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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cscript src=\"//s3.amazonaws.com/s3.documentcloud.org/embed/loader.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript>\n dc.embed.load('http://www.documentcloud.org/search/embed/', {\n q: \"projectid: 19574-sponsored-bills \",\n container: \"#DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\",\n title: \"Sampling of 2015 Sponsored Bills\",\n order: \"title\",\n per_page: 12,\n search_bar: true,\n organization: 813\n });\n\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\nAsk Assemblyman Ken Cooley who wrote the bill he's carrying to make business-friendly changes to California's landmark climate change law, and he’ll be the first to tell you: It wasn't him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am certainly not an energy expert,\" Cooley said when asked about the complex language contained in his \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0701-0750/ab_720_bill_20150225_introduced.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly Bill 720\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooley is one of dozens of legislators who introduce \"sponsored bills,\" legislation instigated by outside groups. The term sounds benign, and it sometimes certainly is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also opaque. And optional. In fact, KQED News' detailed review of thousands of pieces of legislation over the past three years shows relatively few sponsored bills -- and staffers and lobbyists privately say that's because legislators often refuse to publicly identify the groups involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People ought to say who the sponsors are,\" said Cooley (D-Rancho Cordova).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'A Partner Along The Way'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \"sponsor\" can be any group that pushes a legislator to introduce a bill. The designation dates back to at least the 1920s, but neither the \u003ca href=\"http://assembly.ca.gov/sites/assembly.ca.gov/files/2013-14_CaliforniaAsmPamphlet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly\u003c/a> nor \u003ca href=\"http://senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/legislative%20process%20booklet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Senate's\u003c/a> official FAQs include the term. Capitol veterans point out that's probably because it was never meant for the public; rather, they say, it's usually a way for political heavyweights to put a \"Do Not Mess With This Bill\" label on legislation that they care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201088067\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\n\u003ch3>What is a sponsored bill?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislation prompted by an outside group rather than a member of the Assembly or Senate. In many cases, an interest group writes the first draft of the actual bill. Legislators have even been known to agree to allow an interest group to approve or reject bill changes during the committee process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sponsors often write talking points, take the lead in testifying at hearings and work to secure the bill’s passage. Historically, a bill’s committee analysis will list sponsorship; but there is no requirement to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Still, one definition seems to be universal: A bill's sponsors are more than just supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, you're drafting the legislation, you're drafting talking points, you're lobbying the bill,\" said Shaudi Falamaki Fulp, a former Capitol lobbyist. \"You are a partner along the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fulp, now a political and public relations strategist, said that the most powerful Capitol players will use teams of people behind the scenes to win a legislative battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That means not only hiring the best lobbyists,\" she said, \"but also the best lawyers, pollsters and PR firms who carefully craft legislation to maximize success.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some define the role of bill sponsorship in a narrower way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sponsoring a bill means we work closely with the author,\" said Steve Smith of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.californialabor.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Labor Federation\u003c/a>, \"and play a big role in mounting a public campaign to urge for its passage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some politically powerful groups are quite forceful. \"Sponsorship means we take ownership,\" said David Wolfe, legislative director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there's no bright line as to just what level of work by an interest group qualifies it as a bill's sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff contacted by KQED News with a simple question -- what defines sponsorship? -- offered a range of answers:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento) said sponsors bring the \"idea\" and they work alongside the staff to craft bill language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Ed Chau (D-Monterey Park) said sponsors \"share similar priorities\" with the lawmaker.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Sen. Ben Hueso (D-San Diego) called bill sponsorship a \"nuanced process.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Very little of that activity is transparent, said former Assembly Republican leader Sam Blakeslee, for one simple reason: perception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everyone can define what is or isn't a sponsored bill using their own lexicon,\" he said. \"And if they think it’s a bad thing, they can state categorically they never carry a sponsored bill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Helpers, Not Sponsors\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the world of legislative negotiations, the December meeting in the state Capitol office of Sen. Jerry Hill (D-San Mateo) wasn't that unusual. It also wasn't for public consumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The private meeting brought together lobbyists from the airline industry and local government to mull a possible 2015 bill that would change the method of assessing property taxes on commercial aircraft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-10491623 size-thumbnail\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg\" alt=\"vert\" width=\"400\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-800x966.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-768x928.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-320x387.