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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:28 a.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weeks after a young Black woman died in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> County Jail with little official word about what happened, her family members and advocates are still seeking answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aamonte Hadley, 22, had been locked up awaiting trial for nearly two years when she was found dead on Sept. 3. Her death puts the spotlight on concerns over jail overcrowding and drops in referrals to mental health diversion programs, and comes as District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ approach is being put to the test amid her reelection campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Department of Police Accountability, the Medical Examiner’s Office and the Criminal Investigations Unit of the Sheriff’s Office are investigating Hadley’s death. But her family said they have not received any details.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing, nothing. They didn’t tell me anything. I still don’t know,” Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, said at a rally joined by more than a dozen other relatives and supporters outside the San Francisco Women’s Jail on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pointed to Hadley’s death in calling for Jenkins to seek out more alternatives to jail, such as mental health diversion programs. Hadley, who faced charges in connection with a string of robberies but had not been convicted, struggled with mental health challenges, according to her attorney and family members who sought treatment for her while in jail. The court ultimately denied their requests for mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005062 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Wright, an aunt of Aamonte Hadley, hugs Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Hadley was charged with serious crimes, which were held to answer by the court. She was detained pretrial because of the public safety risk she posed,” Jenkins said in a written statement. “The court denied defense counsel’s numerous requests for mental health diversion because it was not warranted in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Shikman, an attorney who represented Hadley, said she expressed remorse for what she had done and described her as “the poster child for compassionate treatment in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried mightily for practically two years to get her mental health diversion, but it fell almost on deaf ears. She was calling out, begging for treatment, but they denied it,” Shikman said. “The expressed mental health diversion statute in the state is to have treatment, especially for a young person, and she had no criminal record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins called Hadley’s death “tragic and alarming” but further said in her statement that if the defense had “prepared to settle or go to trial sooner, the tragedy may have been avoided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005058 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Patrice Bolton, Aamonte Hadley’s aunt, speaks during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speakers at Tuesday’s rally took offense to the suggestion that settling may have saved Hadley, and they called on the district attorney to do more to provide actual treatment and mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of people who are in county jails in California have mental health challenges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/county-jails-house-fewer-inmates-but-over-half-face-mental-health-issues/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Convictions increased while referrals to diversion programs have decreased under Jenkins’ tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/09/sf-da-brooke-jenkins-reverses-decline-convictions/\">Mission Local reports\u003c/a>. At the same time, the city is struggling with \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/what-was-the-plan-understaffed-overcrowded-sf-jails/\">overcrowding in jails\u003c/a>, which advocates and attorneys on Tuesday said has fueled physically and mentally unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005060 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Travis, a cousin of Aamonte Hadley, holds a sign during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those decisions matter when a district attorney or the courts make a decision to not let someone go to mental health diversion to get the treatment they need to move their life in a proper direction. It matters,” Public Defender Mano Raju said. “The consequences are devastating in so many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju and Shikman said they have seen larger caseloads, packed jails and slower movement in the courts as the pace of filings has picked up, setting up tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins stood by her office’s approach and charges in Hadley’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003785 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240910-TERRY-WILLIAMS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My office is committed to fair and ethical prosecutions. We charge cases based on the facts, evidence and the law,” she said. “We do not overcharge cases and any assertions to the contrary are baseless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ sole opponent running for San Francisco district attorney this November, Ryan Khojasteh, said he hopes to restore levels of pretrial diversion for low-level and first-time offenses “so we can focus on prosecuting serious, violent and repeat crimes and take those to trial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two years for a case not to go to a trial or a resolution is not a responsible way for the criminal justice system to happen,” Khojasteh said. “Those referrals are proven to work. It’s a way to manage the criminal justice system so we aren’t exacerbating caseloads and the backlog of criminal cases at the Hall of Justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, workers at San Francisco’s Superior Court also rallied outside the Hall of Justice to call out the city’s backlogged cases and resulting wait times that they said have caused people to languish in jail without access to their constitutional right to a speedy trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to get through the backlog without enough time or staffing leads to simple errors that cause real-world problems,” Robert Borders, a courtroom clerk in the Criminal Division, said in a statement. “A small mistake on paper can turn into a living nightmare for someone stuck in a jail cell waiting for their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friends and family described Hadley as a member of the LGBTQ community, a joyful young woman who prayed regularly, and someone who loved animals and wanted to one day be a veterinarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was my baby, and I knew she was the one person in the world that loved me the most,” Blockman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sept. 18: A previous version of this story said attorneys have seen an increased pace of convictions leading to tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family. The public defender’s office clarified that the pace of filings, not conviction outcomes, is causing issues.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing, nothing. They didn’t tell me anything. I still don’t know,” Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, said at a rally joined by more than a dozen other relatives and supporters outside the San Francisco Women’s Jail on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pointed to Hadley’s death in calling for Jenkins to seek out more alternatives to jail, such as mental health diversion programs. Hadley, who faced charges in connection with a string of robberies but had not been convicted, struggled with mental health challenges, according to her attorney and family members who sought treatment for her while in jail. The court ultimately denied their requests for mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005062\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005062 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-69-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Wright, an aunt of Aamonte Hadley, hugs Adimika Blockman, Hadley’s mother, during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Hadley was charged with serious crimes, which were held to answer by the court. She was detained pretrial because of the public safety risk she posed,” Jenkins said in a written statement. “The court denied defense counsel’s numerous requests for mental health diversion because it was not warranted in this case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richard Shikman, an attorney who represented Hadley, said she expressed remorse for what she had done and described her as “the poster child for compassionate treatment in jail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried mightily for practically two years to get her mental health diversion, but it fell almost on deaf ears. She was calling out, begging for treatment, but they denied it,” Shikman said. “The expressed mental health diversion statute in the state is to have treatment, especially for a young person, and she had no criminal record.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins called Hadley’s death “tragic and alarming” but further said in her statement that if the defense had “prepared to settle or go to trial sooner, the tragedy may have been avoided.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005058 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-20-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Patrice Bolton, Aamonte Hadley’s aunt, speaks during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024, to call for justice for Hadley. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speakers at Tuesday’s rally took offense to the suggestion that settling may have saved Hadley, and they called on the district attorney to do more to provide actual treatment and mental health diversion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of people who are in county jails in California have mental health challenges, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/county-jails-house-fewer-inmates-but-over-half-face-mental-health-issues/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Convictions increased while referrals to diversion programs have decreased under Jenkins’ tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/09/sf-da-brooke-jenkins-reverses-decline-convictions/\">Mission Local reports\u003c/a>. At the same time, the city is struggling with \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/what-was-the-plan-understaffed-overcrowded-sf-jails/\">overcrowding in jails\u003c/a>, which advocates and attorneys on Tuesday said has fueled physically and mentally unsafe conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12005060 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240917-AAMONTEHADLEYPRESS-44-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Frances Travis, a cousin of Aamonte Hadley, holds a sign during a rally outside of County Jail #2, a jail that houses women, in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those decisions matter when a district attorney or the courts make a decision to not let someone go to mental health diversion to get the treatment they need to move their life in a proper direction. It matters,” Public Defender Mano Raju said. “The consequences are devastating in so many ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raju and Shikman said they have seen larger caseloads, packed jails and slower movement in the courts as the pace of filings has picked up, setting up tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins stood by her office’s approach and charges in Hadley’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My office is committed to fair and ethical prosecutions. We charge cases based on the facts, evidence and the law,” she said. “We do not overcharge cases and any assertions to the contrary are baseless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins’ sole opponent running for San Francisco district attorney this November, Ryan Khojasteh, said he hopes to restore levels of pretrial diversion for low-level and first-time offenses “so we can focus on prosecuting serious, violent and repeat crimes and take those to trial.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two years for a case not to go to a trial or a resolution is not a responsible way for the criminal justice system to happen,” Khojasteh said. “Those referrals are proven to work. It’s a way to manage the criminal justice system so we aren’t exacerbating caseloads and the backlog of criminal cases at the Hall of Justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, workers at San Francisco’s Superior Court also rallied outside the Hall of Justice to call out the city’s backlogged cases and resulting wait times that they said have caused people to languish in jail without access to their constitutional right to a speedy trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trying to get through the backlog without enough time or staffing leads to simple errors that cause real-world problems,” Robert Borders, a courtroom clerk in the Criminal Division, said in a statement. “A small mistake on paper can turn into a living nightmare for someone stuck in a jail cell waiting for their day in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friends and family described Hadley as a member of the LGBTQ community, a joyful young woman who prayed regularly, and someone who loved animals and wanted to one day be a veterinarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was my baby, and I knew she was the one person in the world that loved me the most,” Blockman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sept. 18: A previous version of this story said attorneys have seen an increased pace of convictions leading to tragic outcomes for people like Hadley and her family. The public defender’s office clarified that the pace of filings, not conviction outcomes, is causing issues.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a racial slur was spray painted onto a building at a city-owned playground in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Lakeview neighborhood overnight Thursday, community members and city officials gathered to raise awareness on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building at the Merced Heights Playground was graffitied with an anti-Black slur that appeared to be directed at Youth 1st, an organization that uses the space for summer and after-school programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Brooke Jenkins condemned the act as a hate crime at the event and said that there would be an investigation by law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is not beyond what happened here,” Jenkins said. “We should see more outrage; we should see more people present. Because if we are a city that truly stands for love and for acceptance … we must demand better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001880 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/FireTruckGetty-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building that was graffitied has been used to serve hundreds of meals and to keep children safe and entertained, Dr. Maria Su, the executive director of the Department of Children, Youth and Their Families, said during the event. According to the organization’s website, it has operated at the playground since its founding in 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renard Monroe, Youth 1st’s director, told community members that he was focused on continuing to serve the children and providing positive messaging to the whole community. Youth 1st programming was set to continue on Friday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must come together to march through the streets against something like that,” Jenkins said. “That didn’t just happen against an organization and a man, but happened against our children, our babies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a racial slur was spray painted onto a building at a city-owned playground in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Lakeview neighborhood overnight Thursday, community members and city officials gathered to raise awareness on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building at the Merced Heights Playground was graffitied with an anti-Black slur that appeared to be directed at Youth 1st, an organization that uses the space for summer and after-school programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Brooke Jenkins condemned the act as a hate crime at the event and said that there would be an investigation by law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is not beyond what happened here,” Jenkins said. “We should see more outrage; we should see more people present. Because if we are a city that truly stands for love and for acceptance … we must demand better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building that was graffitied has been used to serve hundreds of meals and to keep children safe and entertained, Dr. Maria Su, the executive director of the Department of Children, Youth and Their Families, said during the event. According to the organization’s website, it has operated at the playground since its founding in 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renard Monroe, Youth 1st’s director, told community members that he was focused on continuing to serve the children and providing positive messaging to the whole community. Youth 1st programming was set to continue on Friday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We must come together to march through the streets against something like that,” Jenkins said. “That didn’t just happen against an organization and a man, but happened against our children, our babies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "attorneys-for-golden-gate-bridge-protesters-demand-das-recusal-alleging-pro-israel-bias",
"title": "Attorneys for Golden Gate Bridge Protesters Demand DA’s Recusal, Alleging Pro-Israel Bias",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawyers for the 26 people charged in connection with a pro-Palestinian protest that blocked the Golden Gate Bridge in April are calling on the district attorney to recuse herself from the case, alleging a conflict of interest and a “pattern of anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab racism” in her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters, known to their supporters as the Golden Gate 26, each \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999854/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-surrender-to-face-controversial-false-imprisonment-charges\">face more than 40 counts\u003c/a>, including felonies for eight defendants. Their defense team alleges that the charges are politically motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter sent via email on Tuesday to District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, the defense team accused prosecutors of overcharging the protesters with false imprisonment and conspiracy charges, noting that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10837192/activism-inconvenience-and-a-slice-of-protest-history-on-the-bay-bridge\">past Bay Area bridge protests\u003c/a> that blocked traffic “were handled as infractions and/or ultimately dismissed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter cites potential conflicts of interest, saying Jenkins “had at least two unpublicized meetings with the Israeli Consulate” in February and December last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Wozniak, an attorney for the protesters, said he and the legal team looked into Jenkins’ office after feeling that the case was overcharged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jenkins met with the Israeli Consulate in December. It was a meeting that was not on Jenkins’ public calendar. The only reason we know about it is because of wine that was gifted to her during that meeting,” he said. “We don’t know who was in the meeting. We don’t know what was discussed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wine totaled $17.49 and was received on Dec. 12, according to a statement of economic interests filed by the district attorney’s office. Days later, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970376/demonstrators-pack-the-court-to-support-activists-arrested-for-blocking-bay-bridge-last-month\">80 protesters were charged\u003c/a> with five misdemeanors each in connection with a protest that blocked the Bay Bridge in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside postID=news_12000770 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240424-BERKELEY-GAZA-ENCAMPMENT-MD-06_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office also reported a $60 gift of wine from the Israeli Consulate in February 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wozniak said he believes the charges could have something to do with bias in Jenkins’ office after she allegedly met with the Israeli Consulate in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter to her office also cites potential conflicts among members of her staff, including that her director of public affairs previously worked for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a major pro-Israel lobbying group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, it points to emails from Assistant District Attorney Michael Menesini, revealed in February by the San Francisco Standard, that described Palestinians as “brutal Arab invaders,” “hate mongers,” and “Nazis” who need to be “sent back to their native homelands.” The district attorney’s office said at the time that Menesini’s communications reflected his “personal views,” and he quietly retired in April, \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/05/san-francisco-prosecutor-michael-menesini-retires-anti-arab-emails/\">the Standard reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office said in a statement that a meeting with consular staff “does not create a real or apparent conflict of interest” and added that Jenkins’ office meets periodically with consulates for “discussions around [the] safety of consulates, consulate staff and their citizen populations.” The statement does not say whether Jenkins met with Israeli consular staff around the dates of the gifts or what she discussed if they did meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000928\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins speaks during a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. On Tuesday, lawyers for the “Golden Gate Bridge 26” called on Jenkins to recuse herself from the case, alleging a conflict of interest and a “pattern of anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab racism” in her office. