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"content": "\u003cp>With the June primary approaching, there is a fight underway for the identity of the California Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need bold ideas,” President Trump’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, told cheering GOP activists at the state party convention last fall. “Ideas like Donald Trump ran on, like build the wall, right? Protect our southern border. Reduce legal immigration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months later, and 25 miles north, Republican Assemblyman Chad Mayes led a smaller gathering to offer an opposite message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us to be able to grow and expand, we have to move beyond this nationalist model,” said Mayes, elected in 2014 to represent parts of Riverside and San Bernardino counties. “We’ve got to start having conversations with folks of all different colors, creeds, sexual orientation. We have to go to folks who we don’t traditionally go to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon gave the convention’s keynote address in a plush hotel ballroom room in Anaheim. Mayes organized his event at a youth center in Boyle Heights, a low-income, largely Latino neighborhood just east of downtown Los Angeles. About 200 people sat on folding chairs laid out across the center’s basketball court, their backs to the tattered ropes of a boxing ring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contrasting scenes featured contrasting solutions to the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind Bannon, the convention’s backdrop read, “Electing Republicans in a Blue State” — a testament to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">how much ground the GOP has lost\u003c/a> to Democrats in California over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state party officials and activists have aligned themselves with President Trump’s brand of conservatism to tap the enthusiasm of their base, Mayes wants to broaden the party’s appeal leftward, by taking stances that run counter to Trump’s and Bannon’s. Advocates for the two approaches are at odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664151\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-1020x694.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-960x653.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-240x163.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-520x354.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Some Want to Change the Tune\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We are here because the soul of our great Republican Party that inspired each and every single one of us is worth fighting for,” said former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, the keynote speaker in east L.A. at the first meeting of New Way California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Republican elected to California’s top office has long called for the party to moderate its tone and reach out to the state’s diverse pool of voters, who have increasingly turned away from the GOP over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we are the Titanic after it hit the iceberg, but before the last bit of the ship submerged,” Schwarzenegger said, drawing chuckles. “But unlike the Titanic, we might be able to save Leonardo DiCaprio before he goes under.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have not won a statewide election since 2010 and their share of registered voters has fallen to about 25 percent. Only 16 percent of Latinos, the state’s largest racial or ethnic demographic, are registered Republicans, according to a 2017 study by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">How the Home of Reagan Turned Into the Trump Resistance\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/JerryBrownRonaldReagan-1180x934.jpg\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mayes says appealing to those groups requires finding compromises with Democrats — rather than operating as an opposition party — and moving away from divisive social debates over illegal immigration, affirmative action and same-sex marriage, which have coincided with an erosion in support from Latino, Asian and LGBT voters over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried for so long the yelling and screaming and telling people that don’t agree with us 100 percent of the time that they’re taking this country down the road to hell,” Mayes said. “And it seemed as Republicans were doing that, that our numbers were getting worse and worse and worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he wants to focus on poverty and the state’s record income inequality, making the case that taxes and regulations are to blame for California’s high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That pitch found traction with Ruben Guerra, CEO of the Latin Business Association in Los Angeles and a Democrat who voted for Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of these regulations and some of these laws, even I say c’mon guys, really? Wake up,” Guerra said. “I’ve been a Democrat all my life, but now I’m not loyal to that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democratic and Republican party officials downplay the ability of New Way to catch on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is kind of ridiculous,” said Eric Bauman, the chairman of the California Democratic Party. “Do I think it’s the right way to go if I was the chair of the Republican Party? Sure. But the people who are the activists in the Republican Party and the people who are the elected officials in the Republican Party, this is not where they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ideologies Collide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mayes and his party have already clashed heads over their competing approaches and platforms. Last year, when Mayes was the leader of Republicans in the state Assembly, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11613044/gop-leader-facing-a-coup-for-supporting-climate-change-bill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">struck a deal with Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a>. He and six other Assembly members provided key votes to pass an extension of the climate change program, cap and trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayes describes it as a practical vote, which gave Republicans leverage to negotiate other tax cuts and credits in the deal and allows businesses, manufacturers and oil companies to cut emissions in their preferred manner. Those industries all supported the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I think the tone of all of our legislators is... frankly too tame. I would make their tone more strident ... on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.'\u003ccite>Harmeet Dhillon\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He joined Brown for a celebratory press conference after the vote. That infuriated party activists, who argue the vote raised costs on consumers, especially fuel prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the coup de grâce for Chad’s standing in the party was the open embrace of the governor at the press conference,” says Harmeet Dhillon, the Republican National Committeewoman from California. “And I think that really caused the rift in the party. He didn’t see it. He thought it was his own party to do with it what he wanted, even though his view was a minority view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon led the successful effort to oust Mayes as Assembly Republican leader — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11614857/ousted-leaders-advice-to-fellow-republicans-stop-repelling-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he stepped down\u003c/a> a month after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This election, Mayes faces two Republican primary challengers from his right, both challenging him due to the cap-and-trade vote. A local activist group, the Redlands Tea Party Patriots, has endorsed one of them, Andrew Kotyuk, a San Jacinto councilman, while urging the other, retired Palm Springs police chief Gary Jeandron, to drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local Republican Party committees in his district and the state party also voted for Mayes’ resignation as party leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg\" alt=\"Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\" width=\"800\" height=\"538\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1200x806.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1180x793.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-960x645.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-240x161.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-375x252.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-520x349.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, Dhillon describes the New Way group as “Democrats-lite,” who are diverging from the values of the party. “We have to hold onto the seats that we have, but with a certain branding,” Dhillon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the tone of all of our legislators in Sacramento is very measured and frankly too tame,” Dhillon said. “I would make their tone more strident, if anything, on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>GOP Seats Up for Grabs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The old and New Way approaches will face off in the June primary elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are targeting long-held Republican congressional seats in Orange County and northern San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One race, in particular, will be demonstrative. Longtime Republican congressman Darrell Issa, who funded the recall that led to Schwarzenegger’s election as governor and hounded President Obama as chairman of the House Oversight Committee, faces poor polling numbers and is retiring from a seat that was once solidly the GOP’s. The race to replace him includes several well-funded Democrats, including environmental attorney Mike Levin, former nonprofit CEO Sara Jacobs and retired Marine colonel Doug Applegate, who lost to Issa in the last general election by a mere 1,600 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Republican side, Board of Equalization member Diane Harkey has endorsements from the area’s prominent conservatives, including Issa and the county Republican parties, while San Diego County Board of Supervisors chairwoman Kristin Gaspar is another prominent conservative Republican who entered the race late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Straddling the middle is Republican Assemblyman Rocky Chavez, one of New Way’s founding members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could be an early test of which kind of Republican remains viable with California voters, if any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "While state GOP officials have aligned themselves with President Trump's brand of conservatism to tap the enthusiasm of their base, others want to broaden the party's appeal leftward.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the June primary approaching, there is a fight underway for the identity of the California Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need bold ideas,” President Trump’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, told cheering GOP activists at the state party convention last fall. “Ideas like Donald Trump ran on, like build the wall, right? Protect our southern border. Reduce legal immigration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months later, and 25 miles north, Republican Assemblyman Chad Mayes led a smaller gathering to offer an opposite message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us to be able to grow and expand, we have to move beyond this nationalist model,” said Mayes, elected in 2014 to represent parts of Riverside and San Bernardino counties. “We’ve got to start having conversations with folks of all different colors, creeds, sexual orientation. We have to go to folks who we don’t traditionally go to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon gave the convention’s keynote address in a plush hotel ballroom room in Anaheim. Mayes organized his event at a youth center in Boyle Heights, a low-income, largely Latino neighborhood just east of downtown Los Angeles. About 200 people sat on folding chairs laid out across the center’s basketball court, their backs to the tattered ropes of a boxing ring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contrasting scenes featured contrasting solutions to the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind Bannon, the convention’s backdrop read, “Electing Republicans in a Blue State” — a testament to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">how much ground the GOP has lost\u003c/a> to Democrats in California over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state party officials and activists have aligned themselves with President Trump’s brand of conservatism to tap the enthusiasm of their base, Mayes wants to broaden the party’s appeal leftward, by taking stances that run counter to Trump’s and Bannon’s. Advocates for the two approaches are at odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664151\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-1020x694.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-960x653.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-240x163.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-520x354.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Some Want to Change the Tune\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We are here because the soul of our great Republican Party that inspired each and every single one of us is worth fighting for,” said former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, the keynote speaker in east L.A. at the first meeting of New Way California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Republican elected to California’s top office has long called for the party to moderate its tone and reach out to the state’s diverse pool of voters, who have increasingly turned away from the GOP over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we are the Titanic after it hit the iceberg, but before the last bit of the ship submerged,” Schwarzenegger said, drawing chuckles. “But unlike the Titanic, we might be able to save Leonardo DiCaprio before he goes under.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have not won a statewide election since 2010 and their share of registered voters has fallen to about 25 percent. Only 16 percent of Latinos, the state’s largest racial or ethnic demographic, are registered Republicans, according to a 2017 study by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">How the Home of Reagan Turned Into the Trump Resistance\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/JerryBrownRonaldReagan-1180x934.jpg\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mayes says appealing to those groups requires finding compromises with Democrats — rather than operating as an opposition party — and moving away from divisive social debates over illegal immigration, affirmative action and same-sex marriage, which have coincided with an erosion in support from Latino, Asian and LGBT voters over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried for so long the yelling and screaming and telling people that don’t agree with us 100 percent of the time that they’re taking this country down the road to hell,” Mayes said. “And it seemed as Republicans were doing that, that our numbers were getting worse and worse and worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he wants to focus on poverty and the state’s record income inequality, making the case that taxes and regulations are to blame for California’s high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That pitch found traction with Ruben Guerra, CEO of the Latin Business Association in Los Angeles and a Democrat who voted for Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of these regulations and some of these laws, even I say c’mon guys, really? Wake up,” Guerra said. “I’ve been a Democrat all my life, but now I’m not loyal to that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democratic and Republican party officials downplay the ability of New Way to catch on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is kind of ridiculous,” said Eric Bauman, the chairman of the California Democratic Party. “Do I think it’s the right way to go if I was the chair of the Republican Party? Sure. But the people who are the activists in the Republican Party and the people who are the elected officials in the Republican Party, this is not where they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ideologies Collide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mayes and his party have already clashed heads over their competing approaches and platforms. Last year, when Mayes was the leader of Republicans in the state Assembly, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11613044/gop-leader-facing-a-coup-for-supporting-climate-change-bill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">struck a deal with Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a>. He and six other Assembly members provided key votes to pass an extension of the climate change program, cap and trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayes describes it as a practical vote, which gave Republicans leverage to negotiate other tax cuts and credits in the deal and allows businesses, manufacturers and oil companies to cut emissions in their preferred manner. Those industries all supported the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I think the tone of all of our legislators is... frankly too tame. I would make their tone more strident ... on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.'