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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LOS ANGELES — A California federal judge on Monday rejected the Trump administration's efforts to detain immigrant families long term, calling it a \"cynical attempt\" to undo a long-standing court settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dolly Gee said the federal government had failed to present new evidence to support revising a court order that limits detaining children who crossed the border illegally for extended periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice asked Gee to alter a 1997 settlement, which provides the framework for how to handle detained immigrant children, so it could detain families together for longer periods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration said Gee's previous rulings had made family detention unlikely and provided an incentive for a surge of immigrants to bring children across the border illegally with the expectation they wouldn't be locked up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gee called the administration's request \"a cynical attempt\" to shift responsibility to the court \"for over 20 years of Congressional inaction and ill-considered executive action that have led to the current stalemate.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, Gee rejected a similar effort by the Obama administration. She ruled at the time that immigrant children generally can't be held longer than 20 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 children were separated from their parents by U.S. immigration authorities at the border with Mexico this spring before President Trump reversed course on June 20 amid an international outcry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The application to change the Flores agreement — named for an El Salvador immigrant who was 15 when the case was brought in 1985 — was \"procedurally improper and wholly without merit,\" said Gee, who was nominated to the court by President Barack Obama.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Justice was reviewing Monday's ruling and did not say if it would appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We disagree with the court's ruling declining to amend the Flores Agreement to recognize the current crisis of families making the dangerous and unlawful journey across our southern border,\" spokesman Devin O'Malley said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Families can be detained together if their parents waive their right to release children to the custody of a family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Peter Schey, who represents detained children in the settlement, said President Trump had falsely claimed the settlement required the separation of families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sifting through the government's false narrative, the court clearly found that the Flores settlement has never resulted in the separation of families,\" Schey said. \"President Trump needs to take responsibility for his own misguided policies.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling came the same day the government acknowledged it would not meet a Tuesday deadline set by a San Diego federal judge who ordered detained children under 5 to be reunited with their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Department lawyer Sarah Fabian said 54 of the 100 or so infants and toddlers covered by the order would be reunited on time. She said the delay for others was due to a variety of reasons, including that the parents of some of the youngsters had already been deported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw, a nominee of Republican President George W. Bush, set a July 26 deadline to reunite all the children separated from their parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The government had claimed in its filings that Sabraw's ruling trumped the Flores agreement. Gee rejected that argument on several grounds, saying the U.S. was relying on a \"tortured interpretation\" of the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Elliot Spagat contributed to this story from San Diego.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679779/judge-rejects-request-to-detain-migrant-families-long-term\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Federal Judge Blocks Trump Administration Request for Longer Detention of Migrant Families\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Federal District Judge Dolly Gee denied a Trump administration request to hold migrant children with their families for long periods of time.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Benjamin Gottlieb \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pro-Choice Advocates Fear SCOTUS Pick Will Chip Away at California Abortion Rights\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many legal experts agree that even if Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh helps the court overturn \u003cem>Roe v. Wade\u003c/em>, California will keep abortion legal. But there are many other ways this nominee could affect what doctors and patients can do.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Carrie Feibel\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration Attorneys Say Clients 'Shortchanged' in First Day of Streamlined Border Proceedings\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Operation Streamline, the fast-track prosecution of people alleged to have crossed the border illegally, began in federal court.