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the defense files a recusal motion, we will litigate that in court, not in the press,” the statement continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office’s statement also rejects the notion that the charges levied against the Golden Gate Bridge protesters are “political,” as Wozniak and the defense team have suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Charging decisions are made based on the facts, evidence and the law,” the office said. “We do not pursue political prosecutions under any circumstances at any time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In cases where there is a real or apparent conflict of interest, the office takes steps, including recusing specific staff, up to and including the district attorney or the office as needed, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wozniak said the defense team plans to file motions for vindictive prosecution, discriminatory prosecution and recusal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jenkins should recuse herself. The attorney general should take over the case,” he told KQED. “And I think the attorney general, when they review this case, will see that it’s completely and utterly overcharged. This is a political prosecution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Defense attorneys say the case is overcharged, citing alleged anti-Palestinian racism in the San Francisco district attorney’s office and meetings with Israeli officials.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawyers for the 26 people charged in connection with a pro-Palestinian protest that blocked the Golden Gate Bridge in April are calling on the district attorney to recuse herself from the case, alleging a conflict of interest and a “pattern of anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab racism” in her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters, known to their supporters as the Golden Gate 26, each \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999854/golden-gate-bridge-protesters-surrender-to-face-controversial-false-imprisonment-charges\">face more than 40 counts\u003c/a>, including felonies for eight defendants. Their defense team alleges that the charges are politically motivated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter sent via email on Tuesday to District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, the defense team accused prosecutors of overcharging the protesters with false imprisonment and conspiracy charges, noting that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10837192/activism-inconvenience-and-a-slice-of-protest-history-on-the-bay-bridge\">past Bay Area bridge protests\u003c/a> that blocked traffic “were handled as infractions and/or ultimately dismissed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter cites potential conflicts of interest, saying Jenkins “had at least two unpublicized meetings with the Israeli Consulate” in February and December last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Wozniak, an attorney for the protesters, said he and the legal team looked into Jenkins’ office after feeling that the case was overcharged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jenkins met with the Israeli Consulate in December. It was a meeting that was not on Jenkins’ public calendar. The only reason we know about it is because of wine that was gifted to her during that meeting,” he said. “We don’t know who was in the meeting. We don’t know what was discussed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wine totaled $17.49 and was received on Dec. 12, according to a statement of economic interests filed by the district attorney’s office. Days later, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970376/demonstrators-pack-the-court-to-support-activists-arrested-for-blocking-bay-bridge-last-month\">80 protesters were charged\u003c/a> with five misdemeanors each in connection with a protest that blocked the Bay Bridge in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office also reported a $60 gift of wine from the Israeli Consulate in February 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wozniak said he believes the charges could have something to do with bias in Jenkins’ office after she allegedly met with the Israeli Consulate in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter to her office also cites potential conflicts among members of her staff, including that her director of public affairs previously worked for the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, a major pro-Israel lobbying group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, it points to emails from Assistant District Attorney Michael Menesini, revealed in February by the San Francisco Standard, that described Palestinians as “brutal Arab invaders,” “hate mongers,” and “Nazis” who need to be “sent back to their native homelands.” The district attorney’s office said at the time that Menesini’s communications reflected his “personal views,” and he quietly retired in April, \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/05/san-francisco-prosecutor-michael-menesini-retires-anti-arab-emails/\">the Standard reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district attorney’s office said in a statement that a meeting with consular staff “does not create a real or apparent conflict of interest” and added that Jenkins’ office meets periodically with consulates for “discussions around [the] safety of consulates, consulate staff and their citizen populations.” The statement does not say whether Jenkins met with Israeli consular staff around the dates of the gifts or what she discussed if they did meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000928\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000928\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/020_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins speaks during a press conference at City Hall on July 7, 2022. On Tuesday, lawyers for the “Golden Gate Bridge 26” called on Jenkins to recuse herself from the case, alleging a conflict of interest and a “pattern of anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab racism” in her office. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the defense files a recusal motion, we will litigate that in court, not in the press,” the statement continues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office’s statement also rejects the notion that the charges levied against the Golden Gate Bridge protesters are “political,” as Wozniak and the defense team have suggested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Charging decisions are made based on the facts, evidence and the law,” the office said. “We do not pursue political prosecutions under any circumstances at any time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In cases where there is a real or apparent conflict of interest, the office takes steps, including recusing specific staff, up to and including the district attorney or the office as needed, the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wozniak said the defense team plans to file motions for vindictive prosecution, discriminatory prosecution and recusal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jenkins should recuse herself. The attorney general should take over the case,” he told KQED. “And I think the attorney general, when they review this case, will see that it’s completely and utterly overcharged. This is a political prosecution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Golden Gate Bridge Protesters Surrender to Face Controversial False Imprisonment Charges",
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"content": "\u003cp>All 26 people who are charged in connection with a pro-Palestinian protest that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982940/protesters-shut-down-880-freeway-in-oakland-as-part-of-economic-blockade-for-gaza\">blocked the Golden Gate Bridge\u003c/a> in April have turned themselves in to police after the San Francisco district attorney’s office served them with arrest warrants over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstrators each face 38 counts of false imprisonment, trespassing to interfere with a business, refusal to disperse a riot and other charges. Eight of them are also accused of felony conspiracy, while the remaining 18 each face a count of misdemeanor conspiracy. Lawyers for the protesters called the charges politically motivated and said they plan to plead not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday morning, more than 100 people rallied outside a county jail in support of the activists known as the Golden Gate 26, demanding that the charges be dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe that these charges are politically motivated, [and] are being leveled unfairly against these protesters, who were only engaged in civil disobedience and peaceful protest in opposition to U.S. support for Israel’s genocide unfolding against Palestinians in Gaza,” Wassim Hage, a community organizer for the Arab Resource and Organizing Center, told KQED at the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 7:30 a.m. on April 15, the protesters shut down traffic across the Golden Gate Bridge, chaining themselves to stopped vehicles, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/220921013407304/posts/823018529864213\">statement\u003c/a> from the California Highway Patrol. Organizers said they were demanding that the U.S. stop funding Israel in the war in Gaza, which it launched after Hamas’ attack on Israel on Oct. 7. According to the Gaza Health Ministry, \u003ca href=\"https://www.barrons.com/news/health-ministry-in-hamas-run-gaza-says-war-death-toll-at-39-897-a6776d98\">at least 39,897 people have now been killed\u003c/a> in the war as it enters its 11th month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration, which shut down traffic across the bridge in both directions for about four hours, was part of a wider “economic blockade” of protests across 55 cities and six continents, according to organizers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protesters also shut down traffic on I-880 in Oakland, and similar demonstrations took place in San Diego, Seattle, Philadelphia, San Antonio, Chicago and Tallahassee, Florida. Internationally, protests were held in Mexico City; Johannesburg; Melbourne, Australia; Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam; and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983082 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Highway Patrol officers arrest a demonstrator who joined approximately 300 protesters in blocking southbound I-880 in West Oakland on April 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 20 people arrested by the CHP were initially released after the Golden Gate Bridge protest. Since then, police and prosecutors have gotten some pushback from legal experts over their handling of the case after District Attorney Brooke Jenkins suggested that people who were stuck in traffic during the protest may be eligible for restitution as possible victims “detained against their will” or “falsely imprisoned” — and should reach out to the CHP, she said in a post on X in the days after the demonstration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachel Lederman, senior counsel for the Center for Protest Law and Litigation, questioned whether the protests constituted false imprisonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983413/could-protesters-who-shut-down-golden-gate-bridge-be-charged-with-false-imprisonment\">told KQED \u003c/a>shortly after the demonstration that she felt it was “a bit far-fetched to charge people with false imprisonment for blocking traffic” but added that restitution is common in criminal cases. Earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970376/demonstrators-pack-the-court-to-support-activists-arrested-for-blocking-bay-bridge-last-month\">78 protesters were charged\u003c/a> with five misdemeanors each — including false imprisonment — after blocking westbound lanes of the Bay Bridge during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference last November. They reached an agreement to avoid jail time in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">[aside postID=news_11999777 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/EXPLORATORIUMBIDENPARTY10152023-044-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Wozniak, one of the lawyers for the Golden Gate 26, said he received a call around 9:30 p.m. Friday informing him that the protesters would have the weekend to surrender. He said he feels the case is being “overcharged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each individual person has over 40 charges against them,” Wozniak told KQED. “This is dramatically more charges than, for example, the Bay Bridge 78 faced. I don’t see what the difference would be or why such a dramatic charging decision would be made other than some sort of political reason. It’s completely unfair. It’s a complete waste of resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wozniak said a team of 26 lawyers is working on behalf of the arrested protesters and will “fight this case to dismissal.” An agreement similar to the one Bay Bridge protesters reached would be appropriate, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all political actions. There are no serious injuries. People were inconvenienced, but the whole point of this is to raise awareness about the ongoing genocide in Gaza and to demand a ceasefire,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters charged with felonies, who turned themselves in on Sunday, were posting over $600,000 in bail as of Monday morning, Wozniak said. Other groups reported to jail on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first of the protesters is scheduled to be arraigned on Tuesday, and Wozniak said they plan to enter pleas of not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">Dana Cronin\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>All 26 people who are charged in connection with a pro-Palestinian protest that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982940/protesters-shut-down-880-freeway-in-oakland-as-part-of-economic-blockade-for-gaza\">blocked the Golden Gate Bridge\u003c/a> in April have turned themselves in to police after the San Francisco district attorney’s office served them with arrest warrants over the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstrators each face 38 counts of false imprisonment, trespassing to interfere with a business, refusal to disperse a riot and other charges. Eight of them are also accused of felony conspiracy, while the remaining 18 each face a count of misdemeanor conspiracy. Lawyers for the protesters called the charges politically motivated and said they plan to plead not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday morning, more than 100 people rallied outside a county jail in support of the activists known as the Golden Gate 26, demanding that the charges be dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe that these charges are politically motivated, [and] are being leveled unfairly against these protesters, who were only engaged in civil disobedience and peaceful protest in opposition to U.S. support for Israel’s genocide unfolding against Palestinians in Gaza,” Wassim Hage, a community organizer for the Arab Resource and Organizing Center, told KQED at the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 7:30 a.m. on April 15, the protesters shut down traffic across the Golden Gate Bridge, chaining themselves to stopped vehicles, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/220921013407304/posts/823018529864213\">statement\u003c/a> from the California Highway Patrol. Organizers said they were demanding that the U.S. stop funding Israel in the war in Gaza, which it launched after Hamas’ attack on Israel on Oct. 7. According to the Gaza Health Ministry, \u003ca href=\"https://www.barrons.com/news/health-ministry-in-hamas-run-gaza-says-war-death-toll-at-39-897-a6776d98\">at least 39,897 people have now been killed\u003c/a> in the war as it enters its 11th month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration, which shut down traffic across the bridge in both directions for about four hours, was part of a wider “economic blockade” of protests across 55 cities and six continents, according to organizers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Protesters also shut down traffic on I-880 in Oakland, and similar demonstrations took place in San Diego, Seattle, Philadelphia, San Antonio, Chicago and Tallahassee, Florida. Internationally, protests were held in Mexico City; Johannesburg; Melbourne, Australia; Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam; and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983082\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1620px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11983082 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1620\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378.jpg 1620w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/DSC_0378-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1620px) 100vw, 1620px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Highway Patrol officers arrest a demonstrator who joined approximately 300 protesters in blocking southbound I-880 in West Oakland on April 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 20 people arrested by the CHP were initially released after the Golden Gate Bridge protest. Since then, police and prosecutors have gotten some pushback from legal experts over their handling of the case after District Attorney Brooke Jenkins suggested that people who were stuck in traffic during the protest may be eligible for restitution as possible victims “detained against their will” or “falsely imprisoned” — and should reach out to the CHP, she said in a post on X in the days after the demonstration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rachel Lederman, senior counsel for the Center for Protest Law and Litigation, questioned whether the protests constituted false imprisonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983413/could-protesters-who-shut-down-golden-gate-bridge-be-charged-with-false-imprisonment\">told KQED \u003c/a>shortly after the demonstration that she felt it was “a bit far-fetched to charge people with false imprisonment for blocking traffic” but added that restitution is common in criminal cases. Earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970376/demonstrators-pack-the-court-to-support-activists-arrested-for-blocking-bay-bridge-last-month\">78 protesters were charged\u003c/a> with five misdemeanors each — including false imprisonment — after blocking westbound lanes of the Bay Bridge during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference last November. They reached an agreement to avoid jail time in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Wozniak, one of the lawyers for the Golden Gate 26, said he received a call around 9:30 p.m. Friday informing him that the protesters would have the weekend to surrender. He said he feels the case is being “overcharged.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each individual person has over 40 charges against them,” Wozniak told KQED. “This is dramatically more charges than, for example, the Bay Bridge 78 faced. I don’t see what the difference would be or why such a dramatic charging decision would be made other than some sort of political reason. It’s completely unfair. It’s a complete waste of resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wozniak said a team of 26 lawyers is working on behalf of the arrested protesters and will “fight this case to dismissal.” An agreement similar to the one Bay Bridge protesters reached would be appropriate, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all political actions. There are no serious injuries. People were inconvenienced, but the whole point of this is to raise awareness about the ongoing genocide in Gaza and to demand a ceasefire,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters charged with felonies, who turned themselves in on Sunday, were posting over $600,000 in bail as of Monday morning, Wozniak said. Other groups reported to jail on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first of the protesters is scheduled to be arraigned on Tuesday, and Wozniak said they plan to enter pleas of not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/dcronin\">Dana Cronin\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Former Head of SFPD-Linked Nonprofit Arrested Over Alleged Misuse of $700,000",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:17 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of a shuttered \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977841/former-sf-safe-employees-file-labor-complaint-against-defunct-nonprofit\">San Francisco police-affiliated nonprofit\u003c/a> was arrested Tuesday and accused of misusing over $700,000 of the organization’s funds, the San Francisco district attorney’s office announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyra Worthy, 49, faces 34 felony counts related to the misuse of public money, submitting fraudulent invoices to a city department, theft and wage theft, among other charges. She took the helm of SF SAFE, a crime prevention organization created by and later partnered with the San Francisco Police Department, at the end of 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SF SAFE’s board fired Worthy and shut down the decades-old organization in January after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-01/Police%20Department%20SF%20SAFE%20Assessment%2001.18.24.pdf\">a city audit\u003c/a> found it had misused nearly $80,000 in taxpayer money for lavish gift boxes, a trip to Lake Tahoe, and other expenses deemed ineligible or excessive. The report also said SFPD “did not adequately review invoices or supporting documentation” to ensure that public funds from a five-year grant agreement with SF SAFE were being spent properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officials asked the district attorney’s office to investigate due to SFPD’s relationship with the nonprofit, and the office found that the total amount of money misused by Worthy during her tenure at SF SAFE was more than $700,000, according to Tuesday’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the misused funds, totaling more than half a million dollars, came from the Office of Employment of Workforce Development and should have been paid to two city-contracted organizations affiliated with the Latino Task Force, a group of Mission District-based nonprofits. In March, the group announced that SF SAFE owed it $625,000 for training services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worthy is also accused of spending over $100,000 of the organization’s funds for personal use, including rent in 2018 and more than $90,000 spent on a home healthcare worker for her parents in North Carolina in 2019 and 2020, leading to a charge of grand theft by embezzlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, she faces 24 felony counts of wage theft against SF SAFE employees related to allegations that she stopped withholding and paying $80,000 in workers’ payroll taxes between September 2023 and January 2024, when the organization closed.