\u003ccite>Harmeet Dhillon\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He joined Brown for a celebratory press conference after the vote. That infuriated party activists, who argue the vote raised costs on consumers, especially fuel prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the coup de grâce for Chad’s standing in the party was the open embrace of the governor at the press conference,” says Harmeet Dhillon, the Republican National Committeewoman from California. “And I think that really caused the rift in the party. He didn’t see it. He thought it was his own party to do with it what he wanted, even though his view was a minority view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon led the successful effort to oust Mayes as Assembly Republican leader — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11614857/ousted-leaders-advice-to-fellow-republicans-stop-repelling-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he stepped down\u003c/a> a month after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This election, Mayes faces two Republican primary challengers from his right, both challenging him due to the cap-and-trade vote. A local activist group, the Redlands Tea Party Patriots, has endorsed one of them, Andrew Kotyuk, a San Jacinto councilman, while urging the other, retired Palm Springs police chief Gary Jeandron, to drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local Republican Party committees in his district and the state party also voted for Mayes’ resignation as party leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg\" alt=\"Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\" width=\"800\" height=\"538\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1200x806.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1180x793.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-960x645.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-240x161.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-375x252.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-520x349.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, Dhillon describes the New Way group as “Democrats-lite,” who are diverging from the values of the party. “We have to hold onto the seats that we have, but with a certain branding,” Dhillon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the tone of all of our legislators in Sacramento is very measured and frankly too tame,” Dhillon said. “I would make their tone more strident, if anything, on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>GOP Seats Up for Grabs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The old and New Way approaches will face off in the June primary elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are targeting long-held Republican congressional seats in Orange County and northern San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One race, in particular, will be demonstrative. Longtime Republican congressman Darrell Issa, who funded the recall that led to Schwarzenegger’s election as governor and hounded President Obama as chairman of the House Oversight Committee, faces poor polling numbers and is retiring from a seat that was once solidly the GOP’s. The race to replace him includes several well-funded Democrats, including environmental attorney Mike Levin, former nonprofit CEO Sara Jacobs and retired Marine colonel Doug Applegate, who lost to Issa in the last general election by a mere 1,600 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Republican side, Board of Equalization member Diane Harkey has endorsements from the area’s prominent conservatives, including Issa and the county Republican parties, while San Diego County Board of Supervisors chairwoman Kristin Gaspar is another prominent conservative Republican who entered the race late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Straddling the middle is Republican Assemblyman Rocky Chavez, one of New Way’s founding members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could be an early test of which kind of Republican remains viable with California voters, if any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/s-418mbs.pdf\">Polls show\u003c/a> that among the candidates running for governor, state Treasurer John Chiang is struggling to get traction. Yet Chiang says he’s the right guy to defend California against attacks from the Trump administration, and he points to two defining moments in his political career that he says prove his point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at the California Democratic Party convention earlier this year, he began by listing all the times he’d stood up to what he called “big powerful interests,\" including an incident with former Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As controller, I stood up to the Governator and won,\" Chiang told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Schwarzenegger ordered the pay of nearly 200,000 state employees to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/15/us/15calif.html\">reduced to the federal minimum wage\u003c/a> until the Democratic-controlled Legislature passed a budget the governor supported. Chiang, who was state controller at the time and responsible for cutting the checks, refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were innocent parties to a political fight and they needed a champion,\" Chiang said. \"They were the underdogs and they shouldn’t have been used as a political pawn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger sued but Chiang still refused to comply. Jack Pitney, a Claremont McKenna College government professor, said Chiang’s actions took political courage, but they could rub some people the wrong way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, he knows the merits of the policy, has a great deal of experience and knows many of the legislators,\" Pitney said. \"But his independence could lead to some friction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has. In 2011, the Democratic Legislature was involved in yet another budget standoff. This was the first time lawmakers were working under \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Majority_Vote_for_Legislature_to_Pass_the_Budget_(2010)\">Proposition 25\u003c/a>, which allowed their pay to be docked every day the budget was late after the June 15 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature ultimately approved a budget by the deadline, but Chiang said, in his estimation, it wasn’t a balanced budget, which he said was required by a separate state law. So, a few days later he \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2011/06/22/us/22california.html\">started withholding lawmakers’ checks\u003c/a>. They were not happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the reaction of the vast majority of members was that it was an exercise in grandstanding,\" says Roger Dickinson, who was a State Assembly member at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers were faced with making billions of dollars in cuts that budget cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then to observe another politician say, ‘Oh, they’re not doing their job and should have their pay cut,’ I think that cut fairly deep,\" Dickinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature ultimately sued Chiang over his actions and won. A state appeals court found Chiang had overstepped his authority in withholding the pay, but he remains defiant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The judge said, in effect, whatever the Legislature passes is in fact a balanced budget,\" Chiang said. \"And we know, in fact, that’s not the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite some lingering bad feelings, Chiang has received several high-profile endorsements from legislators, including one from Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/s-418mbs.pdf\">Polls show\u003c/a> that among the candidates running for governor, state Treasurer John Chiang is struggling to get traction. Yet Chiang says he’s the right guy to defend California against attacks from the Trump administration, and he points to two defining moments in his political career that he says prove his point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at the California Democratic Party convention earlier this year, he began by listing all the times he’d stood up to what he called “big powerful interests,\" including an incident with former Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As controller, I stood up to the Governator and won,\" Chiang told the cheering crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Schwarzenegger ordered the pay of nearly 200,000 state employees to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/15/us/15calif.html\">reduced to the federal minimum wage\u003c/a> until the Democratic-controlled Legislature passed a budget the governor supported. Chiang, who was state controller at the time and responsible for cutting the checks, refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were innocent parties to a political fight and they needed a champion,\" Chiang said. \"They were the underdogs and they shouldn’t have been used as a political pawn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger sued but Chiang still refused to comply. Jack Pitney, a Claremont McKenna College government professor, said Chiang’s actions took political courage, but they could rub some people the wrong way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, he knows the merits of the policy, has a great deal of experience and knows many of the legislators,\" Pitney said. \"But his independence could lead to some friction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has. In 2011, the Democratic Legislature was involved in yet another budget standoff. This was the first time lawmakers were working under \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_25,_Majority_Vote_for_Legislature_to_Pass_the_Budget_(2010)\">Proposition 25\u003c/a>, which allowed their pay to be docked every day the budget was late after the June 15 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature ultimately approved a budget by the deadline, but Chiang said, in his estimation, it wasn’t a balanced budget, which he said was required by a separate state law. So, a few days later he \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2011/06/22/us/22california.html\">started withholding lawmakers’ checks\u003c/a>. They were not happy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the reaction of the vast majority of members was that it was an exercise in grandstanding,\" says Roger Dickinson, who was a State Assembly member at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers were faced with making billions of dollars in cuts that budget cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then to observe another politician say, ‘Oh, they’re not doing their job and should have their pay cut,’ I think that cut fairly deep,\" Dickinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature ultimately sued Chiang over his actions and won. A state appeals court found Chiang had overstepped his authority in withholding the pay, but he remains defiant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The judge said, in effect, whatever the Legislature passes is in fact a balanced budget,\" Chiang said. \"And we know, in fact, that’s not the truth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite some lingering bad feelings, Chiang has received several high-profile endorsements from legislators, including one from Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Arnold Schwarzenegger is recovering in a Los Angeles hospital after undergoing heart surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 70-year-old former California governor had a scheduled procedure to replace a pulmonic valve on Thursday, according to Schwarzenegger's spokesman. He was in stable condition on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger was a bodybuilding star before turning to movies. His career as an action hero took off with the box-office hit \"Conan the Barbarian\" in 1982. His role in the \"Terminator\" in 1984 propelled him into box-office superstardom. He served as governor of California from 2003 to 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had surgery in 1997 to replace the same heart valve. A motorcycle crash in 2001 left him with several broken ribs. He's had a hip replaced and had rotator cuff surgery in 2003.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "1,500 Miles From Home, a Prisoner Gets a Visit From His Mom",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Eleven years ago California’s prison system was bursting at the seams. Gymnasiums were being used as dormitories, and inmates were sleeping in triple bunks. Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger declared a state of emergency that allowed for urgent measures to be taken to bring down the population inside, including shipping thousands of inmates to prisons in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point California was planning to bring all prisoners back in-state by 2016, but that deadline has come and gone. Governor Brown recently vetoed a bill that would have stopped California from using private out-of-state prisons by 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daletha Hayden’s youngest son, William Mitchell, is one of 4,000 California prisoners currently serving time out of state. Nine years ago, he was convicted of robbery and assault with a deadly weapon. He was sent to state prison in California, but then he was moved to Arizona and finally to a privately run facility in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayden hadn’t seen her son for a year, when she traveled to the Mississippi prison to visit him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Daletha Hayden’s youngest son is one of more than four thousand California prisoners serving time in out-of-state prisons. This summer she went to see him for the first time in a year since he was moved out of California to Mississippi.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628275\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daletha Hayden’s youngest son is one of more than four thousand California prisoners serving time in out-of-state prisons. This summer she went to see him for the first time in a year since he was moved out of California to Mississippi. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The prison is outside Clarksdale, Mississippi in the Delta. California also contracts with a prison facility in Arizona.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628276\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The prison is outside Clarksdale, Mississippi in the Delta. California also contracts with a prison facility in Arizona. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628277\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Plane tickets, hotels, rental car and living expenses all add up. The entire trip cost almost $1,500. Hayden’s friends, family and a community group she’s part of all contributed to get her here.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628277\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plane tickets, hotels, rental car and living expenses all add up. The entire trip cost almost $1,500. Hayden’s friends, family and a community group she’s part of all contributed to get her here. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628278\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"In her hotel room Hayden speaks to her son, William Mitchell, from the prison. About 1,200 California prisoners are housed in Mississippi.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In her hotel room Hayden speaks to her son, William Mitchell, from the prison. About 1,200 California prisoners are housed in Mississippi. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628282\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"“I was just thinking about seeing him and giving him a hug and what he’s going to look like and what he’s going to think I look like after not seeing me for a whole year.” \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628282\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“I was just thinking about seeing him and giving him a hug and what he’s going to look like and what he’s going to think I look like after not seeing me for a whole year.” \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Tallahatchie County Correctional Facility is owned by the company that until recently was known as Corrections Corporation of America. Now the company has a new name: CoreCivic.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628284\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tallahatchie County Correctional Facility is owned by the company that until recently was known as Corrections Corporation of America. Now the company has a new name: CoreCivic. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628285\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"All Hayden is taking with her is a clear plastic bag with quarters for the vending machines and her ID.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628285\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">All Hayden is taking with her is a clear plastic bag with quarters for the vending machines and her ID. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628288\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Hayden has three days of visits with her son. They talk about everything from TV shows to spirituality. “The hardest thing was watching her leave,” said William. “I was like please take me with you.”\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628288\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hayden has three days of visits with her son. They talk about everything from TV shows to spirituality. “The hardest thing was watching her leave,” said William. “I was like please take me with you.”\u003cbr> \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California was planning to bring all prisoners back in-state by 2016, but that deadline has come and gone and 4,000 prisoners are still serving time out of state.",
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"description": "California was planning to bring all prisoners back in-state by 2016, but that deadline has come and gone and 4,000 prisoners are still serving time out of state.",
"title": "1,500 Miles From Home, a Prisoner Gets a Visit From His Mom | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>George Lavender\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Eleven years ago California’s prison system was bursting at the seams. Gymnasiums were being used as dormitories, and inmates were sleeping in triple bunks. Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger declared a state of emergency that allowed for urgent measures to be taken to bring down the population inside, including shipping thousands of inmates to prisons in other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point California was planning to bring all prisoners back in-state by 2016, but that deadline has come and gone. Governor Brown recently vetoed a bill that would have stopped California from using private out-of-state prisons by 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daletha Hayden’s youngest son, William Mitchell, is one of 4,000 California prisoners currently serving time out of state. Nine years ago, he was convicted of robbery and assault with a deadly weapon. He was sent to state prison in California, but then he was moved to Arizona and finally to a privately run facility in Mississippi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayden hadn’t seen her son for a year, when she traveled to the Mississippi prison to visit him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628275\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Daletha Hayden’s youngest son is one of more than four thousand California prisoners serving time in out-of-state prisons. This summer she went to see him for the first time in a year since he was moved out of California to Mississippi.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628275\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State1.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daletha Hayden’s youngest son is one of more than four thousand California prisoners serving time in out-of-state prisons. This summer she went to see him for the first time in a year since he was moved out of California to Mississippi. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The prison is outside Clarksdale, Mississippi in the Delta. California also contracts with a prison facility in Arizona.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628276\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State4.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The prison is outside Clarksdale, Mississippi in the Delta. California also contracts with a prison facility in Arizona. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628277\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Plane tickets, hotels, rental car and living expenses all add up. The entire trip cost almost $1,500. Hayden’s friends, family and a community group she’s part of all contributed to get her here.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628277\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State6.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plane tickets, hotels, rental car and living expenses all add up. The entire trip cost almost $1,500. Hayden’s friends, family and a community group she’s part of all contributed to get her here. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628278\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"In her hotel room Hayden speaks to her son, William Mitchell, from the prison. About 1,200 California prisoners are housed in Mississippi.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628278\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State5.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In her hotel room Hayden speaks to her son, William Mitchell, from the prison. About 1,200 California prisoners are housed in Mississippi. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628282\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"“I was just thinking about seeing him and giving him a hug and what he’s going to look like and what he’s going to think I look like after not seeing me for a whole year.” \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628282\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State7.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">“I was just thinking about seeing him and giving him a hug and what he’s going to look like and what he’s going to think I look like after not seeing me for a whole year.” \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628284\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Tallahatchie County Correctional Facility is owned by the company that until recently was known as Corrections Corporation of America. Now the company has a new name: CoreCivic.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628284\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State8.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tallahatchie County Correctional Facility is owned by the company that until recently was known as Corrections Corporation of America. Now the company has a new name: CoreCivic. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628285\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"All Hayden is taking with her is a clear plastic bag with quarters for the vending machines and her ID.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628285\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State9.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">All Hayden is taking with her is a clear plastic bag with quarters for the vending machines and her ID. \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11628288\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Hayden has three days of visits with her son. They talk about everything from TV shows to spirituality. “The hardest thing was watching her leave,” said William. “I was like please take me with you.”\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11628288\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/Out-of-State99.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hayden has three days of visits with her son. They talk about everything from TV shows to spirituality. “The hardest thing was watching her leave,” said William. “I was like please take me with you.”\u003cbr> \u003ccite>(George Lavender/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Schwarzenegger Says Denying Climate Change Is a 'Betrayal'",
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"content": "\u003cp>After launching an \u003ca href=\"http://envirolaws.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">online tool\u003c/a> to help governments write environmental legislation, former California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger defended a state Republican leader who recently provided critical GOP votes to Gov. Jerry Brown's cap-and-trade bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB398\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 398\u003c/a> extended the life of California's cap-and-trade program until 2030. The system allows companies to purchase permits to release greenhouse gas emissions, with money generated from those sales being used to fund efforts to clean the environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican Leader \u003ca href=\"https://ad42.asmrc.org/\">Chad Mayes\u003c/a> has faced furious criticism from his own party after negotiating with the Brown administration to help make the cap-and-trade bill palatable to enough GOP legislators to pass the bill. Critics have described Mayes as a kind of Benedict Arnold who betrayed his party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Anyone against cleaning the environment and saving lives -- there's the betrayal, not the other way around\" Schwarzenegger told KQED on a phone call. \"What's happened is fantastic for the Republican Party in California. It will help them get more votes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/336857106\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger, who attended the ceremony where Gov. Brown signed the legislation two weeks ago, acknowledged the risk Republicans like Mayes face in ignoring opposition to environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that the Republican Party has shrunk in California, Schwarzenegger said, \"Whenever you do something that's a little out there, it's risky. You take a beating. That's the definition of great leadership.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wasn't finished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Politicians have to make a decision,\" he added. \"Do they want to be a party hack, servants to the party? Or do they want to be the people's servant?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Assemblyman Mayes delivered enough Assembly Republican votes to ensure Gov. Brown a major legislative victory, some GOP leaders, such as RNC Committeewoman Harmeet Dhillon from San Francisco, called on Mayes to step down as minority leader. So far at least, Mayes has survived challenges to his leadership.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After launching an \u003ca href=\"http://envirolaws.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">online tool\u003c/a> to help governments write environmental legislation, former California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger defended a state Republican leader who recently provided critical GOP votes to Gov. Jerry Brown's cap-and-trade bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB398\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">AB 398\u003c/a> extended the life of California's cap-and-trade program until 2030. The system allows companies to purchase permits to release greenhouse gas emissions, with money generated from those sales being used to fund efforts to clean the environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republican Leader \u003ca href=\"https://ad42.asmrc.org/\">Chad Mayes\u003c/a> has faced furious criticism from his own party after negotiating with the Brown administration to help make the cap-and-trade bill palatable to enough GOP legislators to pass the bill. Critics have described Mayes as a kind of Benedict Arnold who betrayed his party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Anyone against cleaning the environment and saving lives -- there's the betrayal, not the other way around\" Schwarzenegger told KQED on a phone call. \"What's happened is fantastic for the Republican Party in California. It will help them get more votes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/336857106&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/336857106'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger, who attended the ceremony where Gov. Brown signed the legislation two weeks ago, acknowledged the risk Republicans like Mayes face in ignoring opposition to environmental regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noting that the Republican Party has shrunk in California, Schwarzenegger said, \"Whenever you do something that's a little out there, it's risky. You take a beating. That's the definition of great leadership.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wasn't finished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Politicians have to make a decision,\" he added. \"Do they want to be a party hack, servants to the party? Or do they want to be the people's servant?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Assemblyman Mayes delivered enough Assembly Republican votes to ensure Gov. Brown a major legislative victory, some GOP leaders, such as RNC Committeewoman Harmeet Dhillon from San Francisco, called on Mayes to step down as minority leader. So far at least, Mayes has survived challenges to his leadership.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Brown, Schwarzenegger Celebrate Extension of Cap and Trade",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A key tool to help California reach ambitious greenhouse gas reduction goals will continue for decades to come, as Gov. Jerry Brown signed an extension of the state’s cap-and-trade program on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was joined by legislative leaders and his predecessor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, to sign Assembly Bill 398 on Treasure Island in San Francisco Bay. The legislation \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/10/heres-whats-in-the-deal-to-extend-californias-cap-and-trade-system/\">extends the system\u003c/a> through which the state limits greenhouse gases from companies by creating a marketplace for emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are a nation-state in a globalizing world and we’re having an impact,\" Brown said. \"You’re here witnessing one of the key milestones in turning around this carbonized world into a decarbonized sustainable future.