questions and answers on relations between the Trump administration and California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does Trump want from California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president wants to send 2,000 to 4,000 National Guard troops to the U.S.-Mexico border to help federal authorities combat illegal immigration and drug trafficking. It isn't clear how many he would seek from California. They would provide support but not go on patrols or make arrests. Republican governors in the other border states of Arizona, New Mexico and Texas backed the deployment. Even Iowa's Republican governor offered to send National Guard troops from the Midwest. Democratic governors in Oregon and Montana have said they wouldn't send troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Guard already has 55 employees helping fight drug trafficking, surveillance in the San Diego Harbor, repairing fences, roads and culverts and analyzing criminal activity in cooperation with state and federal law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How had Gov. Brown responded?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has personally spoken with U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen and other federal officials, but he hasn't publicly commented or made a decision. His office has instead referred questions to a spokesman for the California National Guard, which has said it needs more details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's in contrast to Brown's sharp response last month when U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions sued to block three California laws to protect immigrants who are in the country illegally, which Brown called \"a political stunt.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Guard says it can't respond until it has more information, including who would pay for the deployment, how long it would last and what it is expected to accomplish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown's decision might depend on the mission: would California troops be fighting international drug smugglers, or helping block immigrants from crossing the border?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is Gov. Brown keeping his powder dry?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He may just be weighing the state's policy and waiting for those answers, says Claremont McKenna College political science professor Jack Pitney. \"Trump's plan is pretty vague. It's possible at the end that Trump's request is somewhat reasonable,\" Pitney says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In contrast to his 1970s persona as an eccentric, Jerry Brown is actually a pretty cautious warrior and he's probably just weighing the policy merits of this move.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Are there political considerations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, on both sides, says San Jose State University political science professor says Larry Gerston. Trump is appealing to his conservative base, he says, not only on immigration but on issues as broad as gay rights and automobile emissions, all touchstones for California's liberal majority. \"The list goes on and on and on and so the governor from his perspective has to ask himself 'Why? Why should I be interested in cooperating when I'm getting nothing back from the federal government,'\" he said. \"So I do think that policy and politics come together here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does the White House say? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders says the administration will \"absolutely\" move forward with other border states if California balks at providing National Guard troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're working with states' governors right now to go through this process and we hope to have National Guard on the ground as soon as possible,\" she said Friday. \"And we're going to continue to work with California and we're hopeful that they'll do the right thing and help protect our borders.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Jerry Brown has been silent on President Donald Trump's call this week to deploy National Guard troops to the state's southern border with Mexico.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California Gov. Jerry Brown has been silent on President Donald Trump's call this week for National Guard troops to help protect the southern border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That contrasts with the Democratic governor's quick response when Trump's administration recently sued over the deep blue state's immigration policy days before the president journeyed to San Diego to view his border wall prototypes earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was just the latest jousting in the escalating feud between the Trump administration and California, which has resisted the president at almost every turn on issues from marijuana policy to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the questions and answers on relations between the Trump administration and California:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does Trump want from California? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president wants to send 2,000 to 4,000 National Guard troops to the U.S.-Mexico border to help federal authorities combat illegal immigration and drug trafficking. It isn't clear how many he would seek from California. They would provide support but not go on patrols or make arrests. Republican governors in the other border states of Arizona, New Mexico and Texas backed the deployment. Even Iowa's Republican governor offered to send National Guard troops from the Midwest. Democratic governors in Oregon and Montana have said they wouldn't send troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Guard already has 55 employees helping fight drug trafficking, surveillance in the San Diego Harbor, repairing fences, roads and culverts and analyzing criminal activity in cooperation with state and federal law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How had Gov. Brown responded?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has personally spoken with U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen and other federal officials, but he hasn't publicly commented or made a decision. His office has instead referred questions to a spokesman for the California National Guard, which has said it needs more details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's in contrast to Brown's sharp response last month when U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions sued to block three California laws to protect immigrants who are in the country illegally, which Brown called \"a political stunt.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Guard says it can't respond until it has more information, including who would pay for the deployment, how long it would last and what it is expected to accomplish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown's decision might depend on the mission: would California troops be fighting international drug smugglers, or helping block immigrants from crossing the border?