[aside postID=news_11977841 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/RS67750_230808-SanFranciscoCityHall-19-BL-qut-1020x680.jpg']An affidavit in support of Worthy’s arrest shows that Worthy repeatedly stole and misspent nonprofit funds during her time at SF SAFE, ultimately leading to the organization being unable to meet its financial obligations, the DA’s office said. Even as the nonprofit was running out of money, the affidavit alleges, she spent lavishly, including over $350,000 on gift boxes in 2022 and 2023 and nearly $50,000 on catering for a holiday party with an open bar and prime rib carving station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she took the helm of SF SAFE at the end of 2017, the organization had reserves in excess of $300,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite SF SAFE receiving millions of dollars in public and private funds over the next five years, Ms. Worthy’s theft and mismanagement resulted in the 48-year-old charity having no assets and ceasing operations in January of 2024,” the DA’s office’s statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Commissioner Kevin Benedicto said SFPD would likely be monitoring nonprofit partners’ spending more closely as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there are sort of repercussions that are going to echo in the department that are going to influence the commission,” he told KQED. “In general, you’re going to see more inquiries and more requests to make sure that we’re conducting oversight responsibilities for nonprofits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said that he’s committed to ensuring that SF SAFE’s duties, which include operating a network of public safety cameras and conducting community outreach, are continued, either by the department or another partner organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worthy was booked into San Francisco County Jail on Tuesday afternoon. Her bail is listed at $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Kyra Worthy, who led SF SAFE before it was abruptly shut down this year, faces 34 felony charges. Her alleged misuse of funds led to the organization’s demise, investigators said.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:17 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former executive director of a shuttered \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11977841/former-sf-safe-employees-file-labor-complaint-against-defunct-nonprofit\">San Francisco police-affiliated nonprofit\u003c/a> was arrested Tuesday and accused of misusing over $700,000 of the organization’s funds, the San Francisco district attorney’s office announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyra Worthy, 49, faces 34 felony counts related to the misuse of public money, submitting fraudulent invoices to a city department, theft and wage theft, among other charges. She took the helm of SF SAFE, a crime prevention organization created by and later partnered with the San Francisco Police Department, at the end of 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SF SAFE’s board fired Worthy and shut down the decades-old organization in January after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-01/Police%20Department%20SF%20SAFE%20Assessment%2001.18.24.pdf\">a city audit\u003c/a> found it had misused nearly $80,000 in taxpayer money for lavish gift boxes, a trip to Lake Tahoe, and other expenses deemed ineligible or excessive. The report also said SFPD “did not adequately review invoices or supporting documentation” to ensure that public funds from a five-year grant agreement with SF SAFE were being spent properly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officials asked the district attorney’s office to investigate due to SFPD’s relationship with the nonprofit, and the office found that the total amount of money misused by Worthy during her tenure at SF SAFE was more than $700,000, according to Tuesday’s announcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the misused funds, totaling more than half a million dollars, came from the Office of Employment of Workforce Development and should have been paid to two city-contracted organizations affiliated with the Latino Task Force, a group of Mission District-based nonprofits. In March, the group announced that SF SAFE owed it $625,000 for training services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worthy is also accused of spending over $100,000 of the organization’s funds for personal use, including rent in 2018 and more than $90,000 spent on a home healthcare worker for her parents in North Carolina in 2019 and 2020, leading to a charge of grand theft by embezzlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, she faces 24 felony counts of wage theft against SF SAFE employees related to allegations that she stopped withholding and paying $80,000 in workers’ payroll taxes between September 2023 and January 2024, when the organization closed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>An affidavit in support of Worthy’s arrest shows that Worthy repeatedly stole and misspent nonprofit funds during her time at SF SAFE, ultimately leading to the organization being unable to meet its financial obligations, the DA’s office said. Even as the nonprofit was running out of money, the affidavit alleges, she spent lavishly, including over $350,000 on gift boxes in 2022 and 2023 and nearly $50,000 on catering for a holiday party with an open bar and prime rib carving station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she took the helm of SF SAFE at the end of 2017, the organization had reserves in excess of $300,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite SF SAFE receiving millions of dollars in public and private funds over the next five years, Ms. Worthy’s theft and mismanagement resulted in the 48-year-old charity having no assets and ceasing operations in January of 2024,” the DA’s office’s statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Police Commissioner Kevin Benedicto said SFPD would likely be monitoring nonprofit partners’ spending more closely as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there are sort of repercussions that are going to echo in the department that are going to influence the commission,” he told KQED. “In general, you’re going to see more inquiries and more requests to make sure that we’re conducting oversight responsibilities for nonprofits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said that he’s committed to ensuring that SF SAFE’s duties, which include operating a network of public safety cameras and conducting community outreach, are continued, either by the department or another partner organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worthy was booked into San Francisco County Jail on Tuesday afternoon. Her bail is listed at $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "diaspora-salvadorena-san-francisco-bukele",
"title": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña?",
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"headTitle": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989118/salvadoran-american-voters-in-san-francisco-divided-over-tough-on-crime-approach\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sentada en una mesa dentro de su pupusería en San Francisco, Aminta Calderón recuerda cómo fue votar por internet en las recientes elecciones para la presidencia de El Salvador. Ella votó por el actual presidente Nayib Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hija me ayudó a votar desde mi teléfono móvil”, dijo Calderón. Añadió que sacó su tarjeta de identificación emitida por el gobierno salvadoreño, e “ingresé en la página web y así de fácil”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poder votar por Bukele desde el extranjero era algo que la entusiasmaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón es una de los 322 mil salvadoreños que viven en el extranjero. En las elecciones presidenciales que se realizaron el pasado 4 de febrero, la mayoría de este grupo votó por Bukele. La controvertida, pero popular política de mano dura contra la delincuencia de Bukele, resultó en que el mandatario recibiera un promedio del 96.5% de los votos en línea y presenciales de saladoreños radicados en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los salvadoreños son la segunda población latina más numerosa de San Francisco y ante la preocupación por el aumento de la delincuencia en toda la ciudad, también en la diáspora salvadoreña se ha vuelto más popular votar por un candidato que promueva una mano dura contra delincuencia. La popularidad de Bukele, sin embargo, también ha impulsado a grupos progresistas a movilizarse contra la influencia del presidente salvadoreño en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón posa para una foto en el interior de la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión, en San Francisco, el 3 de junio de 2024. Calderón votó en línea por el presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, de 73 años, apoya firmemente un sistema de ley y el orden. Relata el peligro que vivió en El Salvador, tanto por la guerra civil como por la creciente violencia de las pandillas. Decidió huir de su país en 1995 tras ser tiroteada por unos hombres que intentaban robar mercancías de su negocio de transporte. Vendió lo poco que tenía y emigró a San Francisco, donde ha emprendido varios negocios de comida en el Área de la Bahía.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su trabajo le permitía enviar remesas a su familia en El Salvador para que pudieran cubrir sus necesidades básicas. También se mantuvo informada sobre la violencia en su país natal y creyó que las cosas nunca cambiarían, hasta que Bukele asumió la presidencia en 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eliminó todas esas masacres metiendo a muchos pandilleros en la cárcel”, dijo Calderón.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La influencia de Bukele en los votantes latinos de EE.UU.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dos semanas después de que Bukele fuera reelegido, visitó a los Estados Unidos. El 22 de febrero dio un discurso en la Conferencia anual de Acción Política Conservadora (o CPAC por sus siglas en inglés), en Maryland. Cuando subió al escenario, la multitud lo recibió con gran entusiasmo. Algunos ondeaban banderas salvadoreñas, mientras otros coreaban su nombre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su discurso, instó a los asistentes a “luchar” contra quienes no se alinean con los valores de Bukele y sus seguidores. También criticó a los funcionarios de las principales ciudades estadounidenses por aceptar la delincuencia y promover el consumo de drogas ilícitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990373\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1025\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramírez (derecha) y su marido observan el 45º desfile anual del Carnaval de San Francisco, en San Francisco, el 26 de mayo de 2024. La gorra de Ramírez lleva el logotipo del recién creado partido del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele, Nuevas Ideas, y una camiseta con la cara del presidente. Votó a Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero y tiene previsto regresar a El Salvador el año que viene. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“¿Cuántos jóvenes hemos perdido en las calles de Filadelfia o San Francisco a causa del fentanilo?”, preguntó Bukele. “Lo mismo ocurría en El Salvador. En menos de una década, las pandillas tomaron el control del país y de nuestra sociedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que su administración detuvo a los pandilleros, expulsó a jueces corruptos y destituyó a fiscales corruptos para reformar El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tasa de homicidios de El Salvador alcanzó su punto máximo en 2015, llegando a 102 muertes por cada 100 mil habitantes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">según datos del gobierno salvadoreño\u003c/a>. La tasa de homicidios disminuyó lentamente, y en 2019, el año en que Bukele asumió la presidencia, la tasa se situó en 36 por cada 100 mil. En sus cinco años de mandato, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">la tasa cayó a 2.4 por 100 mil\u003c/a>, convirtiendo al pequeño país en uno de los más seguros de América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos salvadoreños observaron el primer mandato de Bukele desde lejos, aplaudiendo al presidente por sus logros. Calderón es uno de ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que esta paz que tenemos ahora perdure”, dijo Calderón. “Porque si [Bukele] deja de gobernar, y llega otro corrupto como antes, dejarán libre a los delincuentes de la cárcel, y la cosa va empeorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las medidas enérgicas contra la violencia por parte de Bukele ha preocupado a las organizacione de derechos humanos. El presidente salvadoreño ordenó un \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">“rég\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">imen de excepción”\u003c/a> en marzo de 2022, una medida que suspendió cuatro derechos básicos de la Constitución de El Salvador, entre ellos el derecho a la defensa en caso de detención, la libertad de reunión, la privacidad en las comunicaciones digitales sin interceptación policial, y un plazo de detención antes del juicio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que era una medida necesaria para luchar contra la delincuencia violenta. En esos dos años, mientras la tasa de homicidios caía precipitadamente, la de los encarcelamientos aumentaba y ahora es una de las \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">más elevadas del mundo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la policía se creó para imponer la ley y el orden, que imponga la ley y el orden”, dijo Bukele en su discurso en la CPAC. “Si el sistema judicial se creó para hacer justicia, que hagan justicia”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cambio en la justicia penal de San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco ha sido criticada por alejarse lentamente de lo que se ha considerado una política de justicia penal progresista desde que los votantes destituyeron al entonces fiscal del distrito, Chesa Boudin, hace casi dos años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La alcaldesa London Breed nombró a Brooke Jenkins como la nueva fiscal de San Francisco en 2022. Jenkins prometió dar prioridad a la seguridad en la ciudad. Fue reelegida ese mismo año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990374\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manifestantes contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sería fácil interpretar algunas de mis expresiones como un regreso a las políticas de mano dura contra la delincuencia o una estrategia que se centra exclusivamente en el encarcelamiento”, dijo Jenkins en su discurso de investidura. “Para algunos, la rendición de cuentas puede tener que ser la cárcel”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los fiscales lograron condenas en el 42% de los casos durante el primer año completo de Jenkins en el cargo, un aumento con respecto a la tasa de condenas del 36% del año anterior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins también anunció un grupo de trabajo sobre opioides a finales de 2023 junto con Breed y el gobernador Gavin Newsom. Esto forma parte de una ofensiva general contra la venta de drogas en San Francisco. Mientras que en El Salvador, Bukele ha emprendido su propia campaña contra el narcotráfico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón dijo que la venta de fentanilo está destruyendo comunidades en los EE.UU., incluida San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí hay mucha delincuencia, y si no hay mano dura”, dijo, “la delincuencia, en lugar de disminuir, aumenta”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El grupo de trabajo sobre opioides, que pretende estar implementado a finales de este año, trataría las muertes por sobredosis en San Francisco atribuibles directmente a un traficante de drogas. Esta es una medida que los fiscales de otros condados de California están adoptando, como el de Riverside, para combatir el aumento de las muertes por sobredosis y a presuntos traficantes de fentanilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El sentir hacia políticas más conservadoras para hacer frente a la delincuencia y el consumo de drogas obtuvo el respaldo de los votantes de San Francisco en marzo, cuando se aprobaron dos iniciativas apoyadas por Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La propuesta “E” permitirá al departamento de policía de la ciudad desplegar más herramientas de vigilancia pública y reducir los requisitos de notificación de los agentes cuando se produzca una situación de uso de fuerza. Mientras que la propuesta “F” exigirá que los beneficiarios de la asistencia social, sospechosos de consumir drogas, se sometan a pruebas y reciban tratamiento.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Breed también apoya una medida electoral de noviembre para reformar la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">Proposición 47\u003c/a>, la cual actualmente limita el poder de los fiscales para procesar ciertos delitos no violentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que se está produciendo un cambio fundamental en la economía política de San Francisco”, afirmó Roberto Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato, de 61 años, es autor de \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, un libro sobre el trauma intergeneracional entre EE.UU. y El Salvador. Él ha documentado los efectos a largo plazo que la violenta historia de El Salvador ha tenido en los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compara la política del Área de la Bahía con la estrategia política actual de El Salvador: crear soluciones a corto plazo para promoverlas en las redes sociales y recibir apoyo. Es una estrategia que Lovato cree que ha funcionado con la población salvadoreña en EE.UU. a la hora de votar por Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En el caso de los salvadoreños, existe una cultura fascista que influyó en nuestras familias”, dijo Lovato. “Cada vez hay menos alternativas para que la gente pueda evaluar fuera del marco fascista. Así que el recurso de Bukele no debería sorprendernos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Salvadoreños estadounidenses en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Por varias décadas, El Salvador fue considerado uno de los países más violentos de América Latina. En el siglo XX, el país vivió el aumento de la militarización dentro de su gobierno al mismo tiempo que crecía su exportación de café. El descontento con el gobierno provocó levantamientos que fueron rápidamente sofocados, uno de etos sucedió en 1932, cuando se produjo un suceso llamado “La Matanza”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una bandera salvadoreña ondea durante el 45º Carnaval anual de San Francisco celebrado en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 26 de mayo de 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los padres de Roberto Lovato emigraron al Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco durante la década de 1940 para huir de esa violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sé que es una de las sociedades en el mundo que ha experimentado el mayor número de dictaturas”, dijo Lovato. “Así que si quieres entender a nuestras familias, son familias que han huido o han sido moldeadas por el fascismo que está profundamente arraigado en el corazón de El Salvador luego de una larga dictadura militar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante décadas, los salvadoreños vivieron en un estado de militarización . En respuesta a estas condiciones sociopolíticas, creció un movimiento guerrillero de izquierdas llamado Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) que prometió derrocar al gobierno, un movimiento que condujo a una guerra civil en 1980 que duró 12 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La guerra mató a decenas de miles de personas, incluidas múltiples masacres de civiles, mujeres y niños. Esto impulsó otra oleada migratoria fuera de El Salvador, dijo Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando vivía en San Francisco, Lovato estaba rodeado de activistas centroamericanos que se oponían al gobierno derechista de El Salvador. Muchos de ellos residían en el Distrito de la Misión y se reunían para planificar cómo proporcionar ayuda a los revolucionarios de toda América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato dice que él era uno de los salvadoreños que en ese entonces vivían en San Francisco y viajaron a El Salvador para unirse al movimiento guerrillero y luchar en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay una larga historia de cultura revolucionaria en la Misión”, afirmó Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990381\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990381\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, antiguo miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (CISPES), asiste a una concentración contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión, el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, de 76 años, es miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (o CISPES por sus siglas en inglés). La organización participó en el activismo en San Francisco durante la guerra civil salvadoreña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recuerda cómo ayudó a enviar vehículos con suministros donados a El Salvador y marchó por las calles de San Francisco pidiendo al alcalde que condenara el papel de los EE.UU. en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hicimos una gran manifestación en el Centro de Suministros Navales de Oakland”, dijo Josselyn. “Había 200 personas bloqueando la entrada, y la policía entró y arrestó a todo el mundo.”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el fin de la guerra civil salvadoreña en 1992, el FMLN se convirtió en partido político. El partido conservador que gobernó durante la guerra civil, llamado Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, siguió siendo una fuerza opositora en la política salvadoreña durante los años posteriores a la guerra. En los últimos años, ha surgido un movimiento populista que condujo a la elección de un tercer partido creado y liderado por Bukele, debido a la percepción popular que los dos partidos históricos se habían corrompido demasiado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CISPES ha continuado con su activismo en el Área de la Bahía después del fin de la guerra. En la actualidad, el grupo se centra en protestar contra las acciones presidenciales de Bukele. También mantienen comunciación con activistas en El Salvador, quienes afirman haber sufrido represalias por criticar el gobierno de Bukele. Otros miembros de CISPES llevan años observando las elecciones salvadoreñas para garantizar un proceso democrático sin problemas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, integrante de CISPES, observó el proceso electoral en San Francisco en dos centros de votación ubicados en salas de conferencias de hoteles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El primer lugar en el que estuve era el hotel más grande. Creo que el recuento final fue de unos 2 mil 500 votantes”, dijo Morales. “En la segunda ubicación, eran como 1 mil 300 personas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo votan los salvadoreños del Área de la Bahía\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Marcela García-Castañón, profesora de ciencias políticas en la Universidad Estatal de San Francisco, los latinos de Área de la Bahía se han desenvuelto en la política de forma muy diferente a como lo han hecho en otras partes de California. Lleva casi una década estudiando los sentimientos políticos de las diferentes comunidades latinas en la región.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990385\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73 años, izquierda, entrega una olla grande a su compañera de trabajo en la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 3 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Una de las preguntas que hacemos, por ejemplo, es “¿Cuáles son los temas más importantes para su comunidad? Y en el Área de la Bahía, vemos que la gente se comunica de una manera muy concreta”, dijo García-Castañón. “Usan términos como la brutalidad policial o Black Lives Matter. Dan nombre a los movimientos y utilizan el lenguaje relevante”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su encuesta más reciente se realizó en el 2022. Señaló que aquellos que habían sido víctimas de la delincuencia o la violencia a mano armada buscaban que el sistema de justicia penal responda más a la realidad que ellos experimentan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, agrega la investigadora, esto no signica que esta comunidad ve el encarcelamiento como la única solución. La más reciente encuesta de García-Castañón incluyó un gran porcentaje de jóvenes, muchos de los cuales procedían de familias inmigrantes. Y según los resultados, muchos de los encuestados no se sienten representados por el gobierno.[aside postID=\"news_11955907\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS50596_019_SanFrancisco_HeatWaveImpacts_08062021-qut-1020x680-1.jpg\"]Otras encuestas recientes han demostrado que los latinos que durante mucho tiempo han sido votantes de izquierda, ahora \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">se han pasado a la derecha\u003c/a>. Lovato cree que existe una mayoría silenciosa de ideología izquierdista, especialmente entre los salvadoreños más jóvenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que factores como la presión social, el dominio de los medios de comunicación y sus efectos en la sociedad tienen un efecto silenciador”, dijo Lovato. “¿Realmente quieres hablar claro cuando parece que todo el mundo, en línea y fuera de línea, está a favor de Bukele?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por su parte, Aminta Calderón, propietaria de una pupusería en el Distrito de la Misión, dijo que ella votaría a favor de alguien en San Francisco cuya política reflejara la gestión de Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este país es muy tolerante, y muchos se aprovechan de ello”, dijo Calderón. “Si no hubiera tanta tolerancia aquí, no habrían más delincuentes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "En San Francisco, algunos en la comunidad salvadoreña ven la política de mano dura promovida por el presidente Nayib Bukele como una solución a los problemas que enfrenta la ciudad californiana. Pero otros están en desacuerdo.",