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg 894w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I thought it would be good to have the discussion,\" Hill said in a recent interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the meeting's attendees said that the airlines had drafted bill language, often a key step toward the creation of a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hill sees what happened, and what it means, quite differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't believe in sponsored bills,\" said Hill in a recent interview about the airline tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator argues for a narrow definition: only bills that lobbyists and interest groups \u003cem>control\u003c/em> throughout the entire process, including even what amendments are accepted or rejected. On his bills, Hill said he's the one calling the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If a bill or an issue comes before me, I'm the author,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, the bill resulting from the December discussions about airline taxes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_661_bill_20150413_amended_sen_v98.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Senate Bill 661\u003c/a>, is not labeled as a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No Disclosure Required\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every legislative staffer or lobbyist interviewed for this story admitted that there's little to stop anyone from concealing the role, or even the existence, of sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What happens when a bill gets hijacked?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists who work to craft a sponsored bill don’t like surprises, especially when a legislator decides along the way that he or she -- not the interest group -- is now calling the shots. Lobbyists call these bills “hijacked,” and will sometimes end up trying to kill the very bill they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"It's really the way business is done in Sacramento,\" said former Assembly GOP leader Blakeslee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only public designation for sponsored bills is found deep in the legislative analyses written by policy committee staffers, not in the bill itself. And where do staff get their information? From legislators, who voluntarily \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261917032/KQED-Political-Muscle-Senate-Committee-Bill-Form\" target=\"_blank\">identify sponsors on a background information form\u003c/a>. There are no rules in either house of the Legislature for disclosing either the existence of sponsors or what work they did -- including writing every word of the proposed law in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying disclosure laws offer little information, requiring only a list of the bills worked on every quarter -- not what kind of work was actually conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sunlight Shrinks the Sponsored Bills List?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sponsors consciously choose to remain in the shadows, especially those who could be politically toxic to either the lawmaker or the proposed law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, legislators might ask certain interest groups to stay at a distance,\" said former lobbyist Fulp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several legislative staffers and lobbyists pointed to a series of newspaper stories in 2010 as a turning point in the Capitol's relationship with disclosure of the political muscle behind many bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That summer, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/california/ci_15489181\" target=\"_blank\">San Jose Mercury News waded through the sponsored bill process\u003c/a>, and reported that 39 percent of the 2007-2008 legislative session's bills were sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democratic legislator's chief of staff, who did not want to speak publicly, said the lesson learned by the Capitol community from the 2010 news coverage was: stop identifying so many bills as having sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent data from the Legislature seem to confirm that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED News did an extensive review, using a legislative database of bill analyses, to find when sponsors were publicly identified. Where the previous news investigation found 39 percent were sponsored in 2007-08, KQED News found only 15 percent (716 of 4,800) of all bills in 2013-14 were listed as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results were even smaller for the legislative session now underway. Of the 908 pending bills that had published committee analyses as of April 13, only 49 of them -- slightly more than 5 percent -- are identified as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\" class=\"DC-search-container\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'The Subject Matter Is Pretty Darn Arcane'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Cooley first introduced his plan to modify the state's 2006 climate change law last summer, likely too late in the legislative season to be fully considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, he introduced it in February. If enacted, AB720 would loosen some of the existing restrictions that state officials have placed on the number of carbon emissions credits or \"allowances\" that a company can hold at any one time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What is bill shopping?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff and lobbyists use this term to describe the process that plays out in the fall and early winter of every year in Sacramento – when influential groups start crafting bills and “shopping” their plan to potential legislative authors. Some legislators also eagerly seek out any bills they think might boost their policy or political profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Cooley said he worked with manufacturing and oil industry representatives to draft AB720, and the bill's sponsor is listed as the California Manufacturers and Technology Alliance. The group's president said they asked \"technical and legal experts\" to draft bill language. A spokesperson for an oil industry trade group confirmed that \"ideas\" were shared with Cooley on how to change California's greenhouse gas law, but declined to characterize Big Oil's precise level of involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The subject matter is pretty darn arcane,\" said the moderate Democratic assemblyman. Still, it's a subject -- making the state's climate change policy more business-friendly -- that Cooley said he believes in strongly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My constituents are worried,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261920955/Asm-Cooley-to-ARB-Chair-Nichols\" target=\"_blank\">he wrote in a letter last summer to the chairwoman of the state's Air Resources Board\u003c/a> about the potential economic impacts of the cap-and-trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even those who agree the bill-writing process has become too controlled by outside groups also seem to believe that sponsored bills have a place, especially in the California Legislature, where term limits have shrunk the level of policy experience and expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing intrinsically wrong with a sponsored bill,\" said former state Sen. Joe Simitian, now a Santa Clara County supervisor. \"But then it's on you, as a legislator, to say, 'Is this something that serves a narrow special interest? Or is this something that serves the broad public interest?