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"XTlHgU2eAHtvwFWkycFbodAERAQXCgny\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade ago, Schwarzenegger stood in the same spot to sign Assembly Bill 32. That bill both set emission reduction goals for California and authorized the creation of the cap-and-trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the Republican governor predicted that the law would \"begin a whole new era of environmental protection in California that will change the course of history,\" and that the federal government would follow the state's lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aPDjZm2v5sg?ecver=1&w=560&h=315]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade later, Schwarzenegger acknowledged that California's emission reduction goals and cap-and-trade program stand as progressive outposts, rather than bellwethers, for federal climate policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The states and the cities in America, the private sector, the academic sector, the scientists, everyone is still in the Paris agreement, There is only one man that dropped out,\" he said, referring to President Trump. \"But America did not drop out.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Brown and Schwarzenegger made note of the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/17/california-lawmakers-approve-plan-to-extend-cap-and-trade-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bipartisan nature\u003c/a> of the extension.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Schwarzenegger/status/889949509655994368\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eight Republicans legislators voted for AB 398, a move that has caused \u003ca href=\"http://www.pe.com/2017/07/20/melissa-melendez-resigns-leadership-post-calls-out-chad-mayes/\">turmoil within the caucus\u003c/a> and state party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger said that California's economic growth should silence conservative critics who contend that the cap-and-trade program will hurt businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Don’t those conservative Republicans get the message?\" he asked. \"Stop lying to the people! Stop it!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown openly embraced the business community in his address, noting the many business lobbyists and representatives in attendance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people say, ‘Oh my god, we don’t like those people,' \" he said. \"Well let’s face it, this is California. Our industry, our wealth, our whole well-being is the product of all these individuals and companies and organizations and cultural organizations and nonprofits, the whole thing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal to extend the program was a carefully balanced effort that also included provisions to address local air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has not yet signed that separate bill, Assembly Bill 617, which increases monitoring and penalties on local polluters.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A key tool to help California reach ambitious greenhouse gas reduction goals will continue for decades to come, as Gov. Jerry Brown signed an extension of the state’s cap-and-trade program on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown was joined by legislative leaders and his predecessor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, to sign Assembly Bill 398 on Treasure Island in San Francisco Bay. The legislation \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/10/heres-whats-in-the-deal-to-extend-californias-cap-and-trade-system/\">extends the system\u003c/a> through which the state limits greenhouse gases from companies by creating a marketplace for emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are a nation-state in a globalizing world and we’re having an impact,\" Brown said. \"You’re here witnessing one of the key milestones in turning around this carbonized world into a decarbonized sustainable future.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade ago, Schwarzenegger stood in the same spot to sign Assembly Bill 32. That bill both set emission reduction goals for California and authorized the creation of the cap-and-trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the Republican governor predicted that the law would \"begin a whole new era of environmental protection in California that will change the course of history,\" and that the federal government would follow the state's lead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/aPDjZm2v5sg?ecver=1'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/aPDjZm2v5sg?ecver=1'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a decade later, Schwarzenegger acknowledged that California's emission reduction goals and cap-and-trade program stand as progressive outposts, rather than bellwethers, for federal climate policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The states and the cities in America, the private sector, the academic sector, the scientists, everyone is still in the Paris agreement, There is only one man that dropped out,\" he said, referring to President Trump. \"But America did not drop out.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Brown and Schwarzenegger made note of the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2017/07/17/california-lawmakers-approve-plan-to-extend-cap-and-trade-system/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">bipartisan nature\u003c/a> of the extension.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Eight Republicans legislators voted for AB 398, a move that has caused \u003ca href=\"http://www.pe.com/2017/07/20/melissa-melendez-resigns-leadership-post-calls-out-chad-mayes/\">turmoil within the caucus\u003c/a> and state party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger said that California's economic growth should silence conservative critics who contend that the cap-and-trade program will hurt businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Don’t those conservative Republicans get the message?\" he asked. \"Stop lying to the people! Stop it!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown openly embraced the business community in his address, noting the many business lobbyists and representatives in attendance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some people say, ‘Oh my god, we don’t like those people,' \" he said. \"Well let’s face it, this is California. Our industry, our wealth, our whole well-being is the product of all these individuals and companies and organizations and cultural organizations and nonprofits, the whole thing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal to extend the program was a carefully balanced effort that also included provisions to address local air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown has not yet signed that separate bill, Assembly Bill 617, which increases monitoring and penalties on local polluters.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Who knew one week could offer so much political intrigue, from the cloud of scandal to the potential for a 2016 ballot measure smackdown?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week’s California Politics Podcast examines the new chapter of corruption allegations revealed this week in San Francisco, and whether the case — or the media frenzy — has legs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We also discuss the throwing down of the gas gauntlet, so to speak, by billionaire activist Tom Steyer in his battle with Big Oil. And we look back at this week’s end of an era — the final payment of California’s deficit debts from more than a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m joined by Marisa Lagos of KQED News and Anthony York of the Grizzly Bear Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Who knew one week could offer so much political intrigue, from the cloud of scandal to the potential for a 2016 ballot measure smackdown?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week’s California Politics Podcast examines the new chapter of corruption allegations revealed this week in San Francisco, and whether the case — or the media frenzy — has legs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We also discuss the throwing down of the gas gauntlet, so to speak, by billionaire activist Tom Steyer in his battle with Big Oil. And we look back at this week’s end of an era — the final payment of California’s deficit debts from more than a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m joined by Marisa Lagos of KQED News and Anthony York of the Grizzly Bear Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-money-milestone-the-end-of-californias-2004-deficit-debt",
"title": "A Money Milestone: The End of California’s 2004 Deficit Debt",
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"content": "\u003cp>Prepare to be shocked: California’s state government is about to make its final interest payments on 2004 deficit bonds, payments that have averaged more than $1 million a day. \u003cem>That’s $1 million a day, every day, for 11 straight years.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sobering statistic that speaks volumes about California’s decade of deficits — a decade that saw billions more in both painful and gimmickry-laden fixes, a fair amount of national ridicule, and enough voter anger to prompt the historic firing of a governor before the end of his term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the reality is there is no free lunch,” says Joe Canciamilla, a former Democratic state legislator who was deeply involved in the crisis negotiations over California’s finances in 2003 and 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting debt, incurred through voter passage of Proposition 57 in 2004, will be officially wiped off the state’s ledger by the close of business on Wednesday. Officials will certify the state has collected the final dollars needed to satisfy investors, money doled out when the last of California’s Economic Recovery Bonds (ERBs) mature on July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In truth, the cost of all that borrowing could have been much higher. Original estimates were that the Proposition 57 bonds could take as long as 14 years to fully retire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown pushed for accelerated payments after the tax revenue windfalls of the past few years. Brown has counted the ERBs as part of the “\u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/10/us/with-surplus-in-hand-california-eyes-debt.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wall of debt\u003c/a>” he inherited upon taking office, a series of costly short-term financial obligations that have weighed down the state budget and its ability to fund other obligations and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to think ahead,” said Brown, when asked about it during a May news conference about how to pay for the state’s needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t think ahead a few years and realize you don’t have the money, you do that in your own personal life [and] you go bankrupt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2003: The Debt Deal Was Born\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state government isn’t technically subject to bankruptcy laws, but the specter of fiscal calamity was palpable in the late winter of 2003. Republicans in the Legislature were the first to propose a short-term loan to cover a portion of what was then estimated to be a \u003ca href=\"http://governors.library.ca.gov/addresses/s_37-davis5.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$35 billion budget shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GOP proposal was more narrow — a $10 billion loan to be paid back in five years with existing sales tax revenues — than what was wanted by Democrats. By the end of that summer’s long budget fight, Gov. Gray Davis signed a plan that included a $10.7 billion deficit bond financed through a complex system using existing tax dollars. It was quickly challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at the Gray Davis debt as being fundamentally illegal debt,” says Jon Coupal of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal fights over the deficit borrowing plan ended after Davis was recalled by voters in October 2003 and Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger pushed what ultimately became Prop. 57.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Prop 57 — \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/57_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $15 billion deficit bond also to be repaid through a complex series of tax dollar reallocations\u003c/a> — had to be approved by voters, Coupal and almost every other government spending critic ended up endorsing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was voter approved,” he says. “It doesn’t mean it was smart debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-400x287.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1440x1032.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1920x1376.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1180x846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-960x688.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger cast the bond measure, linked with the loose \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/58_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">balanced budget requirement in Proposition 58\u003c/a>, as a way to finally tear up what he called the state government’s “credit card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one prominent critic disagreed, and still does: Former state treasurer Phil Angelides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We borrowed to paper over the problem,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision facing Democrats in early 2004, weeks after Prop. 57 had been crafted, wasn’t an easy one. Without a quick infusion of cash, the state was projected to run out of operating funds. But joining Schwarzenegger’s campaign would no doubt boost the Republican’s bipartisan credentials and his political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democrat, Schwarzenegger’s most prominent ally in the effort, still insists it was a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor and I did the only thing we could do,” says Steve Westly, the former state controller who hit the campaign trail with Schwarzenegger to pass both the deficit bond and budget balancing propositions. “At that point, you can’t really have an esoteric discussion about the pros and cons of debt. You’re dealing with a crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XVtjRnEgBmk?rel=0]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men, Schwarzenegger and Westly, became the chief salesmen for the deficit bond and the budget balancing amendment. The most memorable TV ad of the time featured them finishing each other’s sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early polls showed Prop. 57 losing, but Schwarzenegger’s persistent sales pitch won them over. On Election Night, the first-of-its-kind deficit borrowing plan was approved by 63 percent of the votes cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those left on the sidelines — liberals and conservatives alike — were not moved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of, at the time, talk about, ‘Oh, there’s broad bipartisan support,'” says former treasurer Angelides. “But in fact, it was bipartisan support to kick the can down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Fix Or A Stopgap?