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"title": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña? | KQED",
"description": "En San Francisco, algunos en la comunidad salvadoreña ven la política de mano dura promovida por el presidente Nayib Bukele como una solución a los problemas que enfrenta la ciudad californiana. Pero otros están en desacuerdo.",
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"headline": "Bukele transformó la política de El Salvador, ¿cómo ha influido esto en la diáspora salvadoreña?",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/latinidan\">Daniel Eduardo Hernández\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989118/salvadoran-american-voters-in-san-francisco-divided-over-tough-on-crime-approach\">Read in English\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sentada en una mesa dentro de su pupusería en San Francisco, Aminta Calderón recuerda cómo fue votar por internet en las recientes elecciones para la presidencia de El Salvador. Ella votó por el actual presidente Nayib Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mi hija me ayudó a votar desde mi teléfono móvil”, dijo Calderón. Añadió que sacó su tarjeta de identificación emitida por el gobierno salvadoreño, e “ingresé en la página web y así de fácil”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poder votar por Bukele desde el extranjero era algo que la entusiasmaba.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón es una de los 322 mil salvadoreños que viven en el extranjero. En las elecciones presidenciales que se realizaron el pasado 4 de febrero, la mayoría de este grupo votó por Bukele. La controvertida, pero popular política de mano dura contra la delincuencia de Bukele, resultó en que el mandatario recibiera un promedio del 96.5% de los votos en línea y presenciales de saladoreños radicados en el extranjero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los salvadoreños son la segunda población latina más numerosa de San Francisco y ante la preocupación por el aumento de la delincuencia en toda la ciudad, también en la diáspora salvadoreña se ha vuelto más popular votar por un candidato que promueva una mano dura contra delincuencia. La popularidad de Bukele, sin embargo, también ha impulsado a grupos progresistas a movilizarse contra la influencia del presidente salvadoreño en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990372\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990372\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón posa para una foto en el interior de la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión, en San Francisco, el 3 de junio de 2024. Calderón votó en línea por el presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, de 73 años, apoya firmemente un sistema de ley y el orden. Relata el peligro que vivió en El Salvador, tanto por la guerra civil como por la creciente violencia de las pandillas. Decidió huir de su país en 1995 tras ser tiroteada por unos hombres que intentaban robar mercancías de su negocio de transporte. Vendió lo poco que tenía y emigró a San Francisco, donde ha emprendido varios negocios de comida en el Área de la Bahía.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su trabajo le permitía enviar remesas a su familia en El Salvador para que pudieran cubrir sus necesidades básicas. También se mantuvo informada sobre la violencia en su país natal y creyó que las cosas nunca cambiarían, hasta que Bukele asumió la presidencia en 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Eliminó todas esas masacres metiendo a muchos pandilleros en la cárcel”, dijo Calderón.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La influencia de Bukele en los votantes latinos de EE.UU.\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Dos semanas después de que Bukele fuera reelegido, visitó a los Estados Unidos. El 22 de febrero dio un discurso en la Conferencia anual de Acción Política Conservadora (o CPAC por sus siglas en inglés), en Maryland. Cuando subió al escenario, la multitud lo recibió con gran entusiasmo. Algunos ondeaban banderas salvadoreñas, mientras otros coreaban su nombre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En su discurso, instó a los asistentes a “luchar” contra quienes no se alinean con los valores de Bukele y sus seguidores. También criticó a los funcionarios de las principales ciudades estadounidenses por aceptar la delincuencia y promover el consumo de drogas ilícitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990373\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990373\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1025\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MORENA-RAMIREZ-WITH-HUSBAND-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramírez (derecha) y su marido observan el 45º desfile anual del Carnaval de San Francisco, en San Francisco, el 26 de mayo de 2024. La gorra de Ramírez lleva el logotipo del recién creado partido del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele, Nuevas Ideas, y una camiseta con la cara del presidente. Votó a Bukele en las elecciones del 4 de febrero y tiene previsto regresar a El Salvador el año que viene. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“¿Cuántos jóvenes hemos perdido en las calles de Filadelfia o San Francisco a causa del fentanilo?”, preguntó Bukele. “Lo mismo ocurría en El Salvador. En menos de una década, las pandillas tomaron el control del país y de nuestra sociedad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que su administración detuvo a los pandilleros, expulsó a jueces corruptos y destituyó a fiscales corruptos para reformar El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tasa de homicidios de El Salvador alcanzó su punto máximo en 2015, llegando a 102 muertes por cada 100 mil habitantes, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">según datos del gobierno salvadoreño\u003c/a>. La tasa de homicidios disminuyó lentamente, y en 2019, el año en que Bukele asumió la presidencia, la tasa se situó en 36 por cada 100 mil. En sus cinco años de mandato, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">la tasa cayó a 2.4 por 100 mil\u003c/a>, convirtiendo al pequeño país en uno de los más seguros de América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchos salvadoreños observaron el primer mandato de Bukele desde lejos, aplaudiendo al presidente por sus logros. Calderón es uno de ellos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Esperemos que esta paz que tenemos ahora perdure”, dijo Calderón. “Porque si [Bukele] deja de gobernar, y llega otro corrupto como antes, dejarán libre a los delincuentes de la cárcel, y la cosa va empeorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero las medidas enérgicas contra la violencia por parte de Bukele ha preocupado a las organizacione de derechos humanos. El presidente salvadoreño ordenó un \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">“rég\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">imen de excepción”\u003c/a> en marzo de 2022, una medida que suspendió cuatro derechos básicos de la Constitución de El Salvador, entre ellos el derecho a la defensa en caso de detención, la libertad de reunión, la privacidad en las comunicaciones digitales sin interceptación policial, y un plazo de detención antes del juicio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele dijo que era una medida necesaria para luchar contra la delincuencia violenta. En esos dos años, mientras la tasa de homicidios caía precipitadamente, la de los encarcelamientos aumentaba y ahora es una de las \u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">más elevadas del mundo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Si la policía se creó para imponer la ley y el orden, que imponga la ley y el orden”, dijo Bukele en su discurso en la CPAC. “Si el sistema judicial se creó para hacer justicia, que hagan justicia”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cambio en la justicia penal de San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>San Francisco ha sido criticada por alejarse lentamente de lo que se ha considerado una política de justicia penal progresista desde que los votantes destituyeron al entonces fiscal del distrito, Chesa Boudin, hace casi dos años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La alcaldesa London Breed nombró a Brooke Jenkins como la nueva fiscal de San Francisco en 2022. Jenkins prometió dar prioridad a la seguridad en la ciudad. Fue reelegida ese mismo año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990374\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990374\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/MISSION-DEMONSTATORS-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Manifestantes contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Sería fácil interpretar algunas de mis expresiones como un regreso a las políticas de mano dura contra la delincuencia o una estrategia que se centra exclusivamente en el encarcelamiento”, dijo Jenkins en su discurso de investidura. “Para algunos, la rendición de cuentas puede tener que ser la cárcel”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los fiscales lograron condenas en el 42% de los casos durante el primer año completo de Jenkins en el cargo, un aumento con respecto a la tasa de condenas del 36% del año anterior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins también anunció un grupo de trabajo sobre opioides a finales de 2023 junto con Breed y el gobernador Gavin Newsom. Esto forma parte de una ofensiva general contra la venta de drogas en San Francisco. Mientras que en El Salvador, Bukele ha emprendido su propia campaña contra el narcotráfico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón dijo que la venta de fentanilo está destruyendo comunidades en los EE.UU., incluida San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aquí hay mucha delincuencia, y si no hay mano dura”, dijo, “la delincuencia, en lugar de disminuir, aumenta”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El grupo de trabajo sobre opioides, que pretende estar implementado a finales de este año, trataría las muertes por sobredosis en San Francisco atribuibles directmente a un traficante de drogas. Esta es una medida que los fiscales de otros condados de California están adoptando, como el de Riverside, para combatir el aumento de las muertes por sobredosis y a presuntos traficantes de fentanilo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El sentir hacia políticas más conservadoras para hacer frente a la delincuencia y el consumo de drogas obtuvo el respaldo de los votantes de San Francisco en marzo, cuando se aprobaron dos iniciativas apoyadas por Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La propuesta “E” permitirá al departamento de policía de la ciudad desplegar más herramientas de vigilancia pública y reducir los requisitos de notificación de los agentes cuando se produzca una situación de uso de fuerza. Mientras que la propuesta “F” exigirá que los beneficiarios de la asistencia social, sospechosos de consumir drogas, se sometan a pruebas y reciban tratamiento.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Breed también apoya una medida electoral de noviembre para reformar la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">Proposición 47\u003c/a>, la cual actualmente limita el poder de los fiscales para procesar ciertos delitos no violentos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que se está produciendo un cambio fundamental en la economía política de San Francisco”, afirmó Roberto Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato, de 61 años, es autor de \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, un libro sobre el trauma intergeneracional entre EE.UU. y El Salvador. Él ha documentado los efectos a largo plazo que la violenta historia de El Salvador ha tenido en los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compara la política del Área de la Bahía con la estrategia política actual de El Salvador: crear soluciones a corto plazo para promoverlas en las redes sociales y recibir apoyo. Es una estrategia que Lovato cree que ha funcionado con la población salvadoreña en EE.UU. a la hora de votar por Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“En el caso de los salvadoreños, existe una cultura fascista que influyó en nuestras familias”, dijo Lovato. “Cada vez hay menos alternativas para que la gente pueda evaluar fuera del marco fascista. Así que el recurso de Bukele no debería sorprendernos”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Salvadoreños estadounidenses en San Francisco\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Por varias décadas, El Salvador fue considerado uno de los países más violentos de América Latina. En el siglo XX, el país vivió el aumento de la militarización dentro de su gobierno al mismo tiempo que crecía su exportación de café. El descontento con el gobierno provocó levantamientos que fueron rápidamente sofocados, uno de etos sucedió en 1932, cuando se produjo un suceso llamado “La Matanza”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/SALVADORAN-FLAG-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una bandera salvadoreña ondea durante el 45º Carnaval anual de San Francisco celebrado en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 26 de mayo de 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernández/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los padres de Roberto Lovato emigraron al Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco durante la década de 1940 para huir de esa violencia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sé que es una de las sociedades en el mundo que ha experimentado el mayor número de dictaturas”, dijo Lovato. “Así que si quieres entender a nuestras familias, son familias que han huido o han sido moldeadas por el fascismo que está profundamente arraigado en el corazón de El Salvador luego de una larga dictadura militar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durante décadas, los salvadoreños vivieron en un estado de militarización . En respuesta a estas condiciones sociopolíticas, creció un movimiento guerrillero de izquierdas llamado Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) que prometió derrocar al gobierno, un movimiento que condujo a una guerra civil en 1980 que duró 12 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La guerra mató a decenas de miles de personas, incluidas múltiples masacres de civiles, mujeres y niños. Esto impulsó otra oleada migratoria fuera de El Salvador, dijo Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando vivía en San Francisco, Lovato estaba rodeado de activistas centroamericanos que se oponían al gobierno derechista de El Salvador. Muchos de ellos residían en el Distrito de la Misión y se reunían para planificar cómo proporcionar ayuda a los revolucionarios de toda América Latina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato dice que él era uno de los salvadoreños que en ese entonces vivían en San Francisco y viajaron a El Salvador para unirse al movimiento guerrillero y luchar en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hay una larga historia de cultura revolucionaria en la Misión”, afirmó Lovato.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990381\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990381\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/PHYL-JOSSELYN-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, antiguo miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (CISPES), asiste a una concentración contra la reelección del presidente salvadoreño Nayib Bukele en San Francisco el día de su toma de posesión, el 1 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, de 76 años, es miembro del Comité de Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador (o CISPES por sus siglas en inglés). La organización participó en el activismo en San Francisco durante la guerra civil salvadoreña.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recuerda cómo ayudó a enviar vehículos con suministros donados a El Salvador y marchó por las calles de San Francisco pidiendo al alcalde que condenara el papel de los EE.UU. en la guerra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hicimos una gran manifestación en el Centro de Suministros Navales de Oakland”, dijo Josselyn. “Había 200 personas bloqueando la entrada, y la policía entró y arrestó a todo el mundo.”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el fin de la guerra civil salvadoreña en 1992, el FMLN se convirtió en partido político. El partido conservador que gobernó durante la guerra civil, llamado Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, siguió siendo una fuerza opositora en la política salvadoreña durante los años posteriores a la guerra. En los últimos años, ha surgido un movimiento populista que condujo a la elección de un tercer partido creado y liderado por Bukele, debido a la percepción popular que los dos partidos históricos se habían corrompido demasiado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CISPES ha continuado con su activismo en el Área de la Bahía después del fin de la guerra. En la actualidad, el grupo se centra en protestar contra las acciones presidenciales de Bukele. También mantienen comunciación con activistas en El Salvador, quienes afirman haber sufrido represalias por criticar el gobierno de Bukele. Otros miembros de CISPES llevan años observando las elecciones salvadoreñas para garantizar un proceso democrático sin problemas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, integrante de CISPES, observó el proceso electoral en San Francisco en dos centros de votación ubicados en salas de conferencias de hoteles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“El primer lugar en el que estuve era el hotel más grande. Creo que el recuento final fue de unos 2 mil 500 votantes”, dijo Morales. “En la segunda ubicación, eran como 1 mil 300 personas”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo votan los salvadoreños del Área de la Bahía\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Marcela García-Castañón, profesora de ciencias políticas en la Universidad Estatal de San Francisco, los latinos de Área de la Bahía se han desenvuelto en la política de forma muy diferente a como lo han hecho en otras partes de California. Lleva casi una década estudiando los sentimientos políticos de las diferentes comunidades latinas en la región.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990385\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990385\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/ANA-CALDERON-2-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73 años, izquierda, entrega una olla grande a su compañera de trabajo en la pupusería de su familia en el Distrito de la Misión en San Francisco el 3 de junio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Una de las preguntas que hacemos, por ejemplo, es “¿Cuáles son los temas más importantes para su comunidad? Y en el Área de la Bahía, vemos que la gente se comunica de una manera muy concreta”, dijo García-Castañón. “Usan términos como la brutalidad policial o Black Lives Matter. Dan nombre a los movimientos y utilizan el lenguaje relevante”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Su encuesta más reciente se realizó en el 2022. Señaló que aquellos que habían sido víctimas de la delincuencia o la violencia a mano armada buscaban que el sistema de justicia penal responda más a la realidad que ellos experimentan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero, agrega la investigadora, esto no signica que esta comunidad ve el encarcelamiento como la única solución. La más reciente encuesta de García-Castañón incluyó un gran porcentaje de jóvenes, muchos de los cuales procedían de familias inmigrantes. Y según los resultados, muchos de los encuestados no se sienten representados por el gobierno.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Otras encuestas recientes han demostrado que los latinos que durante mucho tiempo han sido votantes de izquierda, ahora \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">se han pasado a la derecha\u003c/a>. Lovato cree que existe una mayoría silenciosa de ideología izquierdista, especialmente entre los salvadoreños más jóvenes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Creo que factores como la presión social, el dominio de los medios de comunicación y sus efectos en la sociedad tienen un efecto silenciador”, dijo Lovato. “¿Realmente quieres hablar claro cuando parece que todo el mundo, en línea y fuera de línea, está a favor de Bukele?”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por su parte, Aminta Calderón, propietaria de una pupusería en el Distrito de la Misión, dijo que ella votaría a favor de alguien en San Francisco cuya política reflejara la gestión de Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Este país es muy tolerante, y muchos se aprovechan de ello”, dijo Calderón. “Si no hubiera tanta tolerancia aquí, no habrían más delincuentes”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Could Protesters Who Shut Down Golden Gate Bridge Be Charged With False Imprisonment?",