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED News producer Guy Marzorati, senior interactive producer Lisa Pickoff-White and editor Kat Snow contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cscript src=\"//s3.amazonaws.com/s3.documentcloud.org/embed/loader.js\">\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\n\u003cscript>\n dc.embed.load('http://www.documentcloud.org/search/embed/', {\n q: \"projectid: 19574-sponsored-bills \",\n container: \"#DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\",\n title: \"Sampling of 2015 Sponsored Bills\",\n order: \"title\",\n per_page: 12,\n search_bar: true,\n organization: 813\n });\n\u003c/script>\u003cbr>\nAsk Assemblyman Ken Cooley who wrote the bill he's carrying to make business-friendly changes to California's landmark climate change law, and he’ll be the first to tell you: It wasn't him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I am certainly not an energy expert,\" Cooley said when asked about the complex language contained in his \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0701-0750/ab_720_bill_20150225_introduced.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly Bill 720\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooley is one of dozens of legislators who introduce \"sponsored bills,\" legislation instigated by outside groups. The term sounds benign, and it sometimes certainly is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's also opaque. And optional. In fact, KQED News' detailed review of thousands of pieces of legislation over the past three years shows relatively few sponsored bills -- and staffers and lobbyists privately say that's because legislators often refuse to publicly identify the groups involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People ought to say who the sponsors are,\" said Cooley (D-Rancho Cordova).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'A Partner Along The Way'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \"sponsor\" can be any group that pushes a legislator to introduce a bill. The designation dates back to at least the 1920s, but neither the \u003ca href=\"http://assembly.ca.gov/sites/assembly.ca.gov/files/2013-14_CaliforniaAsmPamphlet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Assembly\u003c/a> nor \u003ca href=\"http://senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/legislative%20process%20booklet.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">Senate's\u003c/a> official FAQs include the term. Capitol veterans point out that's probably because it was never meant for the public; rather, they say, it's usually a way for political heavyweights to put a \"Do Not Mess With This Bill\" label on legislation that they care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201088067&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/201088067'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\n\u003ch3>What is a sponsored bill?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislation prompted by an outside group rather than a member of the Assembly or Senate. In many cases, an interest group writes the first draft of the actual bill. Legislators have even been known to agree to allow an interest group to approve or reject bill changes during the committee process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sponsors often write talking points, take the lead in testifying at hearings and work to secure the bill’s passage. Historically, a bill’s committee analysis will list sponsorship; but there is no requirement to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Still, one definition seems to be universal: A bill's sponsors are more than just supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, you're drafting the legislation, you're drafting talking points, you're lobbying the bill,\" said Shaudi Falamaki Fulp, a former Capitol lobbyist. \"You are a partner along the way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fulp, now a political and public relations strategist, said that the most powerful Capitol players will use teams of people behind the scenes to win a legislative battle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That means not only hiring the best lobbyists,\" she said, \"but also the best lawyers, pollsters and PR firms who carefully craft legislation to maximize success.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some define the role of bill sponsorship in a narrower way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sponsoring a bill means we work closely with the author,\" said Steve Smith of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.californialabor.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Labor Federation\u003c/a>, \"and play a big role in mounting a public campaign to urge for its passage.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some politically powerful groups are quite forceful. \"Sponsorship means we take ownership,\" said David Wolfe, legislative director of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.hjta.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there's no bright line as to just what level of work by an interest group qualifies it as a bill's sponsor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff contacted by KQED News with a simple question -- what defines sponsorship? -- offered a range of answers:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Kevin McCarty (D-Sacramento) said sponsors bring the \"idea\" and they work alongside the staff to craft bill language.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Assemblyman Ed Chau (D-Monterey Park) said sponsors \"share similar priorities\" with the lawmaker.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>An aide to Sen. Ben Hueso (D-San Diego) called bill sponsorship a \"nuanced process.\"\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Very little of that activity is transparent, said former Assembly Republican leader Sam Blakeslee, for one simple reason: perception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everyone can define what is or isn't a sponsored bill using their own lexicon,\" he said. \"And if they think it’s a bad thing, they can state categorically they never carry a sponsored bill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Helpers, Not Sponsors\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the world of legislative negotiations, the December meeting in the state Capitol office of Sen. Jerry Hill (D-San Mateo) wasn't that unusual. It also wasn't for public consumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The private meeting brought together lobbyists from the airline industry and local government to mull a possible 2015 bill that would change the method of assessing property taxes on commercial aircraft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft wp-image-10491623 size-thumbnail\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg\" alt=\"vert\" width=\"400\" height=\"483\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-400x483.