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of the Prop 57 deficit bond thought the campaign — the pitch that had been made to voters — was all wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The folks were trying to sell this as a fix,” recalls Canciamilla, \u003ca href=\"http://www.contracostatimes.com/ci_22917922/contra-costas-new-elections-chief-joe-canciamilla-takes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who represented Contra Costa County in the Assembly and is now the county’s registrar of voters\u003c/a>. “We weren’t solving anything. It was a bridge loan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gap covered by that bridge had been widened by Schwarzenegger himself on his first day in office, rescinding \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4754465/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an unpopular but valuable increase in vehicle license fees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials sold the first $7.9 billion in Prop. 57 bonds on May 5, 2004. Wall Street investors \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2004/may/06/business/fi-bonds6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">jumped at the chance to buy the California debt\u003c/a>, perhaps in part because the state’s tenuous finances forced a higher yield — that is, the state had to pay a higher interest rate to bond buyers even though Prop. 57 was structured to guarantee a payback from dependable sales tax revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first interest payment was made on July 1, 2004, but the borrowing was far from over. In February 2008, almost four years after Prop. 57 was hailed as a one-time fix, \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=8462\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Schwarzenegger and legislators approved selling another $3.3 billion in Prop. 57 bonds to shore up the rapidly eroding state finances months before the global economic collapse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2008 borrowing was made legal by state finance officials attributing some of that year’s budget woes to money shortages dating back to 2004 — a decision that allowed more deficit borrowing, even though the original companion measure, Prop. 58, amended the state constitution to ban any new deficit borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop 57’s Bottom Line: $19.2 Billion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS8355_73908800-400x271.jpg\" alt=\"Prop 57 deficit bond interest could have funded UC for 15 months.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How much is $4.4 billion? It could fund the state’s portion of the University of California system for 15 months. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In all, state treasury officials say the Prop. 57 bonds — $14.2 billion in borrowing — resulted in interest payments totaling $4.8 billion, plus another $200 million in administrative costs. The final payments have been set aside in a state escrow account to be disbursed to bond holders through July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal ceremony on Wednesday marks the end of the collection of tax revenues to pay off the bonds. And that, say finance officials, allows the state to formally erase the debt, $19.2 billion in all, from the state’s outstanding obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those involved with the policy and political effort to borrow the money don’t dispute the fiscal impact. Interest payments of $4.8 billion, paid out since the first payment in early July 2004, have meant less money for other government services in the intervening decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much less money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For perspective, $4.8 billion could fully fund the state budget’s current share of University of California system expenses for more than a year. It could fully pay for the California Department of Fire and Forestry Protection for more than two years. Or it could boost K-12 spending by as much as $658 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that would have required different and perhaps more politically impossible choices in late 2003 and early 2004: Tax increases, spending cuts or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad this chapter of California’s fiscal history is finally closed,” said Schwarzenegger in an emailed statement. The former governor also praised voters for closing the door on future deficit borrowing with Prop 58.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others involved in the saga that gripped California more than a decade ago seem, no matter their position, to look back with a least a twinge of disappointment that there wasn’t another solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were to do something differently, it wouldn’t have been the actions that Gov. Schwarzenegger and I took,” says Westly, the former state controller. “It would have been how did we get there to start with? The answer is we spent ahead of our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of government spending agree on that point. They also note that California voters have a tendency to miss the real lesson in all of this: The actual cost of bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t necessarily grasp the fact that bonds equal debt equal taxes in the future,” says Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “I think that is part of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated early in the afternoon on Wednesday, Aug. 5 to reflect the final numbers provided by the state treasurer’s staff on Prop 57 costs — a slight uptick in cost from our original version. We also clarified that the final bond payments include both principal and interest, and not just interest alone.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "A Money Milestone: The End of California’s 2004 Deficit Debt | KQED",
"description": "California officials pay off the last of 2004's deficit bonds, which cost the state $4.4 billion in interest.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Prepare to be shocked: California’s state government is about to make its final interest payments on 2004 deficit bonds, payments that have averaged more than $1 million a day. \u003cem>That’s $1 million a day, every day, for 11 straight years.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a sobering statistic that speaks volumes about California’s decade of deficits — a decade that saw billions more in both painful and gimmickry-laden fixes, a fair amount of national ridicule, and enough voter anger to prompt the historic firing of a governor before the end of his term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the reality is there is no free lunch,” says Joe Canciamilla, a former Democratic state legislator who was deeply involved in the crisis negotiations over California’s finances in 2003 and 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting debt, incurred through voter passage of Proposition 57 in 2004, will be officially wiped off the state’s ledger by the close of business on Wednesday. Officials will certify the state has collected the final dollars needed to satisfy investors, money doled out when the last of California’s Economic Recovery Bonds (ERBs) mature on July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In truth, the cost of all that borrowing could have been much higher. Original estimates were that the Proposition 57 bonds could take as long as 14 years to fully retire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown pushed for accelerated payments after the tax revenue windfalls of the past few years. Brown has counted the ERBs as part of the “\u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/10/us/with-surplus-in-hand-california-eyes-debt.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wall of debt\u003c/a>” he inherited upon taking office, a series of costly short-term financial obligations that have weighed down the state budget and its ability to fund other obligations and services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have to be able to think ahead,” said Brown, when asked about it during a May news conference about how to pay for the state’s needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you can’t think ahead a few years and realize you don’t have the money, you do that in your own personal life [and] you go bankrupt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>2003: The Debt Deal Was Born\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s state government isn’t technically subject to bankruptcy laws, but the specter of fiscal calamity was palpable in the late winter of 2003. Republicans in the Legislature were the first to propose a short-term loan to cover a portion of what was then estimated to be a \u003ca href=\"http://governors.library.ca.gov/addresses/s_37-davis5.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$35 billion budget shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The GOP proposal was more narrow — a $10 billion loan to be paid back in five years with existing sales tax revenues — than what was wanted by Democrats. By the end of that summer’s long budget fight, Gov. Gray Davis signed a plan that included a $10.7 billion deficit bond financed through a complex system using existing tax dollars. It was quickly challenged in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We looked at the Gray Davis debt as being fundamentally illegal debt,” says Jon Coupal of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legal fights over the deficit borrowing plan ended after Davis was recalled by voters in October 2003 and Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger pushed what ultimately became Prop. 57.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Prop 57 — \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/57_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a $15 billion deficit bond also to be repaid through a complex series of tax dollar reallocations\u003c/a> — had to be approved by voters, Coupal and almost every other government spending critic ended up endorsing the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was voter approved,” he says. “It doesn’t mean it was smart debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-400x287.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1440x1032.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1920x1376.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-1180x846.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS16261_GettyImages-51834754-960x688.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger led the campaign to persuade voters to sell up to $15 billion in deficit bonds. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger cast the bond measure, linked with the loose \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/ballot/2004/58_03_2004.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">balanced budget requirement in Proposition 58\u003c/a>, as a way to finally tear up what he called the state government’s “credit card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But one prominent critic disagreed, and still does: Former state treasurer Phil Angelides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We borrowed to paper over the problem,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision facing Democrats in early 2004, weeks after Prop. 57 had been crafted, wasn’t an easy one. Without a quick infusion of cash, the state was projected to run out of operating funds. But joining Schwarzenegger’s campaign would no doubt boost the Republican’s bipartisan credentials and his political power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democrat, Schwarzenegger’s most prominent ally in the effort, still insists it was a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The governor and I did the only thing we could do,” says Steve Westly, the former state controller who hit the campaign trail with Schwarzenegger to pass both the deficit bond and budget balancing propositions. “At that point, you can’t really have an esoteric discussion about the pros and cons of debt. You’re dealing with a crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/XVtjRnEgBmk?rel=0'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/XVtjRnEgBmk?rel=0'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two men, Schwarzenegger and Westly, became the chief salesmen for the deficit bond and the budget balancing amendment. The most memorable TV ad of the time featured them finishing each other’s sentences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early polls showed Prop. 57 losing, but Schwarzenegger’s persistent sales pitch won them over. On Election Night, the first-of-its-kind deficit borrowing plan was approved by 63 percent of the votes cast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those left on the sidelines — liberals and conservatives alike — were not moved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of, at the time, talk about, ‘Oh, there’s broad bipartisan support,'” says former treasurer Angelides. “But in fact, it was bipartisan support to kick the can down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>A Fix Or A Stopgap?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even some supporters of the Prop 57 deficit bond thought the campaign — the pitch that had been made to voters — was all wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The folks were trying to sell this as a fix,” recalls Canciamilla, \u003ca href=\"http://www.contracostatimes.com/ci_22917922/contra-costas-new-elections-chief-joe-canciamilla-takes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">who represented Contra Costa County in the Assembly and is now the county’s registrar of voters\u003c/a>. “We weren’t solving anything. It was a bridge loan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The gap covered by that bridge had been widened by Schwarzenegger himself on his first day in office, rescinding \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4754465/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an unpopular but valuable increase in vehicle license fees\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials sold the first $7.9 billion in Prop. 57 bonds on May 5, 2004. Wall Street investors \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2004/may/06/business/fi-bonds6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">jumped at the chance to buy the California debt\u003c/a>, perhaps in part because the state’s tenuous finances forced a higher yield — that is, the state had to pay a higher interest rate to bond buyers even though Prop. 57 was structured to guarantee a payback from dependable sales tax revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first interest payment was made on July 1, 2004, but the borrowing was far from over. In February 2008, almost four years after Prop. 57 was hailed as a one-time fix, \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=8462\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Schwarzenegger and legislators approved selling another $3.3 billion in Prop. 57 bonds to shore up the rapidly eroding state finances months before the global economic collapse\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2008 borrowing was made legal by state finance officials attributing some of that year’s budget woes to money shortages dating back to 2004 — a decision that allowed more deficit borrowing, even though the original companion measure, Prop. 58, amended the state constitution to ban any new deficit borrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop 57’s Bottom Line: $19.2 Billion\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10629979\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10629979\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/08/RS8355_73908800-400x271.jpg\" alt=\"Prop 57 deficit bond interest could have funded UC for 15 months.\" width=\"800\" height=\"573\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">How much is $4.4 billion? It could fund the state’s portion of the University of California system for 15 months. \u003ccite>(Frederick M. Brown/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In all, state treasury officials say the Prop. 57 bonds — $14.2 billion in borrowing — resulted in interest payments totaling $4.8 billion, plus another $200 million in administrative costs. The final payments have been set aside in a state escrow account to be disbursed to bond holders through July 1, 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The formal ceremony on Wednesday marks the end of the collection of tax revenues to pay off the bonds. And that, say finance officials, allows the state to formally erase the debt, $19.2 billion in all, from the state’s outstanding obligations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those involved with the policy and political effort to borrow the money don’t dispute the fiscal impact. Interest payments of $4.8 billion, paid out since the first payment in early July 2004, have meant less money for other government services in the intervening decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much less money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For perspective, $4.8 billion could fully fund the state budget’s current share of University of California system expenses for more than a year. It could fully pay for the California Department of Fire and Forestry Protection for more than two years. Or it could boost K-12 spending by as much as $658 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that would have required different and perhaps more politically impossible choices in late 2003 and early 2004: Tax increases, spending cuts or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m glad this chapter of California’s fiscal history is finally closed,” said Schwarzenegger in an emailed statement. The former governor also praised voters for closing the door on future deficit borrowing with Prop 58.