"headTitle": "Could Protesters Who Shut Down Golden Gate Bridge Be Charged With False Imprisonment? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An announcement from San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins that she is considering the possibility of charging a group of pro-Palestinian protesters with a felony for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982940/protesters-shut-down-880-freeway-in-oakland-as-part-of-economic-blockade-for-gaza\">blocking the Golden Gate Bridge on Monday\u003c/a> has been met with concern by legal experts and civil rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have also pushed back against \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780616603954204930\">Jenkins’ suggestion\u003c/a> that people who were stuck in traffic during the protest may be eligible for restitution as possible victims “detained against their will” or “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/brookejenkinssf/status/1780369591367340514?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">falsely imprisoned”\u003c/a> — and should reach out to California Highway Patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These people, Jenkins wrote on X on Wednesday, “may be entitled to restitution + have other victim rights guaranteed under \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/victim-services/marsys-law/\">Marsy’s law.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780616603954204930\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU Northern California’s legal director Shilpi Agarwal called the idea — that anyone disrupted by a protest can seek financial payment from protesters — a “red flag.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawful protests are, by design, meant to be visible and inconvenient,” Agarwal said. “Lawful protests often create roadblocks or shut down streets or create traffic … The idea that people who suffer that inconvenience are victims and should get money from the protesters is a very dangerous notion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What happened after the Golden Gate Bridge protests?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Alameda County prosecutors are still waiting to review evidence from CHP before announcing any charges against the protesters, who were part of an international “economic blockade” to oppose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">the United States’ financial support for Israel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11821950 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS64575_022_KQED_AntiochPoliceRacistTextProtest_04182023-qut-1020x680.jpg']Israel’s monthslong siege of Gaza, in response to Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7 that killed some 1,200 Israelis according to Israel’s government, has caused \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-hamas-gaza-war-statistics-95a6407fac94e9d589be234708cd5005\">widespread devastation:\u003c/a> 33,000 Palestinians — more than 13,000 of them children — have since been killed, according to Gaza health authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s attacks have also displaced 70% of Gaza’s population, and the United Nations is warning that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-un-humanitarian-famine-gaza-malnutrition-cf622f843fe531fb6dbd5657a39d6b49\">a famine is approaching\u003c/a>. Since the siege began more than six months ago, thousands in the Bay Area have joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">rallies and protests demanding a cease-fire in Gaza\u003c/a>. (Read more about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1205445976/middle-east-crisis\">the decades-long conflict from NPR’s “Middle East crisis — explained”\u003c/a> series.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the 12 protesters arrested in a separate protest on two different sections of Interstate 880 in Oakland were quickly released. However, most of the 26 arrested on the Golden Gate Bridge were booked and held in jail for more than 24 hours on suspicion of felony conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The felony arrest charge gives Jenkins the opportunity to consider charging the Golden Gate Bridge protesters with a felony. Misdemeanors or infractions are more common charges for protesters, Agarwal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we must protect avenues for free speech, the exercise of free speech cannot compromise public safety,” Jenkins wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780369591367340514/photo/1\">a statement posted to X. \u003c/a>“I truly believe that there can be free expression while maintaining the safety of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHP spokesperson Andrew Barclay argued the protesters posed a serious threat to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody has a right to protest,” Barclay said. “People have a right to express their opinions. No one has the right to go on to a freeway and shut it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order for the charges to come to fruition, Barclay said CHP needs to speak to individuals “trapped on the bridge as this was happening” and needs “to actually show that there are specific individuals who were in this situation because of the actions of the protesters. And we need to do that in order to be able to meet those standards that will articulate that crime was committed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During an unrelated press conference on climate change on Tuesday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook-pm/2024/04/16/dems-narrow-the-swing-district-gap-00152679\">Gov. Gavin Newsom also criticized Monday’s protests\u003c/a>: “I don’t think that’s helpful, and I don’t think that’s responsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said that he believed “there are better ways of protesting” and that “people need to be held to account for their actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What do legal voices and advocates say?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Center for Protest Law and Litigation — which is representing the freeway protesters — has blasted CHP and framed the possible allegations as trumped-up arrest charges meant to silence peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of a way of inflicting a preemptive punishment before charges have even been filed,” said Rachel Lederman, the group’s senior council. “We haven’t seen this in recent years in San Francisco or in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11976328,news_11982940\"]Agarwal of the ACLU is concerned about the language Jenkins employed in the call out, which included \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/brookejenkinssf/status/1780369591367340514?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">“falsely imprisoned” and “restitution.” \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only kind of interpretation that I can glean from that is [that] she really wants to dissuade people from exercising their right to protest by sort of heaping on these protesters all kinds of unusual consequences, some of which are financial,” Agarwal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our concern is that’s really going to have a chilling effect on speech because lawful protesting is inconvenient,” she said. “It is how you draw attention to an issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman added that she thought “it’s a bit far-fetched to charge people with false imprisonment for blocking traffic” — although she said in her experience, restitution is common in criminal cases. She noted that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967536/protesters-calling-for-gaza-ceasefire-block-bay-bridges-westbound-lanes\">78 pro-Palestinian protesters arrested after they blocked the Bay Bridge\u003c/a> are paying “a very small amount of restitution to one person who had a specific medical bill that they attributed to the traffic blockage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins previously filed charges against those \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967536/protesters-calling-for-gaza-ceasefire-block-bay-bridges-westbound-lanes\">Bay Bridge protesters\u003c/a>. However, a judge last month ordered them to pay the restitution and do community service instead of going to trial — a move Jenkins said she had to accept but did not support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agarwal said while she could not speak to the details of Monday’s actions, the government can place “reasonable limits on protest” in what is called \u003ca href=\"https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/article/time-place-and-manner-restrictions/\">a “time, place, and manner restriction\u003c/a>,” by dictating certain parameters to try to ensure safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But “even in a situation where the protester does everything that they’re supposed to do, protests are inconvenient. They absolutely create traffic jams. They absolutely can create streets to shut down,” Agarwal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a balance that we have struck in this country where we say we have a First Amendment right to voice our opinion on things, and we are willing to suffer some of the inconvenience that can come from that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sydney Johnson and David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 6:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An announcement from San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins that she is considering the possibility of charging a group of pro-Palestinian protesters with a felony for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982940/protesters-shut-down-880-freeway-in-oakland-as-part-of-economic-blockade-for-gaza\">blocking the Golden Gate Bridge on Monday\u003c/a> has been met with concern by legal experts and civil rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have also pushed back against \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780616603954204930\">Jenkins’ suggestion\u003c/a> that people who were stuck in traffic during the protest may be eligible for restitution as possible victims “detained against their will” or “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/brookejenkinssf/status/1780369591367340514?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">falsely imprisoned”\u003c/a> — and should reach out to California Highway Patrol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These people, Jenkins wrote on X on Wednesday, “may be entitled to restitution + have other victim rights guaranteed under \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdcr.ca.gov/victim-services/marsys-law/\">Marsy’s law.\u003c/a>”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>ACLU Northern California’s legal director Shilpi Agarwal called the idea — that anyone disrupted by a protest can seek financial payment from protesters — a “red flag.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lawful protests are, by design, meant to be visible and inconvenient,” Agarwal said. “Lawful protests often create roadblocks or shut down streets or create traffic … The idea that people who suffer that inconvenience are victims and should get money from the protesters is a very dangerous notion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What happened after the Golden Gate Bridge protests?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and Alameda County prosecutors are still waiting to review evidence from CHP before announcing any charges against the protesters, who were part of an international “economic blockade” to oppose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">the United States’ financial support for Israel\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Israel’s monthslong siege of Gaza, in response to Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7 that killed some 1,200 Israelis according to Israel’s government, has caused \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-hamas-gaza-war-statistics-95a6407fac94e9d589be234708cd5005\">widespread devastation:\u003c/a> 33,000 Palestinians — more than 13,000 of them children — have since been killed, according to Gaza health authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Israel’s attacks have also displaced 70% of Gaza’s population, and the United Nations is warning that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-un-humanitarian-famine-gaza-malnutrition-cf622f843fe531fb6dbd5657a39d6b49\">a famine is approaching\u003c/a>. Since the siege began more than six months ago, thousands in the Bay Area have joined \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza/\">rallies and protests demanding a cease-fire in Gaza\u003c/a>. (Read more about \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/series/1205445976/middle-east-crisis\">the decades-long conflict from NPR’s “Middle East crisis — explained”\u003c/a> series.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, the 12 protesters arrested in a separate protest on two different sections of Interstate 880 in Oakland were quickly released. However, most of the 26 arrested on the Golden Gate Bridge were booked and held in jail for more than 24 hours on suspicion of felony conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The felony arrest charge gives Jenkins the opportunity to consider charging the Golden Gate Bridge protesters with a felony. Misdemeanors or infractions are more common charges for protesters, Agarwal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While we must protect avenues for free speech, the exercise of free speech cannot compromise public safety,” Jenkins wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/BrookeJenkinsSF/status/1780369591367340514/photo/1\">a statement posted to X. \u003c/a>“I truly believe that there can be free expression while maintaining the safety of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHP spokesperson Andrew Barclay argued the protesters posed a serious threat to public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody has a right to protest,” Barclay said. “People have a right to express their opinions. No one has the right to go on to a freeway and shut it down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order for the charges to come to fruition, Barclay said CHP needs to speak to individuals “trapped on the bridge as this was happening” and needs “to actually show that there are specific individuals who were in this situation because of the actions of the protesters. And we need to do that in order to be able to meet those standards that will articulate that crime was committed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During an unrelated press conference on climate change on Tuesday, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook-pm/2024/04/16/dems-narrow-the-swing-district-gap-00152679\">Gov. Gavin Newsom also criticized Monday’s protests\u003c/a>: “I don’t think that’s helpful, and I don’t think that’s responsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said that he believed “there are better ways of protesting” and that “people need to be held to account for their actions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>What do legal voices and advocates say?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Center for Protest Law and Litigation — which is representing the freeway protesters — has blasted CHP and framed the possible allegations as trumped-up arrest charges meant to silence peaceful protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s kind of a way of inflicting a preemptive punishment before charges have even been filed,” said Rachel Lederman, the group’s senior council. “We haven’t seen this in recent years in San Francisco or in the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Agarwal of the ACLU is concerned about the language Jenkins employed in the call out, which included \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/brookejenkinssf/status/1780369591367340514?s=46&t=7BBzFwo6eYLzJIVfAlumEQ\">“falsely imprisoned” and “restitution.” \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only kind of interpretation that I can glean from that is [that] she really wants to dissuade people from exercising their right to protest by sort of heaping on these protesters all kinds of unusual consequences, some of which are financial,” Agarwal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our concern is that’s really going to have a chilling effect on speech because lawful protesting is inconvenient,” she said. “It is how you draw attention to an issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman added that she thought “it’s a bit far-fetched to charge people with false imprisonment for blocking traffic” — although she said in her experience, restitution is common in criminal cases. She noted that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967536/protesters-calling-for-gaza-ceasefire-block-bay-bridges-westbound-lanes\">78 pro-Palestinian protesters arrested after they blocked the Bay Bridge\u003c/a> are paying “a very small amount of restitution to one person who had a specific medical bill that they attributed to the traffic blockage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins previously filed charges against those \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967536/protesters-calling-for-gaza-ceasefire-block-bay-bridges-westbound-lanes\">Bay Bridge protesters\u003c/a>. However, a judge last month ordered them to pay the restitution and do community service instead of going to trial — a move Jenkins said she had to accept but did not support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agarwal said while she could not speak to the details of Monday’s actions, the government can place “reasonable limits on protest” in what is called \u003ca href=\"https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/article/time-place-and-manner-restrictions/\">a “time, place, and manner restriction\u003c/a>,” by dictating certain parameters to try to ensure safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But “even in a situation where the protester does everything that they’re supposed to do, protests are inconvenient. They absolutely create traffic jams. They absolutely can create streets to shut down,” Agarwal said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a balance that we have struck in this country where we say we have a First Amendment right to voice our opinion on things, and we are willing to suffer some of the inconvenience that can come from that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Sydney Johnson and David Marks contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Supporters of the 80 people \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967536/protesters-calling-for-gaza-ceasefire-block-bay-bridges-westbound-lanes\">arrested for blocking the Bay Bridge last month \u003c/a>packed San Francisco’s Hall of Justice on Monday for the protesters’ first court appearance, railing against District Attorney Brooke Jenkins for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970252/san-francisco-district-attorney-charges-80-people-over-protest-that-shut-down-traffic-on-bay-bridge\">pursuing a series of misdemeanor charges\u003c/a> and renewing calls for a cease-fire in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 150 people gathered for an initial rally on the rain-soaked steps of the courthouse before heading inside for the hearing, crowding into the hallway outside of a second-floor courtroom while chanting, “Let us in!”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"gaza\"]Jenkins on Saturday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970252/san-francisc\">announced five misdemeanor charges\u003c/a> against the 80 people arrested last month, including unlawful public assembly, refusal to disperse, refusal to comply with police, obstruction of a public street and false imprisonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 80 people arrested, 78 were protesters and two others were motorists not involved in the protest, according to an attorney for the demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s office did not respond to a request for an interview. Jenkins previously said the protest “had a tremendous impact on those who were stuck on the bridge for hours and required tremendous public resources to resolve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the dramatic Nov. 16 protest, demonstrators blocked all San Francisco-bound lanes of the bridge’s eastern span for multiple hours, snarling traffic for most of the morning. They unfurled banners calling on President Joe Biden, who was in town with other world leaders for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference, to support a cease-fire and end U.S. aid to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The commonsense demand of a permanent cease-fire should be echoed by all our local elected and appointed officials,” said Lujain Al-Saleh, a member of the Arab Resource & Organizing Center, who said she was among the protesters arrested that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead, some are wasting more taxpayer dollars on criminalizing those who stand on the right side of history,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 19,000 Palestinians have been killed during Israel’s more than two-month-long bombardment of Gaza, according to Gazan health officials. The Israeli military launched the attacks after \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-attack-military-war-a8f63b07641212f0de61861844e5e71e\">Hamas raided southern Israel\u003c/a> on Oct. 7, killing roughly 1,200 people — mostly civilians — and taking \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hostages-gaza-b6ffc286ca7d4b48caaada43e9c6e411\">about 240 hostages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court on Monday, the defendants were formally advised of the charges against them and given time to review their options for counsel, said their attorney, EmilyRose Johns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We demand that they drop the charges. This is going to be an outrageous and inexcusable expense on the city and county of San Francisco to prosecute peaceful demonstrators,” Johns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial court appearances will continue this week before the protesters are officially arraigned on Feb. 1 and Feb. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Supporters of the 80 people \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967536/protesters-calling-for-gaza-ceasefire-block-bay-bridges-westbound-lanes\">arrested for blocking the Bay Bridge last month \u003c/a>packed San Francisco’s Hall of Justice on Monday for the protesters’ first court appearance, railing against District Attorney Brooke Jenkins for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970252/san-francisco-district-attorney-charges-80-people-over-protest-that-shut-down-traffic-on-bay-bridge\">pursuing a series of misdemeanor charges\u003c/a> and renewing calls for a cease-fire in Gaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 150 people gathered for an initial rally on the rain-soaked steps of the courthouse before heading inside for the hearing, crowding into the hallway outside of a second-floor courtroom while chanting, “Let us in!”