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-800x966.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-768x928.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert-320x387.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/04/vert.jpg 894w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I thought it would be good to have the discussion,\" Hill said in a recent interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the meeting's attendees said that the airlines had drafted bill language, often a key step toward the creation of a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hill sees what happened, and what it means, quite differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I don't believe in sponsored bills,\" said Hill in a recent interview about the airline tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The senator argues for a narrow definition: only bills that lobbyists and interest groups \u003cem>control\u003c/em> throughout the entire process, including even what amendments are accepted or rejected. On his bills, Hill said he's the one calling the shots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If a bill or an issue comes before me, I'm the author,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As such, the bill resulting from the December discussions about airline taxes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/sen/sb_0651-0700/sb_661_bill_20150413_amended_sen_v98.htm\" target=\"_blank\">Senate Bill 661\u003c/a>, is not labeled as a sponsored bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>No Disclosure Required\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every legislative staffer or lobbyist interviewed for this story admitted that there's little to stop anyone from concealing the role, or even the existence, of sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What happens when a bill gets hijacked?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists who work to craft a sponsored bill don’t like surprises, especially when a legislator decides along the way that he or she -- not the interest group -- is now calling the shots. Lobbyists call these bills “hijacked,” and will sometimes end up trying to kill the very bill they wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"It's really the way business is done in Sacramento,\" said former Assembly GOP leader Blakeslee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only public designation for sponsored bills is found deep in the legislative analyses written by policy committee staffers, not in the bill itself. And where do staff get their information? From legislators, who voluntarily \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261917032/KQED-Political-Muscle-Senate-Committee-Bill-Form\" target=\"_blank\">identify sponsors on a background information form\u003c/a>. There are no rules in either house of the Legislature for disclosing either the existence of sponsors or what work they did -- including writing every word of the proposed law in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbying disclosure laws offer little information, requiring only a list of the bills worked on every quarter -- not what kind of work was actually conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Sunlight Shrinks the Sponsored Bills List?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some sponsors consciously choose to remain in the shadows, especially those who could be politically toxic to either the lawmaker or the proposed law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In some cases, legislators might ask certain interest groups to stay at a distance,\" said former lobbyist Fulp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several legislative staffers and lobbyists pointed to a series of newspaper stories in 2010 as a turning point in the Capitol's relationship with disclosure of the political muscle behind many bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That summer, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/california/ci_15489181\" target=\"_blank\">San Jose Mercury News waded through the sponsored bill process\u003c/a>, and reported that 39 percent of the 2007-2008 legislative session's bills were sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One Democratic legislator's chief of staff, who did not want to speak publicly, said the lesson learned by the Capitol community from the 2010 news coverage was: stop identifying so many bills as having sponsors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most recent data from the Legislature seem to confirm that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED News did an extensive review, using a legislative database of bill analyses, to find when sponsors were publicly identified. Where the previous news investigation found 39 percent were sponsored in 2007-08, KQED News found only 15 percent (716 of 4,800) of all bills in 2013-14 were listed as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results were even smaller for the legislative session now underway. Of the 908 pending bills that had published committee analyses as of April 13, only 49 of them -- slightly more than 5 percent -- are identified as sponsored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"DC-search-projectid-19574-sponsored-bills\" class=\"DC-search-container\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'The Subject Matter Is Pretty Darn Arcane'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Cooley first introduced his plan to modify the state's 2006 climate change law last summer, likely too late in the legislative season to be fully considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time, he introduced it in February. If enacted, AB720 would loosen some of the existing restrictions that state officials have placed on the number of carbon emissions credits or \"allowances\" that a company can hold at any one time.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>What is bill shopping?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Legislative staff and lobbyists use this term to describe the process that plays out in the fall and early winter of every year in Sacramento – when influential groups start crafting bills and “shopping” their plan to potential legislative authors. Some legislators also eagerly seek out any bills they think might boost their policy or political profile.