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others involved in the saga that gripped California more than a decade ago seem, no matter their position, to look back with a least a twinge of disappointment that there wasn’t another solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I were to do something differently, it wouldn’t have been the actions that Gov. Schwarzenegger and I took,” says Westly, the former state controller. “It would have been how did we get there to start with? The answer is we spent ahead of our means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of government spending agree on that point. They also note that California voters have a tendency to miss the real lesson in all of this: The actual cost of bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t necessarily grasp the fact that bonds equal debt equal taxes in the future,” says Coupal of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. “I think that is part of the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated early in the afternoon on Wednesday, Aug. 5 to reflect the final numbers provided by the state treasurer’s staff on Prop 57 costs — a slight uptick in cost from our original version. We also clarified that the final bond payments include both principal and interest, and not just interest alone.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Schwarzenegger Returns to Sacramento Talking Climate, Legacy",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_147163\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0124-e1410211778339.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-147163\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0124-e1410211778339-640x609.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's official state Capitol portrait, unveiled in a ceremony on Sept. 8. (Photo: John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"609\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's official state Capitol portrait, unveiled in a ceremony on Sept. 8. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than 3½ years after his final \"Hasta la vista, baby!\" to state government, Arnold Schwarzenegger returned to Sacramento Monday for a victory lap of sorts -- bragging about his efforts to combat climate change and, later, unveiling his official portrait under the Capitol dome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a single day in the capital city, it seemed that Schwarzenegger’s legacy was seen as unquestionably good, a change from the recession-weary send-off he received in January 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have missed being here, many times,\" said Schwarzenegger during a Capitol rotunda ceremony to unveil his portrait. \"My seven years as governor were the most fulfilling years I ever had in my life.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican ex-governor made a day of it in Sacramento, offering the keynote speech at a climate change summit, boasting of California's efforts in leading the charge on reducing greenhouse gases and promoting renewable energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of former staffers, as well as a who's who of California politics, crowded into the rotunda to watch Schwarzenegger -- flanked by sons Patrick and Christopher -- pull down a velvet drape to reveal what will easily be the largest governor's portrait in the stately old Capitol, standing 75 5/8 inches tall and 53 1/2 inches wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike all but one modern gubernatorial portrait, Schwarzenegger's does not depict a realistic scene. No proud stance in Capitol Park like that of Ronald Reagan or Pete Wilson, no ocean and field of poppies like Gray Davis. The backdrop for Schwarzenegger is barren, except for the gubernatorial seal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the Schwarzenegger portrait shares its uniqueness with the one of the man who succeeded him, Gov. Jerry Brown. It is \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gubernatorial_portrait_of_Jerry_Brown\" target=\"_blank\">Brown's 1984 portrait\u003c/a>, hanging on the Capitol's third floor, that's to date the biggest tourist attraction of all of the statehouse's portraits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown threw in a few jokes about his painting in his remarks at the Capitol event -- remembering how his father, the late Gov. Pat Brown, \"was angry\" when he first saw it, promising his son it was a sure sign that he'd never be elected to office again. Still, Brown told the audience that the portraits -- whatever the reaction -- have a purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_147177\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0106-e1410215371233.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-147177\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0106-e1410213740451-640x487.jpg\" alt=\"Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger poses with former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado at the unveiling of Schwarzenegger's portrait. (Photo: John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"487\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger poses with former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado at the unveiling of Schwarzenegger's portrait. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"It's not an occasion of change,\" said Brown about portrait unveilings, \"so much as it is an occasion of continuity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown and Schwarzenegger traded compliments throughout the day on Monday, beginning with the morning summit on climate issues. Brown praised Schwarzenegger's independence in bucking party politics by helping craft the state's 2005 landmark climate change law. Schwarzenegger praised Brown's vision in the 1970s as helping spark the state's focus on environmental protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the ex-governor took a classic Schwarzenegger jab at everyone from his fellow Republicans to industries that had opposed his efforts to create a California-centric model on climate change policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They said this was Washington's job, the state had no business in doing any of that,\" recounted Schwarzenegger on Monday morning. \"We said, 'The hell with that. We don't wait for anyone.' \"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_147163\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0124-e1410211778339.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-147163\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0124-e1410211778339-640x609.jpg\" alt=\"Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's official state Capitol portrait, unveiled in a ceremony on Sept. 8. (Photo: John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"609\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger's official state Capitol portrait, unveiled in a ceremony on Sept. 8. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>More than 3½ years after his final \"Hasta la vista, baby!\" to state government, Arnold Schwarzenegger returned to Sacramento Monday for a victory lap of sorts -- bragging about his efforts to combat climate change and, later, unveiling his official portrait under the Capitol dome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a single day in the capital city, it seemed that Schwarzenegger’s legacy was seen as unquestionably good, a change from the recession-weary send-off he received in January 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I have missed being here, many times,\" said Schwarzenegger during a Capitol rotunda ceremony to unveil his portrait. \"My seven years as governor were the most fulfilling years I ever had in my life.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Republican ex-governor made a day of it in Sacramento, offering the keynote speech at a climate change summit, boasting of California's efforts in leading the charge on reducing greenhouse gases and promoting renewable energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of former staffers, as well as a who's who of California politics, crowded into the rotunda to watch Schwarzenegger -- flanked by sons Patrick and Christopher -- pull down a velvet drape to reveal what will easily be the largest governor's portrait in the stately old Capitol, standing 75 5/8 inches tall and 53 1/2 inches wide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike all but one modern gubernatorial portrait, Schwarzenegger's does not depict a realistic scene. No proud stance in Capitol Park like that of Ronald Reagan or Pete Wilson, no ocean and field of poppies like Gray Davis. The backdrop for Schwarzenegger is barren, except for the gubernatorial seal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the Schwarzenegger portrait shares its uniqueness with the one of the man who succeeded him, Gov. Jerry Brown. It is \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gubernatorial_portrait_of_Jerry_Brown\" target=\"_blank\">Brown's 1984 portrait\u003c/a>, hanging on the Capitol's third floor, that's to date the biggest tourist attraction of all of the statehouse's portraits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown threw in a few jokes about his painting in his remarks at the Capitol event -- remembering how his father, the late Gov. Pat Brown, \"was angry\" when he first saw it, promising his son it was a sure sign that he'd never be elected to office again. Still, Brown told the audience that the portraits -- whatever the reaction -- have a purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_147177\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0106-e1410215371233.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-147177\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/09/IMG_0106-e1410213740451-640x487.jpg\" alt=\"Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger poses with former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado at the unveiling of Schwarzenegger's portrait. (Photo: John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"487\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger poses with former Lt. Gov. Abel Maldonado at the unveiling of Schwarzenegger's portrait. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\"It's not an occasion of change,\" said Brown about portrait unveilings, \"so much as it is an occasion of continuity.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown and Schwarzenegger traded compliments throughout the day on Monday, beginning with the morning summit on climate issues. Brown praised Schwarzenegger's independence in bucking party politics by helping craft the state's 2005 landmark climate change law. Schwarzenegger praised Brown's vision in the 1970s as helping spark the state's focus on environmental protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the ex-governor took a classic Schwarzenegger jab at everyone from his fellow Republicans to industries that had opposed his efforts to create a California-centric model on climate change policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They said this was Washington's job, the state had no business in doing any of that,\" recounted Schwarzenegger on Monday morning. \"We said, 'The hell with that. We don't wait for anyone.' \"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Behind California's Dramatic Increase in Lifers Freed from Prisons",
"title": "Behind California's Dramatic Increase in Lifers Freed from Prisons",
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"content": "\u003cp>[http_redir]Amid the specter of rising violent crime rates and “tough on crime” posturing from both Democrats and Republicans, California voters in 1988 approved Proposition 89, amending the state constitution so that governors could directly intervene in the parole process for inmates sentenced to life in prison with the possibility of parole. The measure, which passed with 55 percent of the vote, allowed the governor to rescind parole for offenders who had committed murder — the most common crime for so-called lifers sentenced to unfixed terms like “15 years to life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The political calculus for governors, when reviewing parole decisions, was obvious: No governor wanted to stand accused of letting a convicted murderer roam the streets. Gov. Gray Davis reversed positive parole decisions more than 90 percent of the time, while Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger reversed 70 percent of the cases that came across his desk. (Gov. Pete Wilson was far more lenient, although he reviewed significantly fewer cases during his two terms in office.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"afff123ae2c086bd165f77cdaedf159b\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the 1990s and 2000s, the state Board of Parole Hearings was unlikely to grant parole in the first place to convicted murderers. When combined with the governors' high reversal rates, the result was a mounting number of inmates serving life terms in state prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About one in five inmates in California prisons serves a life sentence with the possibility of parole — the highest percentage of lifers in a state prison population in the country. As of last year, there were more than 26,000 lifers behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the past two decades, the odds that a lifer would ever set foot outside prison walls were slim. In 2010, a parole-eligible offender who had committed murder stood a 6 percent chance of leaving prison through the conventional parole process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, the prospects for lifer parole had improved dramatically, and now lifers are leaving prison in record numbers. In the first 2½ years of the Brown administration, more lifers were released from prison (1,205) than during the previous three administrations combined (1,168).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to Scott Shafer's California Report story on Lifer Releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/149719557&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unprecedented exodus of lifers in recent years sparks several serious questions for California. What programs are in place to ensure that lifers can make a smooth transition into an outside world radically different from when they were first incarcerated? What are the political implications of this trend in an election year? And perhaps, most importantly, why is this happening now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several factors account for the spike in lifer releases in recent years, including landmark court decisions, rising caseloads and shifting attitudes among the Board of Parole Hearings and the Brown administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Lifer Exodus\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The number of lifers released from state prison has increased significantly over the past five years, with a dramatic uptick occurring in the last three. The trend began in 2009, a year after a key California Supreme Court ruling limiting the reasons a lifer may be denied parole. From 1991 through July 2013, 2,373 lifers have left California prisons. More than half of that total has occurred in the last 2.5 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, California voters approved Proposition 36, which modified the state’s 1994 three-strikes law. The measure allowed inmates sentenced to life in prison to petition for resentencing and release if their third-strike felony was not serious or violent. While not lifers in the traditional sense (and not included in the chart below), the number of “Prop. 36ers” released since 2012 nearly doubles the count of offenders once facing life in prison who are now set to be released under Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://projects1.kqed.org/lifers/index.