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why is Gov. Brown keeping his powder dry?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He may just be weighing the state's policy and waiting for those answers, says Claremont McKenna College political science professor Jack Pitney. \"Trump's plan is pretty vague. It's possible at the end that Trump's request is somewhat reasonable,\" Pitney says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In contrast to his 1970s persona as an eccentric, Jerry Brown is actually a pretty cautious warrior and he's probably just weighing the policy merits of this move.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Are there political considerations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, on both sides, says San Jose State University political science professor says Larry Gerston. Trump is appealing to his conservative base, he says, not only on immigration but on issues as broad as gay rights and automobile emissions, all touchstones for California's liberal majority. \"The list goes on and on and on and so the governor from his perspective has to ask himself 'Why? Why should I be interested in cooperating when I'm getting nothing back from the federal government,'\" he said. \"So I do think that policy and politics come together here.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What does the White House say? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump spokeswoman Sarah Huckabee Sanders says the administration will \"absolutely\" move forward with other border states if California balks at providing National Guard troops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're working with states' governors right now to go through this process and we hope to have National Guard on the ground as soon as possible,\" she said Friday. \"And we're going to continue to work with California and we're hopeful that they'll do the right thing and help protect our borders.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-wineries-brace-for-bottle-shock-as-us-china-trade-war-escalates",
"title": "California Wineries Brace for Bottle Shock as US-China Trade War Escalates",
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"content": "\u003cp>All week, the United States and China have been going back forth, threatening to impose tariffs on each other’s goods. Friday morning, the trade war escalated once again, with China saying it was ready to strike back “forcefully” at the new U.S. tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the products that could feel the burn of a 25 percent tax in China are California exports, including fruits and wine. It’s just a proposal at this point, but already it’s shaking up the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been working very hard and growing our presence and educating people on wine and Napa Valley and our brand for over ten years now,” said Stephanie Honig, who is in charge of international sales at Honig Wines in Napa Valley. “We go about once a year and work with our importer and try to get the brand visible in the Chinese market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honig Wines markets a premium Cabernet Sauvignon. The Chinese clientele they go after are what they call “aspirational buyers,” someone who, as Honig described, flies coach but is looking to fly business class. Or drives a BMW but is looking to trade up to a Rolls-Royce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone who steps out and says, ‘Okay, I want to buy a nice bottle of wine, but it’s not nothing. I’m spending money on it,'” Honig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the size of the market is small, the appetite there is sizable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are very interested. It’s still a small portion of the market, and there’s a lot of room for growth,” Honig explained. “Our wine, for example, our Napa Valley Cabernet Sauvignon, is our most widely sold wine in China. And if you purchase it here in our tasting room, you would pay $50 a bottle. If you purchase it in China, it’s about $100 a bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About How the Trade War Could Affect California\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658284/california-wine-nuts-and-fruit-stand-to-lose-in-a-trump-trade-war-with-china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Wine, Nuts and Fruit Stand to Lose in a Trump Trade War With China\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>If the threatened tariffs go through, China would see the cost of those bottles increase to $115 to $120. Honig said that would be quite a blow for her winery and other vineyards like it, especially considering the competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“It’s a huge problem because obviously China is open to wines from all over the world, and people from Australia and New Zealand are very connected to that market. So, as those tariffs go to zero and ours increase, the gap just widens so much more and we become so much less competitive in that market, so it’s a step back.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But despite the hardships the possible tariff may bring on, Honig said there are no plans to de-emphasize the company’s focus on its Chinese clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t want to leave a market or discontinue your presence because it’s very hard to get back in,” Honig said. “You want to keep your relationships, keep your presence. Some people have loyalty and have the means to continue to support. We’ll all be there when we come out on the other side.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>All week, the United States and China have been going back forth, threatening to impose tariffs on each other’s goods. Friday morning, the trade war escalated once again, with China saying it was ready to strike back “forcefully” at the new U.S. tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the products that could feel the burn of a 25 percent tax in China are California exports, including fruits and wine. It’s just a proposal at this point, but already it’s shaking up the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have been working very hard and growing our presence and educating people on wine and Napa Valley and our brand for over ten years now,” said Stephanie Honig, who is in charge of international sales at Honig Wines in Napa Valley. “We go about once a year and work with our importer and try to get the brand visible in the Chinese market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Honig Wines markets a premium Cabernet Sauvignon. The Chinese clientele they go after are what they call “aspirational buyers,” someone who, as Honig described, flies coach but is looking to fly business class. Or drives a BMW but is looking to trade up to a Rolls-Royce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone who steps out and