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Cooley said he worked with manufacturing and oil industry representatives to draft AB720, and the bill's sponsor is listed as the California Manufacturers and Technology Alliance. The group's president said they asked \"technical and legal experts\" to draft bill language. A spokesperson for an oil industry trade group confirmed that \"ideas\" were shared with Cooley on how to change California's greenhouse gas law, but declined to characterize Big Oil's precise level of involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The subject matter is pretty darn arcane,\" said the moderate Democratic assemblyman. Still, it's a subject -- making the state's climate change policy more business-friendly -- that Cooley said he believes in strongly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My constituents are worried,\" \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/doc/261920955/Asm-Cooley-to-ARB-Chair-Nichols\" target=\"_blank\">he wrote in a letter last summer to the chairwoman of the state's Air Resources Board\u003c/a> about the potential economic impacts of the cap-and-trade program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even those who agree the bill-writing process has become too controlled by outside groups also seem to believe that sponsored bills have a place, especially in the California Legislature, where term limits have shrunk the level of policy experience and expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's nothing intrinsically wrong with a sponsored bill,\" said former state Sen. Joe Simitian, now a Santa Clara County supervisor. \"But then it's on you, as a legislator, to say, 'Is this something that serves a narrow special interest? Or is this something that serves the broad public interest?' \"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_144917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-144917 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026-640x480.jpg\" alt=\"Hundreds of bills were passed, amended, or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of bills were passed, amended or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The young lobbyist leaning on the railing at the front of the hearing room seemed dumbfounded. Why had the bill he was supporting been killed by the powerful appropriations committee of the Assembly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one would tell him. And, after this week's traditional live-or-die hearings for hundreds of bills, he wasn't alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the somewhat cloudy process by which bills are removed from what's called the \"suspense file,\" the way station for legislation that would cost $150,000 or more to implement in the pending fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills are held until the final day for referral to the floor of each house, with the appropriations committees offering up three scenarios: pass the bill as written, pass it with last-minute amendments, or \"hold\" the bill in committee to die a quiet death without an official vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those last two options are where Capitol watchers say the shroud of secrecy descends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reasons why something moves forward, and why something dies in the appropriations process, is a mystery to everybody,\" says Phillip Ung, public affairs director for the nonpartisan group California Forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At times, the pronouncements from the dais sounded more like an auctioneer than an Assembly member. Complex new amendments to bills were read in 20 seconds or less. No one in the audience had a written copy of those amendments. As of week's end, amendments to most of the bills that were approved still were not on the Legislature's public web portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the chair of the Assembly's effort disagrees with critics who say the process lacks transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have very big public hearings on every bill,\" says Assemblyman Mike Gatto (D-Los Angeles). \"And usually, the proposed amendments are stuff that are proposed in the public hearing process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatto prefers to call the process \"arcane,\" and agrees that too many bills are brought up for consideration each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the most mysterious part of the hearings that clear the legislative suspense files is when it comes to bills that quietly die. No explanation is ever given. And because the legislation is technically only being \"held\" by the appropriations committee, no legislator ever has to cast a potentially tough public vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll never know the true reasons why something lives or dies,\" said California Forward's Ung. \"It either costs too much, or somebody -- somewhere -- didn't want it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills that are held by the committee are even harder to track in the state Senate, where the appropriations chair never even mentions them. In Thursday's hearing, state Sen. Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) simply skipped over dozens of pending bills in his presentation -- leaving the public to wonder whether they simply had missed some of the decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of documents provided by the Senate on Friday showed at least 90 bills were, in fact, held in the appropriations committee to die without a public vote. Assembly records still appeared incomplete in a review late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the young lobbyist who wanted to know what happened to his bill, several Assembly members left the dais without making eye contact with him. No answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a look of exasperation, the lobbyist walked out of the hearing room.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_144917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-144917 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/08/IMG_1026-640x480.jpg\" alt=\"Hundreds of bills were passed, amended, or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of bills were passed, amended or rejected on Aug. 14 by the Legislature's two appropriations committees. (John Myers/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The young lobbyist leaning on the railing at the front of the hearing room seemed dumbfounded. Why had the bill he was supporting been killed by the powerful appropriations committee of the Assembly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one would tell him. And, after this week's traditional live-or-die hearings for hundreds of bills, he wasn't alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is the somewhat cloudy process by which bills are removed from what's called the \"suspense file,\" the way station for legislation that would cost $150,000 or more to implement in the pending fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills are held until the final day for referral to the floor of each house, with the appropriations committees offering up three scenarios: pass the bill as written, pass it with