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400px\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Sources: California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Note: Lifer releases through July 2013. It is important to note that, because of court challenges and the time lag between a parole grant and date of release, individuals paroled under one administration may not be released until a new administration.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parole Granted More Often\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once a lifer serves the minimum amount of time required by his or her sentence in prison, a parole hearing date is set. A Board of Parole Hearings commissioner then hears the inmate’s case for getting out of prison, basing the decision on whether the inmate poses an unreasonable danger to society upon release. Commissioners are appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate Rules Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 2009, the parole grant rate has increased dramatically. In 2008, the California Supreme Court issued a decision upholding the parole of Sandra Davis Lawrence, an inmate of 24 years convicted of murdering her lover’s wife. The court overturned Schwarzenegger’s reversal of Lawrence’s parole, ruling that decisions on parole grants should be based exclusively on the likelihood a parolee would reoffend. The Lawrence decision, combined with the changing composition of the Board of Parole Hearings since the arrival of Brown, had spurred a marked increase in the number of lifers being paroled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://projects1.kqed.org/lifers/PBH.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400px\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Sources: BPH Suitability Hearing Summary, CY 1978-2012; BPH Lifer Scheduling and Tracking System; Stanford Criminal Law Center\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem> Notes: Following methodology of Stanford Criminal Law Center, grant rate is calculated by dividing the number of parole grants in a given year by the number of conducted hearings.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Brown Administration Less Likely To Interfere\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Because of Prop. 89, California is one of only three states (Maryland and Oklahoma are the other two) where governors have the authority to review and reverse parole board recommendations for lifers. For lifers convicted of first- or second-degree murder, the governor may reverse the parole board’s grant outright. For lifers convicted of other crimes, the governor may send the parole case back to the full board of commissioners for reconsideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The higher parole rate for lifers has resulted in a record numbers of parole cases coming across the governor’s desk for review. In his first three years in office, Brown has reviewed nearly 1,678 lifer parole cases, nearly matching the total reviewed by Schwarzenegger over a seven-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://projects1.kqed.org/lifers/reversalrate.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400px\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Sources: Stanford Criminal Justice Center, Governor's Office\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Note: Reversal rate is the percentage of parole grants for murder offenses reviewed by the governor's office that the governor reverses. Some parole decisions in November and December 2003 may be incorrectly attributed to Davis because of data limitations. Data through mid-December 2013.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Govs. Schwarzenegger and Davis, Brown has been much less likely to interfere in the parole recommendations of the board. The reversal rate for Davis never dipped below 90 percent and the reversal rate for Schwarzenegger never dipped below 60 percent, but Brown has reversed less than 20 percent of the cases that have come across his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brown administration has argued that the governor’s lower reversal rate stems from a more accurate interpretation of the laws behind parole review. According to the governor’s office, from January 2011 to June 2012, 111 of 158 reversals issued by Schwarzenegger were overturned in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comprehensive data on the number of lifers granted parole through the courts is not available.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lower Risk of Recidivism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While comprehensive data on how lifers fare after their release are limited, most studies point to a very low risk of recidivism. One study found that among 860 murderers paroled in California since 1995, only five individuals have returned to jail for new felonies since being released, and none of them for “life-term” crimes like murder. That stands in stark contrast to the state’s overall prisoner recidivism rate, which has neared 50 percent in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason behind lifers’ presumed lower risk of reoffending is simple: age. Most criminals typically “age out of crime” after they turn 30. The average age of lifers at the time of their parole hearing was 51.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of our series, \"Second Chance: Lifers and Parole in California.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Graphics by Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>[http_redir]Amid the specter of rising violent crime rates and “tough on crime” posturing from both Democrats and Republicans, California voters in 1988 approved Proposition 89, amending the state constitution so that governors could directly intervene in the parole process for inmates sentenced to life in prison with the possibility of parole. The measure, which passed with 55 percent of the vote, allowed the governor to rescind parole for offenders who had committed murder — the most common crime for so-called lifers sentenced to unfixed terms like “15 years to life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The political calculus for governors, when reviewing parole decisions, was obvious: No governor wanted to stand accused of letting a convicted murderer roam the streets. Gov. Gray Davis reversed positive parole decisions more than 90 percent of the time, while Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger reversed 70 percent of the cases that came across his desk. (Gov. Pete Wilson was far more lenient, although he reviewed significantly fewer cases during his two terms in office.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the 1990s and 2000s, the state Board of Parole Hearings was unlikely to grant parole in the first place to convicted murderers. When combined with the governors' high reversal rates, the result was a mounting number of inmates serving life terms in state prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About one in five inmates in California prisons serves a life sentence with the possibility of parole — the highest percentage of lifers in a state prison population in the country. As of last year, there were more than 26,000 lifers behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the past two decades, the odds that a lifer would ever set foot outside prison walls were slim. In 2010, a parole-eligible offender who had committed murder stood a 6 percent chance of leaving prison through the conventional parole process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years later, the prospects for lifer parole had improved dramatically, and now lifers are leaving prison in record numbers. In the first 2½ years of the Brown administration, more lifers were released from prison (1,205) than during the previous three administrations combined (1,168).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to Scott Shafer's California Report story on Lifer Releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/149719557&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unprecedented exodus of lifers in recent years sparks several serious questions for California. What programs are in place to ensure that lifers can make a smooth transition into an outside world radically different from when they were first incarcerated? What are the political implications of this trend in an election year? And perhaps, most importantly, why is this happening now?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several factors account for the spike in lifer releases in recent years, including landmark court decisions, rising caseloads and shifting attitudes among the Board of Parole Hearings and the Brown administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Lifer Exodus\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The number of lifers released from state prison has increased significantly over the past five years, with a dramatic uptick occurring in the last three. The trend began in 2009, a year after a key California Supreme Court ruling limiting the reasons a lifer may be denied parole. From 1991 through July 2013, 2,373 lifers have left California prisons. More than half of that total has occurred in the last 2.5 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, California voters approved Proposition 36, which modified the state’s 1994 three-strikes law. The measure allowed inmates sentenced to life in prison to petition for resentencing and release if their third-strike felony was not serious or violent. While not lifers in the traditional sense (and not included in the chart below), the number of “Prop. 36ers” released since 2012 nearly doubles the count of offenders once facing life in prison who are now set to be released under Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://projects1.kqed.org/lifers/index.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400px\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Sources: California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Note: Lifer releases through July 2013. It is important to note that, because of court challenges and the time lag between a parole grant and date of release, individuals paroled under one administration may not be released until a new administration.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parole Granted More Often\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Once a lifer serves the minimum amount of time required by his or her sentence in prison, a parole hearing date is set. A Board of Parole Hearings commissioner then hears the inmate’s case for getting out of prison, basing the decision on whether the inmate poses an unreasonable danger to society upon release. Commissioners are appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate Rules Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting in 2009, the parole grant rate has increased dramatically. In 2008, the California Supreme Court issued a decision upholding the parole of Sandra Davis Lawrence, an inmate of 24 years convicted of murdering her lover’s wife. The court overturned Schwarzenegger’s reversal of Lawrence’s parole, ruling that decisions on parole grants should be based exclusively on the likelihood a parolee would reoffend. The Lawrence decision, combined with the changing composition of the Board of Parole Hearings since the arrival of Brown, had spurred a marked increase in the number of lifers being paroled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://projects1.kqed.org/lifers/PBH.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400px\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Sources: BPH Suitability Hearing Summary, CY 1978-2012; BPH Lifer Scheduling and Tracking System; Stanford Criminal Law Center\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem> Notes: Following methodology of Stanford Criminal Law Center, grant rate is calculated by dividing the number of parole grants in a given year by the number of conducted hearings.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Brown Administration Less Likely To Interfere\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Because of Prop. 89, California is one of only three states (Maryland and Oklahoma are the other two) where governors have the authority to review and reverse parole board recommendations for lifers. For lifers convicted of first- or second-degree murder, the governor may reverse the parole board’s grant outright. For lifers convicted of other crimes, the governor may send the parole case back to the full board of commissioners for reconsideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The higher parole rate for lifers has resulted in a record numbers of parole cases coming across the governor’s desk for review. In his first three years in office, Brown has reviewed nearly 1,678 lifer parole cases, nearly matching the total reviewed by Schwarzenegger over a seven-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"http://projects1.kqed.org/lifers/reversalrate.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"400px\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Sources: Stanford Criminal Justice Center, Governor's Office\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: small\">\u003cem>Note: Reversal rate is the percentage of parole grants for murder offenses reviewed by the governor's office that the governor reverses. Some parole decisions in November and December 2003 may be incorrectly attributed to Davis because of data limitations. Data through mid-December 2013.\u003c/em>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike Govs. Schwarzenegger and Davis, Brown has been much less likely to interfere in the parole recommendations of the board. The reversal rate for Davis never dipped below 90 percent and the reversal rate for Schwarzenegger never dipped below 60 percent, but Brown has reversed less than 20 percent of the cases that have come across his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brown administration has argued that the governor’s lower reversal rate stems from a more accurate interpretation of the laws behind parole review. According to the governor’s office, from January 2011 to June 2012, 111 of 158 reversals issued by Schwarzenegger were overturned in the courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comprehensive data on the number of lifers granted parole through the courts is not available.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Lower Risk of Recidivism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While comprehensive data on how lifers fare after their release are limited, most studies point to a very low risk of recidivism. One study found that among 860 murderers paroled in California since 1995, only five individuals have returned to jail for new felonies since being released, and none of them for “life-term” crimes like murder. That stands in stark contrast to the state’s overall prisoner recidivism rate, which has neared 50 percent in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason behind lifers’ presumed lower risk of reoffending is simple: age. Most criminals typically “age out of crime” after they turn 30. The average age of lifers at the time of their parole hearing was 51.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of our series, \"Second Chance: Lifers and Parole in California.