says, ‘Okay, I want to buy a nice bottle of wine, but it’s not nothing. I’m spending money on it,'” Honig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the size of the market is small, the appetite there is sizable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are very interested. It’s still a small portion of the market, and there’s a lot of room for growth,” Honig explained. “Our wine, for example, our Napa Valley Cabernet Sauvignon, is our most widely sold wine in China. And if you purchase it here in our tasting room, you would pay $50 a bottle. If you purchase it in China, it’s about $100 a bottle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About How the Trade War Could Affect California\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658284/california-wine-nuts-and-fruit-stand-to-lose-in-a-trump-trade-war-with-china\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Wine, Nuts and Fruit Stand to Lose in a Trump Trade War With China\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>If the threatened tariffs go through, China would see the cost of those bottles increase to $115 to $120. Honig said that would be quite a blow for her winery and other vineyards like it, especially considering the competition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“It’s a huge problem because obviously China is open to wines from all over the world, and people from Australia and New Zealand are very connected to that market. So, as those tariffs go to zero and ours increase, the gap just widens so much more and we become so much less competitive in that market, so it’s a step back.”\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But despite the hardships the possible tariff may bring on, Honig said there are no plans to de-emphasize the company’s focus on its Chinese clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t want to leave a market or discontinue your presence because it’s very hard to get back in,” Honig said. “You want to keep your relationships, keep your presence. Some people have loyalty and have the means to continue to support. We’ll all be there when we come out on the other side.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-california-car-culture-killed-the-promise-of-a-20-minute-commute",
"title": "How California Car Culture Killed the Promise of a 20-Minute Commute",
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"content": "\u003cp>As an innovator and early adopter of freeways, California became the symbolic capital of car culture. But the ease of movement conferred by the massive postwar freeway building boom was short-lived, turning the dream of car travel into a nightmare of congestion and long commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story of how Californians went from getting around to getting stuck behind the wheel is deeply entwined with the history of the urban freeway, an enterprise that advanced earlier and on a larger scale here than anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half a century ago, there was reason for optimism about cars. Los Angeles native Michael Alexander remembers the days when the old saying about getting anywhere in Los Angeles in 20 minutes actually held true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I trusted it at least in the first decade of driving that I did,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, Alexander was a newly minted teenage driver, many freeways had just been built and he got a job as a clown in the L.A. City Traveling Circus, performing at city parks from the San Fernando Valley to the port cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660158\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660158\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck.jpg\" alt=\"Children follow a truck as it drives into position at Granada Hills Playground to set up the 1964 Combined Traveling Circus and Kiddie Carnival. Photo dated: July 4, 1964.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"760\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-800x594.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-1020x757.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-960x713.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-240x178.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-375x278.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-520x386.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children follow a truck as it drives into position at Granada Hills Playground to set up the 1964 Combined Traveling Circus and Kiddie Carnival. Photo dated: July 4, 1964. \u003ccite>(HERALD-EXAMINER COLLECTION / LOS ANGELES PUBLIC LIBRARY)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were truly able to ride the speed limit at any time of the day,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, that 20-minute rule is absurd. His wife, Vicki Kirsch, budgets five to six times that long to drive from their home northeast of downtown to her job teaching music at UCLA about 15 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traffic data analytics firm \u003ca href=\"http://inrix.com/scorecard/?\">Inrix\u003c/a> ranked L.A. traffic not just the worst in the country, but the worst in the world in 2017, saying drivers spent more than 100 hours a year delayed by congestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not much better in the San Francisco Bay Area, ranked fifth most congested worldwide, where drivers were stuck in traffic almost 80 hours, according to Inrix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limited-access highways in urban areas were conceived in the 1920s as a way to provide speedier thoroughfares for cars while excluding streetcars, pedestrians and intersections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That history can be traced less than a mile from Alexander and Kirsch’s home on a drive they take nearly every day down the Arroyo Seco Parkway, one of the earliest freeways in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 953px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660160\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco.jpg\" alt=\"Arroyo Seco Parkway soon after opening, 1940.\" width=\"953\" height=\"724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco.jpg 953w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-800x608.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-240x182.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-375x285.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-520x395.