last-minute amendments, or \"hold\" the bill in committee to die a quiet death without an official vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those last two options are where Capitol watchers say the shroud of secrecy descends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The reasons why something moves forward, and why something dies in the appropriations process, is a mystery to everybody,\" says Phillip Ung, public affairs director for the nonpartisan group California Forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At times, the pronouncements from the dais sounded more like an auctioneer than an Assembly member. Complex new amendments to bills were read in 20 seconds or less. No one in the audience had a written copy of those amendments. As of week's end, amendments to most of the bills that were approved still were not on the Legislature's public web portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the chair of the Assembly's effort disagrees with critics who say the process lacks transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have very big public hearings on every bill,\" says Assemblyman Mike Gatto (D-Los Angeles). \"And usually, the proposed amendments are stuff that are proposed in the public hearing process.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatto prefers to call the process \"arcane,\" and agrees that too many bills are brought up for consideration each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the most mysterious part of the hearings that clear the legislative suspense files is when it comes to bills that quietly die. No explanation is ever given. And because the legislation is technically only being \"held\" by the appropriations committee, no legislator ever has to cast a potentially tough public vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'll never know the true reasons why something lives or dies,\" said California Forward's Ung. \"It either costs too much, or somebody -- somewhere -- didn't want it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bills that are held by the committee are even harder to track in the state Senate, where the appropriations chair never even mentions them. In Thursday's hearing, state Sen. Kevin de León (D-Los Angeles) simply skipped over dozens of pending bills in his presentation -- leaving the public to wonder whether they simply had missed some of the decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A review of documents provided by the Senate on Friday showed at least 90 bills were, in fact, held in the appropriations committee to die without a public vote. Assembly records still appeared incomplete in a review late Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the young lobbyist who wanted to know what happened to his bill, several Assembly members left the dais without making eye contact with him. No answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a look of exasperation, the lobbyist walked out of the hearing room.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Solar Tax Break Proves Budget Muscle of Powerful Interests",
"title": "Solar Tax Break Proves Budget Muscle of Powerful Interests",
"headTitle": "Political Muscle | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_106210\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/solar.jpg-e1375996453513.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-106210\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/solar.jpg-e1375996453513.jpg\" alt=\"Solar panels on tile roof in Bay Area. (Craig Miller/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Solar panels on tile roof in Bay Area. (Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a five-hour session of the Legislature's joint budget conference committee last Thursday night, it all went down in less than three minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A multiyear, multimillion dollar tax break — inserted into the budget and never examined in the light of day — was being fast-tracked as part of a state spending plan that was only hours away from landing on the governor's desk for an all-but-certain signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a great program,\" said state Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco), the only legislator on the dais that night who seemed to have an understanding of \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_0851-0900/sb_871_bill_20140613_amended_asm_v98.htm\" target=\"_blank\">SB 871\u003c/a>, a new extension of a long-standing tax break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because it's been in place, we've had all these benefits,\" Leno said in a brief speech. Moments later, seven of the eight budget conferees voted for the — up until then — unheard of proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story of the surprise solar tax exemption is one that longtime state budget watchers know all too well: the ability of influential groups to inject last-minute items into the annual spending plan during a time where the full vetting of the proposal is often overshadowed by the constitutional deadline for fast action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you're a well-connected interest group, there's no better place to sneak a piece of major policy change,\" says Phillip Ung, director of public affairs at \u003ca href=\"http://www.cafwd.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Forward\u003c/a>, a bipartisan government reform group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/154799061\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill in question, one of 19 budget implementing \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/budgeting/trailer_bill_language/\" target=\"_blank\">\"trailer\" bills\u003c/a>, extends the life of a property tax reduction for solar energy installations. Solar's special treatment in property tax law dates back to 1980, when voters approved \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_7,_Tax_Assessments_of_Solar_Energy_Improvements_(1980)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 7\u003c/a> that — among other things — gave the Legislature the power to deem solar installations irrelevant in calculating local property tax assessments, which would otherwise be included improvements and thus would likely raise the property's value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current law continues that trend, but has set a Jan. 1, 2017 expiration — a \"\u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunset_provision\" target=\"_blank\">sunset\u003c/a>\" in government parlance — for the solar tax break. That change is more than two years away, but was promoted as something more urgent in the June 12 marathon session of the budget conference committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a great program, it's about to sunset,\" said Sen. Leno during his brief remarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone saw it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wasn't like it was a bill that everybody loves,\" says Assembly member Wes Chesbro (D-Arcata).