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_132379\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 384px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/RS1369_IMG_1902-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-132379\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/RS1369_IMG_1902-lpr-640x480.jpg\" alt=\"(Craig Miller/KQED)\" width=\"384\" height=\"288\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, state Sen. Ed Hernandez authored a series of bills making it possible for California optometrists, pharmacists and nurse-practitioners to \u003ca href=\"http://sd24.senate.ca.gov/news/2013-03-13-senator-hernandez-introduces-legislation-bridge-provider-gap\">expand the range of medical services they provide\u003c/a>. It would have allowed them to administer vaccines, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a huge capacity issue in the state of California,” the Los Angeles-area Democrat said. “And this is even pre-Affordable Care Act — only one-third of the counties meet the national average of primary-care physician-to-patient ratio.” He argued that giving more authority to optometrists and other professions would help more people get the treatment they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez would know — he’s a practicing optometrist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said there’s nothing wrong with putting forward a bill that would expand the scope of his business. And according to California’s conflict-of-interest laws, he’s absolutely right. The way the regulations are written, California lawmakers are free to vote on, or even write, measures that affect the fields in which they work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez pointed out that he’s taken votes that hurt his practice, like a 2011 measure cutting Medi-Cal payments to providers. “My wife, when I told her about it, she said, ‘Well, why’d you do that? You just cut our pay by 10 percent.’ I said, ‘Well, we had to. We had to balance the budget.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No One’s Declaring Conflicts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez and his optometry practice are just one example of a broad trend within California’s Legislature. The Assembly and Senate are filled with practicing lawyers, real estate agents and business executives of various sorts. Four in 10 legislators bring in some sort of outside income, according to disclosure forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Public officials are making decisions affecting millions, and sometimes billions, of dollars. We want to make sure they don’t have a personal stake different from the stake of the public in making these decisions.’\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>And California’s law says they have a conflict of interest only if they vote on a measure that directly affects their own company or firm. There’s no problem if the bill helps, say, every other optometrist, too. That being the case, it’s been years since a legislator followed the ethics law’s protocols and formally declared a conflict. The Assembly clerk and Senate secretary’s offices can’t remember the last time it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks since three Democrats were suspended from the Senate for legal problems, ethics have been front and center in Sacramento. Scores of new bills are being proposed, and legislative staffers have even been going through extra ethics training. But reining in outside income doesn’t appear to be on the reform agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because California’s conflict-of-interest guidelines \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/ethics/to-vote-or-not-to-vote.aspx\">are on par with other states\u003c/a>. Other full-time legislatures \u003ca href=\"http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/18/12313/conflicts-interest-run-rampant-state-legislatures\">allow outside income, too\u003c/a>. And California lawmakers need to disclose all their outside income each year, in more detail than many states require.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Stern co-authored California’s Political Reform Act and worked as the top lawyer at the Fair Political Practices Commission. He said there’s a reason why the state requires officials to provide that information. “Public officials are making decisions affecting millions — and sometimes billions — of dollars. And we want to make sure that they don’t have a personal stake different from the stake of the public in making these decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/144680316&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern said he’s satisfied with California’s current laws, but he’d like to see the state go a step further. He said the Legislature should follow the lead of Congress and the Los Angeles City Council, and ban members from holding any outside jobs. “Basically raise the pay to a pay that is commensurate to what they’re doing in office. And say, ‘That’s it,’ ” he said. “You have to be working full time for the public, and you cannot have any outside earned income.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These second jobs have led to questions before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 1990s, \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1991-04-01/news/mn-1225_1_willie-brown/2\">Assembly Speaker Willie Brown was criticized for earning millions of dollars in private law practice\u003c/a> and sometimes appointing clients to state boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top Democrat in the Senate today has worked for law firms, too. But President pro Tem Darrell Steinberg said he has bent over backwards to avoid conflicts, to the detriment of his practice. “It was very, very difficult because of the time demands on the job that I have. And also, you know, I’m very sensitive to conflicts. And the notion of marketing and that sort of thing, when you’re an elected official, is just very difficult to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of potential conflicts goes beyond legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2005/jul/20/local/me-disclosure20\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger came under fire\u003c/a> for accepting a magazine consulting gig in 2005. That led to a bill to end these side jobs for statewide officeholders, but the legislation never went anywhere. In fact, Treasurer Bill Lockyer has done outside legal work for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reform Groups Have Other Priorities\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how much of a problem is this? Most elected officials aren’t actually clocking in at second jobs — they’re earning income from businesses in which they have longtime ownership stakes. And lawmakers argue their outside jobs give them valuable perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t exactly a groundswell to change the current set-up. Although Bob Stern wants to eliminate outside jobs, he pointed out there are larger problems to fix first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are only a handful, or small percentage, of legislators who earn outside income that could be conflicts,” said Stern. “Almost every legislator earns campaign money from someone who wants something from government. And that, in my mind, is the bigger conflict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even if recent scandals do lead to ethics reforms in state government, don’t expect this issue to be on the agenda.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_132379\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 384px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/RS1369_IMG_1902-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-132379\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/04/RS1369_IMG_1902-lpr-640x480.jpg\" alt=\"(Craig Miller/KQED)\" width=\"384\" height=\"288\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year, state Sen. Ed Hernandez authored a series of bills making it possible for California optometrists, pharmacists and nurse-practitioners to \u003ca href=\"http://sd24.senate.ca.gov/news/2013-03-13-senator-hernandez-introduces-legislation-bridge-provider-gap\">expand the range of medical services they provide\u003c/a>. It would have allowed them to administer vaccines, among other things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a huge capacity issue in the state of California,” the Los Angeles-area Democrat said. “And this is even pre-Affordable Care Act — only one-third of the counties meet the national average of primary-care physician-to-patient ratio.” He argued that giving more authority to optometrists and other professions would help more people get the treatment they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez would know — he’s a practicing optometrist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said there’s nothing wrong with putting forward a bill that would expand the scope of his business. And according to California’s conflict-of-interest laws, he’s absolutely right. The way the regulations are written, California lawmakers are free to vote on, or even write, measures that affect the fields in which they work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez pointed out that he’s taken votes that hurt his practice, like a 2011 measure cutting Medi-Cal payments to providers. “My wife, when I told her about it, she said, ‘Well, why’d you do that? You just cut our pay by 10 percent.’ I said, ‘Well, we had to. We had to balance the budget.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No One’s Declaring Conflicts\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez and his optometry practice are just one example of a broad trend within California’s Legislature. The Assembly and Senate are filled with practicing lawyers, real estate agents and business executives of various sorts. Four in 10 legislators bring in some sort of outside income, according to disclosure forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">‘Public officials are making decisions affecting millions, and sometimes billions, of dollars. We want to make sure they don’t have a personal stake different from the stake of the public in making these decisions.’\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>And California’s law says they have a conflict of interest only if they vote on a measure that directly affects their own company or firm. There’s no problem if the bill helps, say, every other optometrist, too. That being the case, it’s been years since a legislator followed the ethics law’s protocols and formally declared a conflict. The Assembly clerk and Senate secretary’s offices can’t remember the last time it happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the weeks since three Democrats were suspended from the Senate for legal problems, ethics have been front and center in Sacramento. Scores of new bills are being proposed, and legislative staffers have even been going through extra ethics training. But reining in outside income doesn’t appear to be on the reform agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s mostly because California’s conflict-of-interest guidelines \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncsl.org/research/ethics/to-vote-or-not-to-vote.aspx\">are on par with other states\u003c/a>. Other full-time legislatures \u003ca href=\"http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/03/18/12313/conflicts-interest-run-rampant-state-legislatures\">allow outside income, too\u003c/a>. And California lawmakers need to disclose all their outside income each year, in more detail than many states require.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Stern co-authored California’s Political Reform Act and worked as the top lawyer at the Fair Political Practices Commission. He said there’s a reason why the state requires officials to provide that information. “Public officials are making decisions affecting millions — and sometimes billions — of dollars. And we want to make sure that they don’t have a personal stake different from the stake of the public in making these decisions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https%3A//api.soundcloud.com/tracks/144680316&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_artwork=true\" frameborder=\"no\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern said he’s satisfied with California’s current laws, but he’d like to see the state go a step further. He said the Legislature should follow the lead of Congress and the Los Angeles City Council, and ban members from holding any outside jobs. “Basically raise the pay to a pay that is commensurate to what they’re doing in office. And say, ‘That’s it,’ ” he said. “You have to be working full time for the public, and you cannot have any outside earned income.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These second jobs have led to questions before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 1990s, \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1991-04-01/news/mn-1225_1_willie-brown/2\">Assembly Speaker Willie Brown was criticized for earning millions of dollars in private law practice\u003c/a> and sometimes appointing clients to state boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top Democrat in the Senate today has worked for law firms, too. But President pro Tem Darrell Steinberg said he has bent over backwards to avoid conflicts, to the detriment of his practice. “It was very, very difficult because of the time demands on the job that I have. And also, you know, I’m very sensitive to conflicts. And the notion of marketing and that sort of thing, when you’re an elected official, is just very difficult to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The issue of potential conflicts goes beyond legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2005/jul/20/local/me-disclosure20\">Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger came under fire\u003c/a> for accepting a magazine consulting gig in 2005. That led to a bill to end these side jobs for statewide officeholders, but the legislation never went anywhere. In fact, Treasurer Bill Lockyer has done outside legal work for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Reform Groups Have Other Priorities\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how much of a problem is this? Most elected officials aren’t actually clocking in at second jobs — they’re earning income from businesses in which they have longtime ownership stakes. And lawmakers argue their outside jobs give them valuable perspective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There isn’t exactly a groundswell to change the current set-up. Although Bob Stern wants to eliminate outside jobs, he pointed out there are larger problems to fix first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are only a handful, or small percentage, of legislators who earn outside income that could be conflicts,” said Stern. “Almost every legislator earns campaign money from someone who wants something from government. And that, in my mind, is the bigger conflict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even if recent scandals do lead to ethics reforms in state government, don’t expect this issue to be on the agenda.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_95670\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2013/04/30/experts-convene-on-immigration-reform/arnold-schwarzenneger/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-95670\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-95670 \" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/04/arnold-schwarzenneger-300x200.jpg\" alt=\"Arnold Schwarzenneger (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)\" width=\"300\" height=\"200\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arnold Schwarzenegger (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger hosted an immigration reform event featuring U.S. Sens. John McCain and Michael Bennet, co-authors of a bipartisan immigration reform bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://priceschool.usc.edu/immigration-forum/\" target=\"_blank\">A webcast\u003c/a> was scheduled to start at 10 a.m., and continue until 1:30 p.m. It got underway at 10:25 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former U.S. Commerce Secretary Carlos Gutierrez and USC professor Dowell Myers discussed the importance of immigration reform to the U.S. economy and jobs. Former President of Mexico Vicente Fox closed the event by providing a global perspective on U.S. immigration reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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"info": "",
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"tech-nation": {
"id": "tech-nation",
"title": "Tech Nation Radio Podcast",
"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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"ted-radio-hour": {
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"title": "TED Radio Hour",
"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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