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 953px) 100vw, 953px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arroyo Seco Parkway soon after opening, 1940. \u003ccite>(AUTOMOBILE CLUB OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ARCHIVES)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Its opening in 1940 was a seminal moment, said Matthew Roth, historian for the Automobile Club of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you build a piece of freeway, you have determined future actions,” he said. “Once those lines are laid down in concrete, subsequent construction is going to have to connect with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decades that followed, California did connect them — financing and designing a massive network of freeways that spans more than 50,000 miles across the state, a system that would become a model for the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California was the right place, but it was also the right time,” said Brian Taylor, an urban planning professor who directs UCLA’s Institute of Transportation Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1004px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns.jpg\" alt=\"One-way signs that were placed on exit ramps after opening because people did not understand the concept of on-ramps and off-ramps, 1942.\" width=\"1004\" height=\"718\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns.jpg 1004w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-960x687.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-240x172.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-375x268.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-520x372.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1004px) 100vw, 1004px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One-way signs that were placed on exit ramps after opening because people did not understand the concept of on-ramps and off-ramps, 1942. \u003ccite>(AUTOMOBILE CLUB OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ARCHIVES)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rise of the automobile was happening everywhere, but California was uniquely poised to embrace it, said Taylor, because it coincided with the state’s period of maximum growth. In the two decades after World War II, there was booming industry, plenty of land to develop and the population doubled. Car ownership was growing even faster than the population, with car registrations \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/wcm/connect/bc1434a6-66a8-476c-b500-7e159ee9baaf/S7-1.pdf?MOD=AJPERES&CONVERT_TO=url&CACHEID=bc1434a6-66a8-476c-b500-7e159ee9baaf\">increasing by 10 percent\u003c/a> a year between 1946 and 1958, according to the state Department of Motor Vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1947, the state began raising the gas tax to fund the freeways with the landmark Collier-Burns Act, setting up a gas tax highway trust fund which would be copied at the federal level a decade later. Previously, most roads had been funded on an ad hoc basis through bonds, tolls or local property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The State Division of Highways, the precursor to Caltrans, built about a hundred miles of new freeway a year between the mid-’50s and mid-’60s, including sections of Highway 101 in Northern and Southern California, and much of Interstate 5, along with interstates 405 and 280.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said these roadways were designed for high speed and high capacity by an agency that had previously been responsible only for rural highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were off to the races building these big super highways that had really been designed to move people at 70 mph between cities rather than 15 mph within cities” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What started as a hodge-podge of more modest facilities like Arroyo Seco Parkway, initiated and built at the local level and designed to fit the crowded urban environment, turned into a state-orchestrated effort that transformed urban landscapes with high-capacity speedways cutting through the heart of cities and out to their fringes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1012px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660166\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed.jpg\" alt=\"Grading the roadbed of the Harbor Freeway, 1958.\" width=\"1012\" height=\"715\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed.jpg 1012w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-800x565.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-960x678.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-375x265.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-520x367.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1012px) 100vw, 1012px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grading the roadbed of the Harbor Freeway, 1958. \u003ccite>(AUTOMOBILE CLUB OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ARCHIVES)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet only about half the freeways that were planned for the state were ever built. By the 1970s cities were revolting against displacement and smog. Taylor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.accessmagazine.org/fall-1993/why-california-stopped-building-freeways/\">research\u003c/a> shows that state spending on freeways continued to increase, even as the number of miles constructed plummeted because of cost inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost as quickly as it began, the era of freeway building came to an end. But Taylor said its legacy can still be felt, and has only compounded as California cities have grown and densified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These facilities supported development very far from the city center and created an expectation that it was somehow normal and reasonable to travel very far,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The success of the freeways helped drive commerce, development and population growth across the state. The state’s population nearly tripled in the last half of the 20th century and the once-sparsley populated suburbs began merging with the big city centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Taylor said it’s a mistake to view the resulting vehicle traffic as a sign of failure or dysfunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congestion is a problem that arises from all of the activity we have in cities,” he said. “Cities exist because they push lots of activities together in a place. But when you push things together, things get crowded and slowed down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congestion, not free movement, is the natural state of thriving cities. So what Michael Alexander experienced in 1964 — the dream of driving across a city in 20 minutes — was an anomaly, a blip brought on by a sudden burst of new capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s likely the dream of a 20-minute car commute will live on only in the memories of folks like Alexander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the advantages the car culture gave me,” he said. “But I’m the beneficiary of something that might not have been best for society in the long run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California went big on freeways during the postwar years, but the days of easy driving and the lifestyle it enabled didn't last long.",