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesbro was one of only a few Democrats in the Legislature to vote against SB 871 when it came up for final floor votes on Sunday, June 15 — hours before the constitutional deadline for legislators to send Gov. Jerry Brown a budget or forfeit their paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If anyone in the Legislature knows a thing or two about state budgets, it's Chesbro. The \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a02/about/biography\" target=\"_blank\">north coast politician\u003c/a>, now in his 14th year in the Capitol, was chair of the Senate's budget committee and now chairs the Assembly's Natural Resources Committee — the committee that would have considered the policy effects of the solar tax break extension had it gone through the normal process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The public would have had a chance to participate,\" Chesbro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">When SB 871 passed the Senate on Sunday night, the small group of lobbyists exchanged high fives and hugs.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Chesbro may have convinced some of his fellow Assembly Democrats to question the tax break; \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_0851-0900/sb_871_vote_20140615_0702PM_asm_floor.html\" target=\"_blank\">official records show that five Democrats in the lower house\u003c/a> voted against the measure, and nine more abstained from casting a vote. But a bipartisan majority supported the measure, and Brown administration officials say the governor also supports the extension — a sign it's destined to be signed into law before July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_0851-0900/sb_871_vote_20140615_0857PM_sen_floor.html\" target=\"_blank\">All Democrats who were present in the state Senate voted for SB 871\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly who instigated the inclusion of the stealth provision is unclear. Staffers who spoke on background said they believed the impetus came from the Brown administration; but a spokesman for Brown said on Monday that it was legislators, not the governor, who wanted the tax break proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists hired by the solar industry were on pins and needles watching the votes in the Capitol's main hallway on Sunday night. Supporters argue there's a large economic benefit to extending the government boost to solar, but the only analysis that could be found was a state Board of Equalization review in 2008. No new analyses have been conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When SB 871 passed the Senate on Sunday night — its last hurdle — the small group of lobbyists exchanged high fives and hugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Good work, everybody!\" one of the lobbyists said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the lobbyists contacted for this story returned phone calls or emails seeking comment on either the merits of the bill or its insertion into the budget process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State records show some of those lobbyists represent powerful players in the solar industry. Included on the list is a lobbying firm representing \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/sites/briansolomon/2014/05/08/elon-musks-wild-day-tesla-slides-as-solar-city-soars/\" target=\"_blank\">SolarCity, the solar energy company chaired by Tesla founder Elon Musk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A late trailer bill to the budget, especially one with powerful backing, was custom made for getting a green light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The budget process gives you a very small amount of time for people to raise hell,\" California Forward's Ung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/230014011/Solar-Tax-Opposition-Letter\" target=\"_blank\">a letter distributed to lawmakers over the weekend\u003c/a>, opponents — including wind, geothermal and biomass energy groups — suggested that solar energy no longer deserves special treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"An extension [of the solar property tax break] should go through the normal legislative process and be transparent,\" says the flyer, signed by 21 different groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Leno, the legislative champion of the surprise solar tax break, admitted in a Sunday night interview that the general goal in dealing with tax policies that expires, or \"sunset,\" is to take a close look at whether they still works before granting an extension — something that didn't happen in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's a point well taken,\" Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And regarding the hurried, relatively opaque process, is government operating at its best?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We can always do better,\" Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_106210\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/solar.jpg-e1375996453513.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-106210\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2013/08/solar.jpg-e1375996453513.jpg\" alt=\"Solar panels on tile roof in Bay Area. (Craig Miller/KQED)\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Solar panels on tile roof in Bay Area. (Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a five-hour session of the Legislature's joint budget conference committee last Thursday night, it all went down in less than three minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A multiyear, multimillion dollar tax break — inserted into the budget and never examined in the light of day — was being fast-tracked as part of a state spending plan that was only hours away from landing on the governor's desk for an all-but-certain signature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a great program,\" said state Sen. Mark Leno (D-San Francisco), the only legislator on the dais that night who seemed to have an understanding of \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_0851-0900/sb_871_bill_20140613_amended_asm_v98.htm\" target=\"_blank\">SB 871\u003c/a>, a new extension of a long-standing tax break.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because it's been in place, we've had all these benefits,\" Leno said in a brief speech. Moments later, seven of the eight budget conferees voted for the — up until then — unheard of proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The story of the surprise solar tax exemption is one that longtime state budget watchers know all too well: the ability of influential groups to inject last-minute items into the annual spending plan during a time where the full vetting of the proposal is often overshadowed by the constitutional deadline for fast action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If you're a well-connected interest group, there's no better place to sneak a piece of major policy change,\" says Phillip Ung, director of public affairs at \u003ca href=\"http://www.cafwd.