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jenkins on Saturday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970252/san-francisc\">announced five misdemeanor charges\u003c/a> against the 80 people arrested last month, including unlawful public assembly, refusal to disperse, refusal to comply with police, obstruction of a public street and false imprisonment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 80 people arrested, 78 were protesters and two others were motorists not involved in the protest, according to an attorney for the demonstrators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DA’s office did not respond to a request for an interview. Jenkins previously said the protest “had a tremendous impact on those who were stuck on the bridge for hours and required tremendous public resources to resolve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the dramatic Nov. 16 protest, demonstrators blocked all San Francisco-bound lanes of the bridge’s eastern span for multiple hours, snarling traffic for most of the morning. They unfurled banners calling on President Joe Biden, who was in town with other world leaders for the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation conference, to support a cease-fire and end U.S. aid to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The commonsense demand of a permanent cease-fire should be echoed by all our local elected and appointed officials,” said Lujain Al-Saleh, a member of the Arab Resource & Organizing Center, who said she was among the protesters arrested that day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead, some are wasting more taxpayer dollars on criminalizing those who stand on the right side of history,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 19,000 Palestinians have been killed during Israel’s more than two-month-long bombardment of Gaza, according to Gazan health officials. The Israeli military launched the attacks after \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hamas-attack-military-war-a8f63b07641212f0de61861844e5e71e\">Hamas raided southern Israel\u003c/a> on Oct. 7, killing roughly 1,200 people — mostly civilians — and taking \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-hostages-gaza-b6ffc286ca7d4b48caaada43e9c6e411\">about 240 hostages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court on Monday, the defendants were formally advised of the charges against them and given time to review their options for counsel, said their attorney, EmilyRose Johns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We demand that they drop the charges. This is going to be an outrageous and inexcusable expense on the city and county of San Francisco to prosecute peaceful demonstrators,” Johns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial court appearances will continue this week before the protesters are officially arraigned on Feb. 1 and Feb. 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco lawmaker hopes to get a handle on the rash of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11959799/how-to-avoid-a-car-break-in-bay-area\">brazen car break-ins\u003c/a> throughout the city by changing state law to make it easier to prosecute suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state bill introduced Thursday by state Sen. Scott Wiener would expand the legal definition of auto burglary to include the act of forcibly entering a vehicle with the intent to commit theft. That change would allow prosecutors to pursue burglary charges without the current hurdle of first having to prove that a car was locked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a commonsense measure to address an issue that has been plaguing San Francisco for a long time,” Wiener said Thursday during a press conference at San Francisco’s Palace of Fine Arts, one of the city’s iconic tourist destinations that have become a hotspot for car break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new bill — Wiener’s third attempt at such legislation — comes amid mounting public frustration in San Francisco and other California cities over the frequency of break-ins and the dearth of prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Car break-ins and smash-and-grab incidents have spiked since the start of the pandemic, giving San Francisco the dubious distinction of having one of the highest car break-in rates of any major American city. This year alone, there have already been more than 15,000 car break-ins here, San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who joined Wiener on Thursday, told reporters. The vast majority of those incidents, she noted, have not been prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My prosecutors could go into court today even having an eyewitness to an auto burglary, but without having an individual who owns or possesses the car say they locked the doors, could be required to dismiss the case,” Jenkins said.[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"auto-burglaries\"]The city’s roughly 11,000 break-ins in the first half of this year resulted in just 86 felony auto burglary cases, about half of which actually ended in a conviction, Jenkins said. Many of those incidents happened in popular tourist destinations like the Marina District, Fisherman’s Wharf and near Civic Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/car-break-ins-san-francisco-tourism-police-18328516.php\">an incident at the Palace of Fine Arts\u003c/a> epitomized the city’s struggle with the issue when thieves bashed in the window of a rental car that was parked just around the corner from where San Francisco law enforcement officials — including Jenkins and the police chief — were holding a press conference to announce new strategies to crack down on … car break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can you imagine being a tourist, going to a city and not only having your rental car broken into but having your passport stolen … then to return to the city you came from and tell everyone about this bad experience,” San Francisco Mayor London Breed said at the same press event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharky Laguana, CEO of Bandago, a van rental company, who also joined Wiener on Thursday, has far more first-hand experience than most with the city’s car break-in woes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said every van in his company’s fleet, often used by touring bands and artists, has been broken into at least two times in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laguana said he even once chased down a person who broke into one of the vans right in front of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a car rental company, we see so many of our customers get broken into,” he said. “Customers have lost film gear, music gear. … It’s frustrating how difficult it’s been to find progress on this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassandra Costello, executive vice president of San Francisco Travel, which promotes tourism in the city, applauded the new legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to send a message that auto burglaries are not tolerated in San Francisco,” she told reporters. “Having unnecessary red tape is hurting our ability to prosecute these crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco lawmaker hopes to get a handle on the rash of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11959799/how-to-avoid-a-car-break-in-bay-area\">brazen car break-ins\u003c/a> throughout the city by changing state law to make it easier to prosecute suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state bill introduced Thursday by state Sen. Scott Wiener would expand the legal definition of auto burglary to include the act of forcibly entering a vehicle with the intent to commit theft. That change would allow prosecutors to pursue burglary charges without the current hurdle of first having to prove that a car was locked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a commonsense measure to address an issue that has been plaguing San Francisco for a long time,” Wiener said Thursday during a press conference at San Francisco’s Palace of Fine Arts, one of the city’s iconic tourist destinations that have become a hotspot for car break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new bill — Wiener’s third attempt at such legislation — comes amid mounting public frustration in San Francisco and other California cities over the frequency of break-ins and the dearth of prosecutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Car break-ins and smash-and-grab incidents have spiked since the start of the pandemic, giving San Francisco the dubious distinction of having one of the highest car break-in rates of any major American city. This year alone, there have already been more than 15,000 car break-ins here, San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, who joined Wiener on Thursday, told reporters. The vast majority of those incidents, she noted, have not been prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The city’s roughly 11,000 break-ins in the first half of this year resulted in just 86 felony auto burglary cases, about half of which actually ended in a conviction, Jenkins said. Many of those incidents happened in popular tourist destinations like the Marina District, Fisherman’s Wharf and near Civic Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In August, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/car-break-ins-san-francisco-tourism-police-18328516.php\">an incident at the Palace of Fine Arts\u003c/a> epitomized the city’s struggle with the issue when thieves bashed in the window of a rental car that was parked just around the corner from where San Francisco law enforcement officials — including Jenkins and the police chief — were holding a press conference to announce new strategies to crack down on … car break-ins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can you imagine being a tourist, going to a city and not only having your rental car broken into but having your passport stolen … then to return to the city you came from and tell everyone about this bad experience,” San Francisco Mayor London Breed said at the same press event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharky Laguana, CEO of Bandago, a van rental company, who also joined Wiener on Thursday, has far more first-hand experience than most with the city’s car break-in woes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said every van in his company’s fleet, often used by touring bands and artists, has been broken into at least two times in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laguana said he even once chased down a person who broke into one of the vans right in front of him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a car rental company, we see so many of our customers get broken into,” he said. “Customers have lost film gear, music gear. … It’s frustrating how difficult it’s been to find progress on this issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassandra Costello, executive vice president of San Francisco Travel, which promotes tourism in the city, applauded the new legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to send a message that auto burglaries are not tolerated in San Francisco,” she told reporters. “Having unnecessary red tape is hurting our ability to prosecute these crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Is SFPD's 'Bait Car' Plan the Answer to Stop Over 13,000 Vehicle Break-Ins?",
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"content": "\u003cp>A week after the San Francisco Police Department announced new plans to increase its patrols in areas where car burglaries are highest — and to deploy new strategies to catch those committing crimes — questions remain about how effective those efforts will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, Supervisor Catherine Stefani and police Chief Bill Scott held a press conference in front of the Palace of Fine Arts last week, citing a plan for police to stop getaway cars by using spike strips as well as stationing bait cars equipped with cameras and GPS to catch thieves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tourism deployment was something that we did a couple of years ago,” said Scott, during the press conference. “We saw all kinds of property crimes go down — and then due to funding, due to staffing shortages — we weren’t able to sustain that well. We have staffed those units back up and we plan to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With over 13,000 car break-ins reported in San Francisco this year so far, according to SFPD, the public outcry for police to combat theft has steadily grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reports of auto break-ins have become a common discussion among residents and one of the most visible signs of property crimes that have plagued the city in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/sites/default/files/2023-01/SFPDCompstat-Dec2022-20230111.pdf\">SFPD data (PDF)\u003c/a>, there were 22,700 car break-ins reported in 2022. The highest number of break-ins was in 2017 with 31,000. Those figures could potentially be higher, in part, because not all crimes are reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to San Francisco resident Marina Greenwood, car break-ins near the Palace of Fine Arts happen at least five times a day.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Marina Greenwood, San Francisco resident\"]‘I can’t tell you how many times I’ve had a tourist come to my house and [ask] if we have video surveillance because all of their passports have been stolen.’[/pullquote]“People are just shaking their heads in disbelief that it will take, not even two minutes, to go take a quick picture [and when] they come back … the back [of the] car is totally broken,” she said. “I can’t tell you how many times I’ve had a tourist come to my house and [ask] if we have video surveillance because all of their passports have been stolen and they’re on their way to the airport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local law enforcement’s announcement comes months before San Francisco’s busy tourist seasons in October and November, with concerns over the frequency that rental cars and vehicles with out-of-state plates are targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police Chief Scott added that the department plans to deploy more officers in major tourist areas such as Lombard Street and Fisherman’s Wharf. Kevin Benedicto, a member of the commission, helped draft a policy that the chief will introduce in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can actually work as a de-escalation tactic because it prevents suspects from fleeing at high speeds,” Benedicto said in reference to deploying spike strips.[aside postID=news_11959477 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/081723-CAR-BREAK-IN-BIPPED-AV-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Yet, Lara Bazelon, a law professor at the University of San Francisco, said it’s an expensive tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve gotta actually have the vehicle outfitted and then you have to stock it with all of this stuff that can be traced. Then, you have to actually trace it and you have to do it in significant numbers such that car thieves are going to be deterred,” Bazelon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the strategy is unlikely to be successful, especially when over 80% of San Francisco’s auto burglaries are currently unsolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bazelon noted that it is very difficult to get statistics for how well bait-car programs work, partly because only a small number of vehicles are used. This makes it harder to track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She noted that the public perception and conversation around car break-ins began to ramp up during the pandemic and has only gotten worse since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think part of it is that it’s now part of an organized crime ring where it’s gotten incredibly sophisticated,” Bazelon said. “People smash and grab in a very efficient way.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lara Bazelon, law professor, University of San Francisco\"]‘ … It’s now part of an organized crime ring where it’s gotten incredibly sophisticated. People smash and grab in a very efficient way.’[/pullquote]Bazelon said the other problem is that people committing car break-ins in the city are not deterred from stopping partly because of the low clearance rates, which include the initial arrest, prosecution and conviction of a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, [the clearance rate] was hovering around 9%,” she said. “So, if you have a 91% chance of getting away with a crime, you’re not going to be deterred by the police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott, however, said he is confident that with additional funding from the city budget and two police academies graduating this fall, SFPD will be ready to use these new tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the department plans to use bait cars immediately, but didn’t specify the details of the operation to ensure would-be car thieves aren’t privy to the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney and Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A week after the San Francisco Police Department announced new plans to increase its patrols in areas where car burglaries are highest — and to deploy new strategies to catch those committing crimes — questions remain about how effective those efforts will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Attorney Brooke Jenkins, Supervisor Catherine Stefani and police Chief Bill Scott held a press conference in front of the Palace of Fine Arts last week, citing a plan for police to stop getaway cars by using spike strips as well as stationing bait cars equipped with cameras and GPS to catch thieves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tourism deployment was something that we did a couple of years ago,” said Scott, during the press conference. “We saw all kinds of property crimes go down — and then due to funding, due to staffing shortages — we weren’t able to sustain that well. We have staffed those units back up and we plan to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With over 13,000 car break-ins reported in San Francisco this year so far, according to SFPD, the public outcry for police to combat theft has steadily grown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reports of auto break-ins have become a common discussion among residents and one of the most visible signs of property crimes that have plagued the city in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanfranciscopolice.org/sites/default/files/2023-01/SFPDCompstat-Dec2022-20230111.pdf\">SFPD data (PDF)\u003c/a>, there were 22,700 car break-ins reported in 2022. The highest number of break-ins was in 2017 with 31,000. Those figures could potentially be higher, in part, because not all crimes are reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to San Francisco resident Marina Greenwood, car break-ins near the Palace of Fine Arts happen at least five times a day.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“People are just shaking their heads in disbelief that it will take, not even two minutes, to go take a quick picture [and when] they come back … the back [of the] car is totally broken,” she said. “I can’t tell you how many times I’ve had a tourist come to my house and [ask] if we have video surveillance because all of their passports have been stolen and they’re on their way to the airport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local law enforcement’s announcement comes months before San Francisco’s busy tourist seasons in October and November, with concerns over the frequency that rental cars and vehicles with out-of-state plates are targeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police Chief Scott added that the department plans to deploy more officers in major tourist areas such as Lombard Street and Fisherman’s Wharf. Kevin Benedicto, a member of the commission, helped draft a policy that the chief will introduce in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can actually work as a de-escalation tactic because it prevents suspects from fleeing at high speeds,” Benedicto said in reference to deploying spike strips.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Yet, Lara Bazelon, a law professor at the University of San Francisco, said it’s an expensive tactic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve gotta actually have the vehicle outfitted and then you have to stock it with all of this stuff that can be traced. Then, you have to actually trace it and you have to do it in significant numbers such that car thieves are going to be deterred,” Bazelon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the strategy is unlikely to be successful, especially when over 80% of San Francisco’s auto burglaries are currently unsolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bazelon noted that it is very difficult to get statistics for how well bait-car programs work, partly because only a small number of vehicles are used. This makes it harder to track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She noted that the public perception and conversation around car break-ins began to ramp up during the pandemic and has only gotten worse since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think part of it is that it’s now part of an organized crime ring where it’s gotten incredibly sophisticated,” Bazelon said. “People smash and grab in a very efficient way.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Bazelon said the other problem is that people committing car break-ins in the city are not deterred from stopping partly because of the low clearance rates, which include the initial arrest, prosecution and conviction of a crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At one point, [the clearance rate] was hovering around 9%,” she said. “So, if you have a 91% chance of getting away with a crime, you’re not going to be deterred by the police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott, however, said he is confident that with additional funding from the city budget and two police academies graduating this fall, SFPD will be ready to use these new tools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the department plans to use bait cars immediately, but didn’t specify the details of the operation to ensure would-be car thieves aren’t privy to the information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney and Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF District Attorney Won't Charge Police Officer Who Shot, Killed Sean Moore",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ office confirmed Monday she is dismissing charges against former San Francisco Police officer Kenneth Cha, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11894821/sf-da-charges-officer-with-homicide-in-2017-on-duty-shooting-of-sean-moore\">fatally shot Sean Moore at his home in 2017\u003c/a>. Her predecessor, Chesa Boudin, had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11894821/sf-da-charges-officer-with-homicide-in-2017-on-duty-shooting-of-sean-moore\">filed voluntary manslaughter charges\u003c/a> against Cha in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s awful,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949359/i-need-to-be-able-to-go-on-with-my-life-sean-moores-mother-is-still-awaiting-justice-years-after-her-son-was-killed-by-sfpd\">Cleo Moore, Sean Moore’s mother\u003c/a>, told KQED. “He killed him. And I can’t change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jenkins said she could not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Cha did not act in self-defense. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23866697-screenshot-2023-07-03-at-32526-pm\">her explanation for dropping Moore’s case (PDF)\u003c/a>, Jenkins pointed to the fact that former District Attorney George Gascón did not originally prosecute Cha when he was in office. Boudin, once he took over the DA role, did later file charges against the officer. Jenkins has said Boudin took on the police shooting case for “political reasons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11949359,news_11950914,news_11950110 label='Related Stories']Jenkins has now dropped all three police shooting cases that Boudin initially filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Moore’s subsequent death, tragic as it is, did not change the analysis, which is grounded in the events that occurred at the time of the incident,” Jenkins said in an email to KQED. “At this time we draw the same conclusion that was explained in the declination under Gascón, and can not ethically prosecute this case in good faith.