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"title": "How California Car Culture Killed the Promise of a 20-Minute Commute | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As an innovator and early adopter of freeways, California became the symbolic capital of car culture. But the ease of movement conferred by the massive postwar freeway building boom was short-lived, turning the dream of car travel into a nightmare of congestion and long commutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story of how Californians went from getting around to getting stuck behind the wheel is deeply entwined with the history of the urban freeway, an enterprise that advanced earlier and on a larger scale here than anywhere else in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half a century ago, there was reason for optimism about cars. Los Angeles native Michael Alexander remembers the days when the old saying about getting anywhere in Los Angeles in 20 minutes actually held true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I trusted it at least in the first decade of driving that I did,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, Alexander was a newly minted teenage driver, many freeways had just been built and he got a job as a clown in the L.A. City Traveling Circus, performing at city parks from the San Fernando Valley to the port cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660158\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660158\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck.jpg\" alt=\"Children follow a truck as it drives into position at Granada Hills Playground to set up the 1964 Combined Traveling Circus and Kiddie Carnival. Photo dated: July 4, 1964.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"760\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-800x594.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-1020x757.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-960x713.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-240x178.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-375x278.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KidsFollowTruck-520x386.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children follow a truck as it drives into position at Granada Hills Playground to set up the 1964 Combined Traveling Circus and Kiddie Carnival. Photo dated: July 4, 1964. \u003ccite>(HERALD-EXAMINER COLLECTION / LOS ANGELES PUBLIC LIBRARY)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were truly able to ride the speed limit at any time of the day,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, that 20-minute rule is absurd. His wife, Vicki Kirsch, budgets five to six times that long to drive from their home northeast of downtown to her job teaching music at UCLA about 15 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Traffic data analytics firm \u003ca href=\"http://inrix.com/scorecard/?\">Inrix\u003c/a> ranked L.A. traffic not just the worst in the country, but the worst in the world in 2017, saying drivers spent more than 100 hours a year delayed by congestion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was not much better in the San Francisco Bay Area, ranked fifth most congested worldwide, where drivers were stuck in traffic almost 80 hours, according to Inrix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The limited-access highways in urban areas were conceived in the 1920s as a way to provide speedier thoroughfares for cars while excluding streetcars, pedestrians and intersections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That history can be traced less than a mile from Alexander and Kirsch’s home on a drive they take nearly every day down the Arroyo Seco Parkway, one of the earliest freeways in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 953px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660160\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco.jpg\" alt=\"Arroyo Seco Parkway soon after opening, 1940.\" width=\"953\" height=\"724\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco.jpg 953w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-800x608.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-240x182.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-375x285.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/ArroyoSeco-520x395.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 953px) 100vw, 953px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arroyo Seco Parkway soon after opening, 1940. \u003ccite>(AUTOMOBILE CLUB OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ARCHIVES)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Its opening in 1940 was a seminal moment, said Matthew Roth, historian for the Automobile Club of Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you build a piece of freeway, you have determined future actions,” he said. “Once those lines are laid down in concrete, subsequent construction is going to have to connect with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decades that followed, California did connect them — financing and designing a massive network of freeways that spans more than 50,000 miles across the state, a system that would become a model for the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California was the right place, but it was also the right time,” said Brian Taylor, an urban planning professor who directs UCLA’s Institute of Transportation Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1004px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns.jpg\" alt=\"One-way signs that were placed on exit ramps after opening because people did not understand the concept of on-ramps and off-ramps, 1942.\" width=\"1004\" height=\"718\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns.jpg 1004w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-800x572.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-960x687.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-240x172.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-375x268.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/OneWaySigns-520x372.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1004px) 100vw, 1004px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One-way signs that were placed on exit ramps after opening because people did not understand the concept of on-ramps and off-ramps, 1942. \u003ccite>(AUTOMOBILE CLUB OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ARCHIVES)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rise of the automobile was happening everywhere, but California was uniquely poised to embrace it, said Taylor, because it coincided with the state’s period of maximum growth. In the two decades after World War II, there was booming industry, plenty of land to develop and the population doubled. Car ownership was growing even faster than the population, with car registrations \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmv.ca.gov/portal/wcm/connect/bc1434a6-66a8-476c-b500-7e159ee9baaf/S7-1.pdf?MOD=AJPERES&CONVERT_TO=url&CACHEID=bc1434a6-66a8-476c-b500-7e159ee9baaf\">increasing by 10 percent\u003c/a> a year between 1946 and 1958, according to the state Department of Motor Vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1947, the state began raising the gas tax to fund the freeways with the landmark Collier-Burns Act, setting up a gas tax highway trust fund which would be copied at the federal level a decade later. Previously, most roads had been funded on an ad hoc basis through bonds, tolls or local property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The State Division of Highways, the precursor to Caltrans, built about a hundred miles of new freeway a year between the mid-’50s and mid-’60s, including sections of Highway 101 in Northern and Southern California, and much of Interstate 5, along with interstates 405 and 280.