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Forward\u003c/a>, a bipartisan government reform group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='undefined' height='undefined'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/154799061&visual=true&undefined'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/154799061'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill in question, one of 19 budget implementing \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/budgeting/trailer_bill_language/\" target=\"_blank\">\"trailer\" bills\u003c/a>, extends the life of a property tax reduction for solar energy installations. Solar's special treatment in property tax law dates back to 1980, when voters approved \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_7,_Tax_Assessments_of_Solar_Energy_Improvements_(1980)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 7\u003c/a> that — among other things — gave the Legislature the power to deem solar installations irrelevant in calculating local property tax assessments, which would otherwise be included improvements and thus would likely raise the property's value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current law continues that trend, but has set a Jan. 1, 2017 expiration — a \"\u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunset_provision\" target=\"_blank\">sunset\u003c/a>\" in government parlance — for the solar tax break. That change is more than two years away, but was promoted as something more urgent in the June 12 marathon session of the budget conference committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a great program, it's about to sunset,\" said Sen. Leno during his brief remarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone saw it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It wasn't like it was a bill that everybody loves,\" says Assembly member Wes Chesbro (D-Arcata).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chesbro was one of only a few Democrats in the Legislature to vote against SB 871 when it came up for final floor votes on Sunday, June 15 — hours before the constitutional deadline for legislators to send Gov. Jerry Brown a budget or forfeit their paychecks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If anyone in the Legislature knows a thing or two about state budgets, it's Chesbro. The \u003ca href=\"http://asmdc.org/members/a02/about/biography\" target=\"_blank\">north coast politician\u003c/a>, now in his 14th year in the Capitol, was chair of the Senate's budget committee and now chairs the Assembly's Natural Resources Committee — the committee that would have considered the policy effects of the solar tax break extension had it gone through the normal process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The public would have had a chance to participate,\" Chesbro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">When SB 871 passed the Senate on Sunday night, the small group of lobbyists exchanged high fives and hugs.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Chesbro may have convinced some of his fellow Assembly Democrats to question the tax break; \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_0851-0900/sb_871_vote_20140615_0702PM_asm_floor.html\" target=\"_blank\">official records show that five Democrats in the lower house\u003c/a> voted against the measure, and nine more abstained from casting a vote. But a bipartisan majority supported the measure, and Brown administration officials say the governor also supports the extension — a sign it's destined to be signed into law before July 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/13-14/bill/sen/sb_0851-0900/sb_871_vote_20140615_0857PM_sen_floor.html\" target=\"_blank\">All Democrats who were present in the state Senate voted for SB 871\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly who instigated the inclusion of the stealth provision is unclear. Staffers who spoke on background said they believed the impetus came from the Brown administration; but a spokesman for Brown said on Monday that it was legislators, not the governor, who wanted the tax break proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lobbyists hired by the solar industry were on pins and needles watching the votes in the Capitol's main hallway on Sunday night. Supporters argue there's a large economic benefit to extending the government boost to solar, but the only analysis that could be found was a state Board of Equalization review in 2008. No new analyses have been conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When SB 871 passed the Senate on Sunday night — its last hurdle — the small group of lobbyists exchanged high fives and hugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Good work, everybody!\" one of the lobbyists said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the lobbyists contacted for this story returned phone calls or emails seeking comment on either the merits of the bill or its insertion into the budget process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State records show some of those lobbyists represent powerful players in the solar industry. Included on the list is a lobbying firm representing \u003ca href=\"http://www.forbes.com/sites/briansolomon/2014/05/08/elon-musks-wild-day-tesla-slides-as-solar-city-soars/\" target=\"_blank\">SolarCity, the solar energy company chaired by Tesla founder Elon Musk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A late trailer bill to the budget, especially one with powerful backing, was custom made for getting a green light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The budget process gives you a very small amount of time for people to raise hell,\" California Forward's Ung said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/230014011/Solar-Tax-Opposition-Letter\" target=\"_blank\">a letter distributed to lawmakers over the weekend\u003c/a>, opponents — including wind, geothermal and biomass energy groups — suggested that solar energy no longer deserves special treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"An extension [of the solar property tax break] should go through the normal legislative process and be transparent,\" says the flyer, signed by 21 different groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Leno, the legislative champion of the surprise solar tax break, admitted in a Sunday night interview that the general goal in dealing with tax policies that expires, or \"sunset,\" is to take a close look at whether they still works before granting an extension — something that didn't happen in this case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's a point well taken,\" Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And regarding the hurried, relatively opaque process, is government operating at its best?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We can always do better,\" Leno said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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