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/07/da-brooke-jenkins-to-drop-last-sfpd-police-shooting-case-family-says/\">Mission Local first reported Jenkins’ decision\u003c/a> on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore, 46, was in his Ocean View apartment on Jan. 6, 2017, when police knocked on his front gate to respond to a neighbor’s noise complaint. He yelled at the officers to leave, and when he finally opened the gate and stood at the top of the stairs, officers yelled at him to get to the ground. Moore refused, and Cha’s partner struck Moore with a baton just before Cha shot Moore twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11267532/s-f-police-shooting-wounded-man-in-psychiatric-crisis-body-camera-footage-withheld\">Moore had been struggling with mental health challenges\u003c/a>, including bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, and appeared aggravated when officers responded to the neighbor’s complaint, according to video footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He died of his injuries three years later, while serving an unrelated sentence at San Quentin State Prison. The cause of death was found to be an obstruction in his stomach related to scar tissue from the earlier gunshot wound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin took office in 2020, and in 2021 he filed a case against Cha for Moore’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins later replaced Boudin \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">in a recall election in 2022\u003c/a>. This case is the third and final police shooting Boudin pursued during his term. Jenkins has since moved to dismiss all three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No district attorney has ever successfully brought charges against a San Francisco police officer for an officer-involved shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I will hold law enforcement or anyone accountable who violates the law, I have a sworn duty to follow the facts and evidence—period,” Jenkins wrote in her decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Jenkins dropped charges against a police officer who in 2019 shot Jamaica Hampton. Hampton survived his injuries but had to have his leg amputated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Jenkins also dropped a case involving former SFPD officer Christopher Samayoa, who shot and killed Keita O’Neil, who was fleeing on foot after a suspected carjacking. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942654/demonstrators-demand-state-take-up-keita-oneil-homicide-case-ahead-of-tuesday-deadline\">After public outcry\u003c/a>, California Attorney General Rob Bonta reviewed Jenkins’ decision in O’Neil’s case, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950226/judge-dismisses-case-for-san-francisco-police-officer-who-shot-and-killed-keita-oneil\">he ultimately sided with Jenkins\u003c/a>. In her most recent explanation letter, Jenkins invited the attorney general to also review her latest decision in Moore’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the complexity of this case and welcome review by the Attorney General’s Office should the need arise,” Jenkins wrote. “The Attorney General noted in his May 18 letter, regarding my decision to seek a dismissal in People v. Samayoa, that prosecutors ‘should only file charges only if they believe there is sufficient admissible evidence to prove the charges beyond a reasonable doubt at trial.’ We agree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The years-long back and forth between city-elected prosecutors over her son’s case has taken an enormous toll on Cleo Moore, who is 84 and has health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Brooke Jenkins, she’s got to answer to God,” she said. “I truly believe in that, because I am a Christian, and I know that she has to answer for the wrongs that she is doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Sara Hossaini contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco District Attorney Brooke Jenkins’ office confirmed Monday she is dismissing charges against former San Francisco Police officer Kenneth Cha, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11894821/sf-da-charges-officer-with-homicide-in-2017-on-duty-shooting-of-sean-moore\">fatally shot Sean Moore at his home in 2017\u003c/a>. Her predecessor, Chesa Boudin, had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11894821/sf-da-charges-officer-with-homicide-in-2017-on-duty-shooting-of-sean-moore\">filed voluntary manslaughter charges\u003c/a> against Cha in 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s awful,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949359/i-need-to-be-able-to-go-on-with-my-life-sean-moores-mother-is-still-awaiting-justice-years-after-her-son-was-killed-by-sfpd\">Cleo Moore, Sean Moore’s mother\u003c/a>, told KQED. “He killed him. And I can’t change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Jenkins said she could not prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Cha did not act in self-defense. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/23866697-screenshot-2023-07-03-at-32526-pm\">her explanation for dropping Moore’s case (PDF)\u003c/a>, Jenkins pointed to the fact that former District Attorney George Gascón did not originally prosecute Cha when he was in office. Boudin, once he took over the DA role, did later file charges against the officer. Jenkins has said Boudin took on the police shooting case for “political reasons.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jenkins has now dropped all three police shooting cases that Boudin initially filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Moore’s subsequent death, tragic as it is, did not change the analysis, which is grounded in the events that occurred at the time of the incident,” Jenkins said in an email to KQED. “At this time we draw the same conclusion that was explained in the declination under Gascón, and can not ethically prosecute this case in good faith.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2023/07/da-brooke-jenkins-to-drop-last-sfpd-police-shooting-case-family-says/\">Mission Local first reported Jenkins’ decision\u003c/a> on Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore, 46, was in his Ocean View apartment on Jan. 6, 2017, when police knocked on his front gate to respond to a neighbor’s noise complaint. He yelled at the officers to leave, and when he finally opened the gate and stood at the top of the stairs, officers yelled at him to get to the ground. Moore refused, and Cha’s partner struck Moore with a baton just before Cha shot Moore twice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11267532/s-f-police-shooting-wounded-man-in-psychiatric-crisis-body-camera-footage-withheld\">Moore had been struggling with mental health challenges\u003c/a>, including bipolar disorder and schizophrenia, and appeared aggravated when officers responded to the neighbor’s complaint, according to video footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He died of his injuries three years later, while serving an unrelated sentence at San Quentin State Prison. The cause of death was found to be an obstruction in his stomach related to scar tissue from the earlier gunshot wound.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boudin took office in 2020, and in 2021 he filed a case against Cha for Moore’s death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins later replaced Boudin \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916212/chesa-boudin-recall-sf-voters-on-track-to-oust-district-attorney\">in a recall election in 2022\u003c/a>. This case is the third and final police shooting Boudin pursued during his term. Jenkins has since moved to dismiss all three.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No district attorney has ever successfully brought charges against a San Francisco police officer for an officer-involved shooting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While I will hold law enforcement or anyone accountable who violates the law, I have a sworn duty to follow the facts and evidence—period,” Jenkins wrote in her decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Jenkins dropped charges against a police officer who in 2019 shot Jamaica Hampton. Hampton survived his injuries but had to have his leg amputated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Jenkins also dropped a case involving former SFPD officer Christopher Samayoa, who shot and killed Keita O’Neil, who was fleeing on foot after a suspected carjacking. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942654/demonstrators-demand-state-take-up-keita-oneil-homicide-case-ahead-of-tuesday-deadline\">After public outcry\u003c/a>, California Attorney General Rob Bonta reviewed Jenkins’ decision in O’Neil’s case, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950226/judge-dismisses-case-for-san-francisco-police-officer-who-shot-and-killed-keita-oneil\">he ultimately sided with Jenkins\u003c/a>. In her most recent explanation letter, Jenkins invited the attorney general to also review her latest decision in Moore’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the complexity of this case and welcome review by the Attorney General’s Office should the need arise,” Jenkins wrote. “The Attorney General noted in his May 18 letter, regarding my decision to seek a dismissal in People v. Samayoa, that prosecutors ‘should only file charges only if they believe there is sufficient admissible evidence to prove the charges beyond a reasonable doubt at trial.’ We agree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The years-long back and forth between city-elected prosecutors over her son’s case has taken an enormous toll on Cleo Moore, who is 84 and has health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ms. Brooke Jenkins, she’s got to answer to God,” she said. “I truly believe in that, because I am a Christian, and I know that she has to answer for the wrongs that she is doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED reporter Sara Hossaini contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "What Banko Brown's Queer, Trans Community Says They Need for Safety, Joy in SF",
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"content": "\u003cp>Celebration and sorrow often intermix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s with that in mind that Friday, the San Francisco Trans March is commemorating 20 years of trans beauty and resilience. At 6 p.m., marchers will make their way from Dolores Park, down Market Street, to Turk and Taylor streets — the Tenderloin site of the 1966 Compton’s Cafeteria riot, when trans San Franciscans pushed back against police discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the celebration also comes just two months after the death of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950796/banko-brown-family-files-wrongful-death-lawsuit-against-walgreens-security-company\">Banko Brown\u003c/a>, a Black transgender man who was shot and killed by Walgreens security guard Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony in late April, after allegedly shoplifting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While locally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">the investigation into Brown’s killing has been dropped by District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/a>, Brown’s death arrives at a time of unprecedented legal attacks on trans lives throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legislative-attacks-on-lgbtq-rights\">The ACLU is tracking 491 anti-LGBTQ+ bills in the U.S.\u003c/a> Those laws target many facets of trans people’s lives, from playing sports to using bathrooms, weakening nondiscrimination laws and banning medically necessary health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation isn’t much better close to home. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ourtranshomesf.org/about\">transgender people are 18 times more likely to be unhoused than cisgender folks\u003c/a>, according to Our Trans Home SF. One out of two trans people have been unhoused, and 70% of them report being harassed when staying in homeless shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown had a similar experience, spending years struggling to find stable housing and at times being unhoused, including in the days leading up to his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Banko Brown' tag='banko-brown']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s in this time of turmoil, hate and hope that KQED reached out to trans people in Brown’s life who were part of his community at the Young Women’s Freedom Center, where Brown sought support and, eventually, became a staff community organizer: Xavier Davenport, 36, a Black transmasculine man who was Brown’s mentor; Kazani Kalani Finao, 33, a Samoan transmasculine man who took the role of community sibling; and Juju Pikes-Prince, 24, a Black transgender woman who was a trans auntie to other trans people at the center, including Brown. Davenport and Kalani Finao were born and raised in San Francisco. Pikes-Prince was born in Daly City and raised in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This wide-ranging conversation aimed to find the commonalities in their experiences and Brown’s, navigating homelessness in San Francisco, acceptance in their families, and how trans people can find joy, despite the obstacles that lie in their path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: We have some weighty topics to talk about today, but people aren’t just defined by trauma. Tell me a bit about how you met Banko Brown and your fond memories of him.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao\u003cem>: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>I met Banko through Young Women’s Freedom Center. We like to call it their “center sibling.” So he’s a center sibling of mine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on a personal note, we just had amazing, great conversations personally. Just always sparring with each other, bouncing back with fun ideas. He was a bright, outgoing person. Like conversation was always immaculate, always amazing, and he was a visionary. The struggle not only brought us together, but like I was able to like really build a relationship with him based on his gifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953513 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A young Samoan descent man wearing large glasses with a goatee and moustache and curly brown hair leans against a wall in a quilted, lavender bomber jacket and alight gray T-shirt.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kazani Kalani Finao poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>He became my mentee [at Young Women’s Freedom Center]. That was during the pandemic. We were focused on a lot of projects that were going to empower trans masculinity, empower the trans masculine identities that were coming up in [the] community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, I wanted to make sure we had a group during the pandemic, like a peer-to-peer support group. The pandemic was very hard for a lot of transmasculine folks. A lot of them were essential workers. A lot of them lost jobs. A lot of them were creators that lost jobs. Some of them were sex workers that lost jobs. So my focus was to empower those people and make sure that they were heard and make sure that they could have someone to talk to. And so, Banko would come to those groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enjoyed being able to be around other transmasculine people, focusing on how we can do something different for each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You said he felt like a visionary. Do you remember the first time you were sitting across, talking to Banko, and thought, “This person is just so amazing.”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>When he was advocating on behalf of himself, nobody would tell him what is best for him. He was always very, very stern, but very confident in what he was telling me about anything, whether it was advocating on behalf of himself or on behalf of others.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kazani Kalani Finao, community sibling\"]‘He was very creative with his swag, his drip. He was a trendsetter to me. He’s definitely inspirational to me.’[/pullquote]He was very creative with his swag, his drip. He was a trendsetter to me. He’s definitely inspirational to me. I always would share with him, you give me so much confidence. You give me so much courage for me to be me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I remember of him is drip, sauce, smile, hugs, goofiness. He funny. He hella funny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He [also] pushed me to always have hard conversations, being honest for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Banko Brown reportedly was unhoused at the time he was killed. He had slept on BART at times and stayed with friends. Is this a familiar experience, both seeing it with Banko and in your own lives and trans communities? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao\u003c/strong>: So I have been homeless a lot in my life. I grew up here [in San Francisco] — you know, my first moments of living life on Earth, my family was experiencing homelessness. And then, when we did kind of get on our feet, and I’m speaking more of like my family, my mother, my grandmother, my great-great-grandmother. You know, those were the people that raised me. We floated in and out of housing, homelessness a lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953512 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man with short black hair and a sort of long black beard and a nose-ring holds a small dog and stands against a blank wall. He wears a white T-shirt and a gray cardigan sweater.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Xavier Davenport with his dog in San Francisco on June 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s disgusting to live in the shelters. You always end up with some type of bedbug outbreak, MRSA outbreak. You got people fighting. When you put trans people in the shelter process, people talk bad about you. They treat you messed up, but they also use you for their sexual perversions. And that’s all trans people. And then, when you include a transmasculine person into the entire bit, they’re really mistreated. Right. Because then you have people that want to fight you because you think you’re a man. And so, they want to show you that you’re not a man. And so, you have to now deal [with] and navigate that experience as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so I said, the hell with that. I started just staying with people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>When I first had met Banko, he was housed at some point. Then later on down the line when we lost another trans sister in the community, that’s when stuff started to come out like, oh, he’s looking for housing. He has nowhere to go. So he was struggling at some point around that time. And there’s only so much a person can do for an individual, you know, and you’re also struggling, too.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Juju Pikes-Prince, community auntie\"]‘Navigating homelessness in San Francisco is hard. It’s hard and it’s expensive, no matter what. … Shelters don’t protect my people either. Our stuff gets stolen. There’s fights that break out.’[/pullquote]Navigating homelessness in San Francisco is hard. It’s hard and it’s expensive, no matter what. Being homeless is still expensive. I was homeless for about two years. I was living with a dude and it just wasn’t working out. But then even shelters, shelters don’t protect you. Shelters don’t protect my people either. Our stuff gets stolen. There’s fights that break out. People look at us like we’re nasty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re mostly impacted [because] we’re probably on drugs, sex-working to find shelter, can’t get jobs because of who we are. It’s hard out here. I’m a sex worker, so I know, I know what it’s like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You all touched on discrimination in the homelessness process, to some extent. But I wonder if you could talk about discrimination in a different context — the day Banko Brown was killed by a security guard in Walgreens, in late April. \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>Some folks in the trans community said they sensed discrimination at play. Some people pushed back, pointing out that the security guard was also Black. I was hoping you could expand on what you suspect that discrimination could have been, from your own experiences.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>When you are a young Black, transmasculine-identified person, people see that. He walks in, he’s dark-skinned. He has a hat on, a T-shirt. And he looks very masculine. He has a little bit of a goatee growing in. People see that. And as another Black man, or being another man, there is a fight for power. There is a fight for or struggle for who is the man in this situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the thought process is, “You look like a little boy, or you’re trying to pretend to be a little boy.” Because let’s be clear. Banko had not had top surgery. He had not been going through that part of medical transitioning. He wasn’t stable enough in his housing to even get through that part of this process and the things that he wanted to do. So you have a masculine person with visible breasts coming at you. You are going to now struggle for your manhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s something that for people that are even lesbians who are more masculine looking, there is a struggle between men and any form of masculinity that, to them, isn’t necessarily real. Because, “You’re a woman. You can’t possibly be as masculine as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know this. I’ve dealt with this my entire life. I deal with it from police officers. I deal with it from people in my community. I deal with that from people on the streets. I deal with that at all aspects of my life. Somebody always wants to show me who is the man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have a person with the gun who’s struggling for masculine power, then you put a powerful piece in his hand. You end up with this situation with Banko and many other situations around the country with transmasculine folks being killed. His is not the first. Unfortunately, it will not be the last. But this is the state of our country and what we live in right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>And these are cases that are not getting covered, of Black trans men getting killed. We need to come together and start putting it out there so we all can be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>We’ve seen a wave of conversations in public about Banko Brown’s identity since he was killed. And his death comes amid a national wave of anti-trans laws, as conservative lawmakers increasingly target the transgender community. \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>So I’d like to talk about acceptance. Let’s start close to home. Were you accepted by your family when you came out? What was that like? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>Me and my mother understand what’s happening. Because my mother birthed me. But my father and my siblings that my father has, my father’s children, they have a bit of a hard time. And so, we don’t necessarily talk the way that people would think family should or relatives should. But my mother respects who I am. My mother understands what has taken place. And she’s accepted that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>My family, they understand, they’re very understanding. At first, it was tough, they just didn’t get it, the lifestyle. But when I told my mom everything and broke it down — you don’t want a dead child, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My father, on the other hand, he’s more big on education. He told me, he don’t care what I do. He wants me to graduate. I got it easy, in a way, but I still had it hard and I still struggle. Identity came into play. I’m just trying to come into myself, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know [with] my mom, I was blunt, I do sex work, and I do this and that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And she was understanding?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>I mean, she had to. I’m her child. I think really, partially, where she kind of understood after so long of me having to remind her because it took a time. So just a street life, how the street economy is, and not to put her business out there, but how she had to navigate homelessness herself and how she had to go about business to support about four children at the time or three. She understood: “As long as you’re safe, I love you.” We’ve got a good relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953511 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black woman with short black hair, lash extensions, black sunglasses on top of her head and a crop-top black hoodie, with long pink fingernails and sunglasses, sits on a blue sofa in a brightly lit room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juju Pikes-Prince poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I just want to say this, too, because there was narratives being painted [publicly about Banko’s relationship with his family]. Banko do have family, that do care and love. But there was, at some point, everyone went their own ways. So I do just want to say that on the record he did have family, that did care and love. But he was looking for space in people’s hearts to fill that void that he has been missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>My mother told me straight up, “Be you, son. Be you, son.” And for me, that’s a f—— privilege. Like, you know, for someone who’s being who they are, like me, and for my mom to just show up right away, how she was able to just accept me for me. It was just like a restart of our relationship as a mother and son today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s just a gift to me, you know? And so, what I’ve been doing with my folks is just like sharing my mama with them. Her strength is everything. She’s also someone as a queer being. Coming from a Samoan family and being someone growing up in the ’80s, being this queer, young Samoan girl who also is like exploring identity. And then, also exploring sexuality. She didn’t give a s—. She was like, I am gonna do me.[aside postID=news_11953672 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/RS31561_62418_AW_Pride_09-qut-1180x787.jpg']\u003cstrong>When you say you share your mama, do you mean you share her with other trans people who don’t have that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>Everybody. Trans people, all people. People who struggle. Like, my mom just signs up like, “I love you, I’ll f— with you.” And so, I shared my mama with my folks. And it’s all love. It’s my duty to make sure to create spaces for folks to be themselves. I just have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>We’ve talked a lot about weighty things. Hardships. But the goal is joy, right? I want you to tell me what your joy looks like.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>I would say living and finding purpose, picking up someone else’s purpose when they couldn’t find their purpose. And knowing that I’m here and I can share some type of story for someone. Getting it out there, and hopefully helping the next person, the next generation, to continue to do this advocacy work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>I’m hella passionate about young folks. We say kids are the future. We got to really mean that s—.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>My joy looks like the rest of the work that I do, working with transmasculine-identified people. I do that even in my leisure time. The Bay Area Trans Masculine Collective is doing a second premiere of a calendar that we started last year with a group of transmasculine folks to continue to ensure that transmasculine folks are seen and can receive joy in seeing and having representation of themselves in all bodies, and different cultures and ethnicities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Banko Brown was shot and killed by a Walgreens security guard in April. For the 20th anniversary of the San Francisco Trans March, we talked to Brown's community.",
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"title": "What Banko Brown's Queer, Trans Community Says They Need for Safety, Joy in SF | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Celebration and sorrow often intermix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s with that in mind that Friday, the San Francisco Trans March is commemorating 20 years of trans beauty and resilience. At 6 p.m., marchers will make their way from Dolores Park, down Market Street, to Turk and Taylor streets — the Tenderloin site of the 1966 Compton’s Cafeteria riot, when trans San Franciscans pushed back against police discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the celebration also comes just two months after the death of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11950796/banko-brown-family-files-wrongful-death-lawsuit-against-walgreens-security-company\">Banko Brown\u003c/a>, a Black transgender man who was shot and killed by Walgreens security guard Michael Earl-Wayne Anthony in late April, after allegedly shoplifting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While locally \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11949558/district-attorney-releases-video-of-banko-brown-shooting-at-walgreens-wont-files-charges-against-security-gaurd\">the investigation into Brown’s killing has been dropped by District Attorney Brooke Jenkins\u003c/a>, Brown’s death arrives at a time of unprecedented legal attacks on trans lives throughout the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/legislative-attacks-on-lgbtq-rights\">The ACLU is tracking 491 anti-LGBTQ+ bills in the U.S.\u003c/a> Those laws target many facets of trans people’s lives, from playing sports to using bathrooms, weakening nondiscrimination laws and banning medically necessary health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation isn’t much better close to home. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ourtranshomesf.org/about\">transgender people are 18 times more likely to be unhoused than cisgender folks\u003c/a>, according to Our Trans Home SF. One out of two trans people have been unhoused, and 70% of them report being harassed when staying in homeless shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown had a similar experience, spending years struggling to find stable housing and at times being unhoused, including in the days leading up to his death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s in this time of turmoil, hate and hope that KQED reached out to trans people in Brown’s life who were part of his community at the Young Women’s Freedom Center, where Brown sought support and, eventually, became a staff community organizer: Xavier Davenport, 36, a Black transmasculine man who was Brown’s mentor; Kazani Kalani Finao, 33, a Samoan transmasculine man who took the role of community sibling; and Juju Pikes-Prince, 24, a Black transgender woman who was a trans auntie to other trans people at the center, including Brown. Davenport and Kalani Finao were born and raised in San Francisco. Pikes-Prince was born in Daly City and raised in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This wide-ranging conversation aimed to find the commonalities in their experiences and Brown’s, navigating homelessness in San Francisco, acceptance in their families, and how trans people can find joy, despite the obstacles that lie in their path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez: We have some weighty topics to talk about today, but people aren’t just defined by trauma. Tell me a bit about how you met Banko Brown and your fond memories of him.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao\u003cem>: \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>I met Banko through Young Women’s Freedom Center. We like to call it their “center sibling.” So he’s a center sibling of mine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But on a personal note, we just had amazing, great conversations personally. Just always sparring with each other, bouncing back with fun ideas. He was a bright, outgoing person. Like conversation was always immaculate, always amazing, and he was a visionary. The struggle not only brought us together, but like I was able to like really build a relationship with him based on his gifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953513 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A young Samoan descent man wearing large glasses with a goatee and moustache and curly brown hair leans against a wall in a quilted, lavender bomber jacket and alight gray T-shirt.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66476_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-23-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kazani Kalani Finao poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>He became my mentee [at Young Women’s Freedom Center]. That was during the pandemic. We were focused on a lot of projects that were going to empower trans masculinity, empower the trans masculine identities that were coming up in [the] community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, I wanted to make sure we had a group during the pandemic, like a peer-to-peer support group. The pandemic was very hard for a lot of transmasculine folks. A lot of them were essential workers. A lot of them lost jobs. A lot of them were creators that lost jobs. Some of them were sex workers that lost jobs. So my focus was to empower those people and make sure that they were heard and make sure that they could have someone to talk to. And so, Banko would come to those groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enjoyed being able to be around other transmasculine people, focusing on how we can do something different for each other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You said he felt like a visionary. Do you remember the first time you were sitting across, talking to Banko, and thought, “This person is just so amazing.”\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>When he was advocating on behalf of himself, nobody would tell him what is best for him. He was always very, very stern, but very confident in what he was telling me about anything, whether it was advocating on behalf of himself or on behalf of others.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘He was very creative with his swag, his drip. He was a trendsetter to me. He’s definitely inspirational to me.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>He was very creative with his swag, his drip. He was a trendsetter to me. He’s definitely inspirational to me. I always would share with him, you give me so much confidence. You give me so much courage for me to be me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I remember of him is drip, sauce, smile, hugs, goofiness. He funny. He hella funny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He [also] pushed me to always have hard conversations, being honest for me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Banko Brown reportedly was unhoused at the time he was killed. He had slept on BART at times and stayed with friends. Is this a familiar experience, both seeing it with Banko and in your own lives and trans communities? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao\u003c/strong>: So I have been homeless a lot in my life. I grew up here [in San Francisco] — you know, my first moments of living life on Earth, my family was experiencing homelessness. And then, when we did kind of get on our feet, and I’m speaking more of like my family, my mother, my grandmother, my great-great-grandmother. You know, those were the people that raised me. We floated in and out of housing, homelessness a lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953512\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953512 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man with short black hair and a sort of long black beard and a nose-ring holds a small dog and stands against a blank wall. He wears a white T-shirt and a gray cardigan sweater.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66468_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-13-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Xavier Davenport with his dog in San Francisco on June 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s disgusting to live in the shelters. You always end up with some type of bedbug outbreak, MRSA outbreak. You got people fighting. When you put trans people in the shelter process, people talk bad about you. They treat you messed up, but they also use you for their sexual perversions. And that’s all trans people. And then, when you include a transmasculine person into the entire bit, they’re really mistreated. Right. Because then you have people that want to fight you because you think you’re a man. And so, they want to show you that you’re not a man. And so, you have to now deal [with] and navigate that experience as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so I said, the hell with that. I started just staying with people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>When I first had met Banko, he was housed at some point. Then later on down the line when we lost another trans sister in the community, that’s when stuff started to come out like, oh, he’s looking for housing. He has nowhere to go. So he was struggling at some point around that time. And there’s only so much a person can do for an individual, you know, and you’re also struggling, too.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Navigating homelessness in San Francisco is hard. It’s hard and it’s expensive, no matter what. … Shelters don’t protect my people either. Our stuff gets stolen. There’s fights that break out.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Navigating homelessness in San Francisco is hard. It’s hard and it’s expensive, no matter what. Being homeless is still expensive. I was homeless for about two years. I was living with a dude and it just wasn’t working out. But then even shelters, shelters don’t protect you. Shelters don’t protect my people either. Our stuff gets stolen. There’s fights that break out. People look at us like we’re nasty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re mostly impacted [because] we’re probably on drugs, sex-working to find shelter, can’t get jobs because of who we are. It’s hard out here. I’m a sex worker, so I know, I know what it’s like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You all touched on discrimination in the homelessness process, to some extent. But I wonder if you could talk about discrimination in a different context — the day Banko Brown was killed by a security guard in Walgreens, in late April. \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>Some folks in the trans community said they sensed discrimination at play. Some people pushed back, pointing out that the security guard was also Black. I was hoping you could expand on what you suspect that discrimination could have been, from your own experiences.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>When you are a young Black, transmasculine-identified person, people see that. He walks in, he’s dark-skinned. He has a hat on, a T-shirt. And he looks very masculine. He has a little bit of a goatee growing in. People see that. And as another Black man, or being another man, there is a fight for power. There is a fight for or struggle for who is the man in this situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the thought process is, “You look like a little boy, or you’re trying to pretend to be a little boy.” Because let’s be clear. Banko had not had top surgery. He had not been going through that part of medical transitioning. He wasn’t stable enough in his housing to even get through that part of this process and the things that he wanted to do. So you have a masculine person with visible breasts coming at you. You are going to now struggle for your manhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s something that for people that are even lesbians who are more masculine looking, there is a struggle between men and any form of masculinity that, to them, isn’t necessarily real. Because, “You’re a woman. You can’t possibly be as masculine as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I know this. I’ve dealt with this my entire life. I deal with it from police officers. I deal with it from people in my community. I deal with that from people on the streets. I deal with that at all aspects of my life. Somebody always wants to show me who is the man.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You have a person with the gun who’s struggling for masculine power, then you put a powerful piece in his hand. You end up with this situation with Banko and many other situations around the country with transmasculine folks being killed. His is not the first. Unfortunately, it will not be the last. But this is the state of our country and what we live in right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>And these are cases that are not getting covered, of Black trans men getting killed. We need to come together and start putting it out there so we all can be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>We’ve seen a wave of conversations in public about Banko Brown’s identity since he was killed. And his death comes amid a national wave of anti-trans laws, as conservative lawmakers increasingly target the transgender community. \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>So I’d like to talk about acceptance. Let’s start close to home. Were you accepted by your family when you came out? What was that like? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>Me and my mother understand what’s happening. Because my mother birthed me. But my father and my siblings that my father has, my father’s children, they have a bit of a hard time. And so, we don’t necessarily talk the way that people would think family should or relatives should. But my mother respects who I am. My mother understands what has taken place. And she’s accepted that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>My family, they understand, they’re very understanding. At first, it was tough, they just didn’t get it, the lifestyle. But when I told my mom everything and broke it down — you don’t want a dead child, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My father, on the other hand, he’s more big on education. He told me, he don’t care what I do. He wants me to graduate. I got it easy, in a way, but I still had it hard and I still struggle. Identity came into play. I’m just trying to come into myself, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You know [with] my mom, I was blunt, I do sex work, and I do this and that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>And she was understanding?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>I mean, she had to. I’m her child. I think really, partially, where she kind of understood after so long of me having to remind her because it took a time. So just a street life, how the street economy is, and not to put her business out there, but how she had to navigate homelessness herself and how she had to go about business to support about four children at the time or three. She understood: “As long as you’re safe, I love you.” We’ve got a good relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11953511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11953511 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A young Black woman with short black hair, lash extensions, black sunglasses on top of her head and a crop-top black hoodie, with long pink fingernails and sunglasses, sits on a blue sofa in a brightly lit room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS66461_230614-BankoBrownChosenFam-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juju Pikes-Prince poses for a portrait in San Francisco on June 14, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I just want to say this, too, because there was narratives being painted [publicly about Banko’s relationship with his family]. Banko do have family, that do care and love. But there was, at some point, everyone went their own ways. So I do just want to say that on the record he did have family, that did care and love. But he was looking for space in people’s hearts to fill that void that he has been missing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>My mother told me straight up, “Be you, son. Be you, son.” And for me, that’s a f—— privilege. Like, you know, for someone who’s being who they are, like me, and for my mom to just show up right away, how she was able to just accept me for me. It was just like a restart of our relationship as a mother and son today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s just a gift to me, you know? And so, what I’ve been doing with my folks is just like sharing my mama with them. Her strength is everything. She’s also someone as a queer being. Coming from a Samoan family and being someone growing up in the ’80s, being this queer, young Samoan girl who also is like exploring identity. And then, also exploring sexuality. She didn’t give a s—. She was like, I am gonna do me.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When you say you share your mama, do you mean you share her with other trans people who don’t have that?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>Everybody. Trans people, all people. People who struggle. Like, my mom just signs up like, “I love you, I’ll f— with you.” And so, I shared my mama with my folks. And it’s all love. It’s my duty to make sure to create spaces for folks to be themselves. I just have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>We’ve talked a lot about weighty things. Hardships. But the goal is joy, right? I want you to tell me what your joy looks like.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pikes-Prince: \u003c/strong>I would say living and finding purpose, picking up someone else’s purpose when they couldn’t find their purpose. And knowing that I’m here and I can share some type of story for someone. Getting it out there, and hopefully helping the next person, the next generation, to continue to do this advocacy work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kalani Finao: \u003c/strong>I’m hella passionate about young folks. We say kids are the future. We got to really mean that s—.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davenport: \u003c/strong>My joy looks like the rest of the work that I do, working with transmasculine-identified people. I do that even in my leisure time. The Bay Area Trans Masculine Collective is doing a second premiere of a calendar that we started last year with a group of transmasculine folks to continue to ensure that transmasculine folks are seen and can receive joy in seeing and having representation of themselves in all bodies, and different cultures and ethnicities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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