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said these roadways were designed for high speed and high capacity by an agency that had previously been responsible only for rural highways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were off to the races building these big super highways that had really been designed to move people at 70 mph between cities rather than 15 mph within cities” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What started as a hodge-podge of more modest facilities like Arroyo Seco Parkway, initiated and built at the local level and designed to fit the crowded urban environment, turned into a state-orchestrated effort that transformed urban landscapes with high-capacity speedways cutting through the heart of cities and out to their fringes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11660166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1012px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11660166\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed.jpg\" alt=\"Grading the roadbed of the Harbor Freeway, 1958.\" width=\"1012\" height=\"715\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed.jpg 1012w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-160x113.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-800x565.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-960x678.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-240x170.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-375x265.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/GradingtheRoadbed-520x367.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1012px) 100vw, 1012px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grading the roadbed of the Harbor Freeway, 1958. \u003ccite>(AUTOMOBILE CLUB OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ARCHIVES)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Yet only about half the freeways that were planned for the state were ever built. By the 1970s cities were revolting against displacement and smog. Taylor’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.accessmagazine.org/fall-1993/why-california-stopped-building-freeways/\">research\u003c/a> shows that state spending on freeways continued to increase, even as the number of miles constructed plummeted because of cost inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost as quickly as it began, the era of freeway building came to an end. But Taylor said its legacy can still be felt, and has only compounded as California cities have grown and densified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These facilities supported development very far from the city center and created an expectation that it was somehow normal and reasonable to travel very far,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The success of the freeways helped drive commerce, development and population growth across the state. The state’s population nearly tripled in the last half of the 20th century and the once-sparsley populated suburbs began merging with the big city centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Taylor said it’s a mistake to view the resulting vehicle traffic as a sign of failure or dysfunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congestion is a problem that arises from all of the activity we have in cities,” he said. “Cities exist because they push lots of activities together in a place. But when you push things together, things get crowded and slowed down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congestion, not free movement, is the natural state of thriving cities. So what Michael Alexander experienced in 1964 — the dream of driving across a city in 20 minutes — was an anomaly, a blip brought on by a sudden burst of new capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s likely the dream of a 20-minute car commute will live on only in the memories of folks like Alexander.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the advantages the car culture gave me,” he said. “But I’m the beneficiary of something that might not have been best for society in the long run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Pasadena Has Never Wanted Legal Marijuana Sales. So Why Did It Just Reverse Course?",
"title": "Pasadena Has Never Wanted Legal Marijuana Sales. So Why Did It Just Reverse Course?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California is now in its fourth month of legal recreational marijuana sales. But in many parts of the state, pot shops are still banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pasadena is one of those places. The city has long sought to restrict marijuana sales. But now that it finds itself wrestling with a legalization push within its city limits, the city's answer is to open the door to some legal pot businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 5, Pasadena voters will be asked to weigh in on a city-backed proposal to let a small number of pot stores open up in certain non-residential areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Terry Tornek said by putting the proposal on the state primary ballot, the city is trying to get ahead of a less restrictive initiative advocated by the local cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When the industry started collecting signatures to put their measure on the ballot in November, in a format that would suit them, they sort of forced our hand,\" Tornek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the city initiative would technically allow up to six retail shops throughout the city. But the actual number would likely be smaller, due to zoning restrictions leaving much of Pasadena off-limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one shop would be able to operate in each city council district, and shops would have to locate 1,000 feet apart from each other and at least 600 feet away from homes and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Tornek appeared alongside one of those business owners, Shaun Szameit of Golden State Collective, at a meeting of the Pasadena-based Progressive Discussion Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They would not have this on the ballot if they were not jumping ahead of mine,\" Szameit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11659400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11659400\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-800x608.jpg\" alt=\"Golden State Collective director Shaun Szameit (L) and Pasadena Mayor Terry Tornek discussed two ballot initiatives aiming to allow marijuana sales in the city, March 16, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"608\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-800x608.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-160x122.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-240x183.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-375x285.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-520x396.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor.jpg 873w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Golden State Collective director Shaun Szameit (L) and Pasadena Mayor Terry Tornek discussed two ballot initiatives aiming to allow marijuana sales in the city, March 16, 2018. \u003ccite>(David Wagner/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city currently bans marijuana, but dispensary owners have been operating in Pasadena for years, arguing that state law gives them the right to provide medical marijuana to patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Szameit said the city's proposal would force him to shut down. Existing business owners would not be allowed to apply for one of the handful of city-issued licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite the possibility of going out of business, Szameit is reluctantly supporting the city's June initiative. He worries a \"no\" vote would give the city reason to continue its ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's unfortunate, because I don't see how I'm an illegal operator,\" Szamiet said. \"However, I do know, based on their ordinance, that I will be disqualified.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Szameit hopes his November ballot measure will still pass, loosening the restrictions set by the city's proposal. He argues it would create more tax revenue for the city -- $7 million annually. Mayor Tornek said those projections are speculative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those closely watching the rollout of legal pot in California and other states say what's happening in Pasadena follows a familiar pattern: Local officials are starting to realize that legal sales are coming to their city one way or another. The only question is how much they can control the growth of the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a balancing act,\" said Vanderbilt Law School professor and marijuana policy expert Robert Mikos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Especially in a place like California, where you have relatively easy access to ballot initiatives, lawmakers need to recognize that if they don't allow something to go through, the people can always go around them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those voters may choose to welcome more businesses than local lawmakers would like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly two-thirds of Pasadena voters supported Proposition 64, which legalized adult use of marijuana throughout the state. Mayor Tornek said he doesn't expect those voters to turn their backs on legalization now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm pretty confident the voters will approve [the city's proposal] in June,\" he said. \"And if the industry brings their proposal in November, I think it will be defeated.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Local officials are starting to realize that legal cannabis sales are coming to their city one way or another. The only question is how much they can control the growth of the industry.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is now in its fourth month of legal recreational marijuana sales. But in many parts of the state, pot shops are still banned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pasadena is one of those places. The city has long sought to restrict marijuana sales. But now that it finds itself wrestling with a legalization push within its city limits, the city's answer is to open the door to some legal pot businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 5, Pasadena voters will be asked to weigh in on a city-backed proposal to let a small number of pot stores open up in certain non-residential areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Terry Tornek said by putting the proposal on the state primary ballot, the city is trying to get ahead of a less restrictive initiative advocated by the local cannabis industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When the industry started collecting signatures to put their measure on the ballot in November, in a format that would suit them, they sort of forced our hand,\" Tornek said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the city initiative would technically allow up to six retail shops throughout the city. But the actual number would likely be smaller, due to zoning restrictions leaving much of Pasadena off-limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one shop would be able to operate in each city council district, and shops would have to locate 1,000 feet apart from each other and at least 600 feet away from homes and schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Tornek appeared alongside one of those business owners, Shaun Szameit of Golden State Collective, at a meeting of the Pasadena-based Progressive Discussion Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They would not have this on the ballot if they were not jumping ahead of mine,\" Szameit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11659400\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11659400\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-800x608.jpg\" alt=\"Golden State Collective director Shaun Szameit (L) and Pasadena Mayor Terry Tornek discussed two ballot initiatives aiming to allow marijuana sales in the city, March 16, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"608\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-800x608.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-160x122.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-240x183.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-375x285.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor-520x396.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/PasadenaMayor.jpg 873w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Golden State Collective director Shaun Szameit (L) and Pasadena Mayor Terry Tornek discussed two ballot initiatives aiming to allow marijuana sales in the city, March 16, 2018. \u003ccite>(David Wagner/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city currently bans marijuana, but dispensary owners have been operating in Pasadena for years, arguing that state law gives them the right to provide medical marijuana to patients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Szameit said the city's proposal would force him to shut down. Existing business owners would not be allowed to apply for one of the handful of city-issued licenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite the possibility of going out of business, Szameit is reluctantly supporting the city's June initiative. He worries a \"no\" vote would give the city reason to continue its ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's unfortunate, because I don't see how I'm an illegal operator,\" Szamiet said. \"However, I do know, based on their ordinance, that I will be disqualified.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Szameit hopes his November ballot measure will still pass, loosening the restrictions set by the city's proposal. He argues it would create more tax revenue for the city -- $7 million annually. Mayor Tornek said those projections are speculative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those closely watching the rollout of legal pot in California and other states say what's happening in Pasadena follows a familiar pattern: Local officials are starting to realize that legal sales are coming to their city one way or another. The only question is how much they can control the growth of the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a balancing act,\" said Vanderbilt Law School professor and marijuana policy expert Robert Mikos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Especially in a place like California, where you have relatively easy access to ballot initiatives, lawmakers need to recognize that if they don't allow something to go through, the people can always go around them.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those voters may choose to welcome more businesses than local lawmakers would like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly two-thirds of Pasadena voters supported Proposition 64, which legalized adult use of marijuana throughout the state. Mayor Tornek said he doesn't expect those voters to turn their backs on legalization now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm pretty confident the voters will approve [the city's proposal] in June,\" he said. \"And if the industry brings their proposal in November, I think it will be defeated.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Orange County fire officials admit they were too slow to respond to a fire that burned more than a dozen homes in Anaheim Hills in October, according to an independent review of the emergency response. County officials said they have changed protocol as a result of the missteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Canyon Fire 2 began on Oct. 9, 2017, ultimately burning more than 9,200 acres and destroying 25 structures and damaging another 55, \u003ca href=\"http://cdfdata.fire.ca.gov/incidents/incidents_details_info?incident_id=1881\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to Cal Fire.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report released Friday confirmed that more than an hour passed between the initial report of fire and anyone being sent to the area. In fact, the dispatcher who handled the 8:23 a.m. call from a driver on the 91 Freeway told California Highway Patrol officials, who had routed the cell phone call to the county, that the report was unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only after another call an hour later that the fire was confirmed and help was sent.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About Canyon Fire 2\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11622137/canyon-fire-2-threatens-5000-homes-in-orange-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Canyon Fire 2 Threatens 5,000 Homes in Orange County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Even then, the review of the timeline that day found that more time was wasted. The second caller reported fire in the area at 9:27 a.m. Dispatch did not send firefighters until 9:43 a.m., instead first trying to verify the information other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Canyon Fire 2 began burning in an area very near to Canyon Fire 1, which had started on Sept. 25 and was believed to be over. Authorities said they have since mandated the immediate dispatch of resources anytime they get a report of fire in the burn scar areas of previous fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The memo outlining those requirements also states:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Reports of 'fire' or 'flames' by the public will always be treated as fire unless proven otherwise. It is not appropriate to send as a 'smoke check' response.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Fire officials said Friday it was impossible to know if a quicker response would have brought the blaze under control before it burned structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The best chance of fighting fires are when they are small but conditions were very poor,\" said Assistant Chief Dave Anderson, adding that the highs winds and low humidity made Canyon Fire 2 hard to stop, even if the response time had been ideal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read the full report in \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/03/30/81987/what-went-wrong-in-the-canyon-fire-2-emergency-res/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the original KPCC article here. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Orange County fire officials admit they were too slow to respond to a fire that burned more than a dozen homes in Anaheim Hills in October, according to an independent review of the emergency response. County officials said they have changed protocol as a result of the missteps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Canyon Fire 2 began on Oct. 9, 2017, ultimately burning more than 9,200 acres and destroying 25 structures and damaging another 55, \u003ca href=\"http://cdfdata.fire.ca.gov/incidents/incidents_details_info?incident_id=1881\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to Cal Fire.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report released Friday confirmed that more than an hour passed between the initial report of fire and anyone being sent to the area. In fact, the dispatcher who handled the 8:23 a.m. call from a driver on the 91 Freeway told California Highway Patrol officials, who had routed the cell phone call to the county, that the report was unfounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was only after another call an hour later that the fire was confirmed and help was sent.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About Canyon Fire 2\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11622137/canyon-fire-2-threatens-5000-homes-in-orange-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Canyon Fire 2 Threatens 5,000 Homes in Orange County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Even then, the review of the timeline that day found that more time was wasted. The second caller reported fire in the area at 9:27 a.m. Dispatch did not send firefighters until 9:43 a.m., instead first trying to verify the information other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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