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Guests: Norma Aguilar and Kasha Castillo\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Taps Brett Kavanaugh as His Second Supreme Court Pick",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump plans to nominate Brett Kavanaugh to the U.S. Supreme Court to fill the vacancy left by retiring Justice Anthony Kennedy. If confirmed, Trump's choice would solidify the high court's conservative majority and continue the president's push to shift the federal bench to the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump announced his choice with a prime-time address from the White House East Room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Throughout legal circles, he is considered a judge's judge, a true thought leader among his peers,\" Trump said of Kavanaugh. \"He is a brilliant jurist with a clear and effective writing style, universally regarded as one of the finest and sharpest legal minds of our time. And just like Justice Gorsuch, he excelled as a clerk for Justice Kennedy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/home.nsf/Content/VL+-+Judges+-+BMK\">Since 2006, Kavanaugh has served\u003c/a> on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, often called the nation's second-most powerful court. He was appointed to that post by President George W. Bush, after serving as Bush's White House staff secretary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh graduated from Yale Law School and clerked for Kennedy in the mid-1990s. Kavanaugh later worked with independent counsel Kenneth Starr during the investigation of President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 53, Kavanaugh is relatively young. The president has said he wants a nominee who could serve on the high court for decades. He is a connected Washington insider with roots in politics and has written more than 300 opinions in the 12 years he has been on the D.C. Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to being tapped by Trump, some conservatives questioned Kavanaugh's bona fides, and he's controversial with Democrats because of his role in the Starr investigation of Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some conservatives lobbied against him, worrying that his upbringing in the suburbs of D.C. could mean he'll be the kind of justice who has disappointed conservatives before. They believe Kavanaugh is not sufficiently conservative and disagree with portions of opinions he has written relating to abortion and the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As promised, Trump made his pick from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/28/623944469/trump-says-he-will-nominate-new-supreme-court-justice-from-this-list\">a list of more than two dozen potential nominees\u003c/a> drawn up with the help of conservative legal activists at \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/28/624416666/what-is-the-federalist-society-and-how-does-it-affect-supreme-court-picks\">the Federalist Society\u003c/a> and the Heritage Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump published a similar list during the 2016 campaign, and it was widely credited with helping him win the votes of social conservatives who otherwise might have been skeptical of a thrice-married billionaire from New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not being a politician, I think people wanted to hear what some of my choices may be, and it was pretty effective,\" Trump said of the list, on the day Kennedy's retirement was announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh, in brief remarks at the White House, underscored his conservative credentials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My judicial philosophy is straightforward,\" he said. \"A judge must be independent and must interpret the law, not make the law. A judge must interpret statutes as written and a judge must interpret the Constitution as written, informed by history and tradition and precedent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a short list of candidates already in hand, Trump has moved quickly to select his nominee, just 12 days after Kennedy announced his retirement. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., has promised to push for confirmation with similar speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think you want to go as quickly as possible,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh will begin making the rounds on Capitol Hill Tuesday, accompanied by former Sen. Jon Kyl, R-Ariz., a longtime member of the Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are eager to have a new justice in place when the Supreme Court begins its new term in October. And they certainly want Trump's choice confirmed before the November election, when Democrats have a long-shot chance of retaking the Senate majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This incredibly qualified nominee deserves a swift confirmation and robust, bipartisan support,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president has already begun using the high court vacancy as a rallying cry as he campaigns for Republicans across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Justice Kennedy's retirement makes the issue of Senate control one of the vital issues of our time,\" he told an audience in Fargo, N.D., last month. \"The most important thing we can do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans changed the Senate's rules last year to allow them to confirm a Supreme Court justice with a simple majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president has also been wooing red-state Democrats as a kind of insurance policy. One night after Kennedy announced his retirement, Trump met with Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, Joe Donnelly of Indiana and Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota. All three voted in favor of Neil Gorsuch, Trump's first Supreme Court nominee. And all three are running for re-election in November in states Trump won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump also met with Republican Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who have shown concern in the past about preserving access to abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kennedy had voted to preserve the core principles of the high court's 1973 ruling in \u003cem>Roe v. Wade. \u003c/em>Although Trump said he would not ask judicial candidates about their views on \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> directly, advocates on both sides of the abortion debate believe that ruling could be vulnerable once Kennedy's successor is seated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is one reason many Democrats are demanding an all-out battle to block Trump's nominee. But with only 49 votes in the Senate, Democrats have few tools to work with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Senate Republicans were in the majority in 2016, when McConnell and his GOP colleagues blocked President Barack Obama's Supreme Court nominee, Judge Merrick Garland, for more than nine months, following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By keeping Scalia's seat open, McConnell gave Trump a head start in putting his own stamp on the high court, and the president acknowledged as much when Gorsuch was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/04/10/523281405/trump-cheers-elevation-of-gorsuch-to-supreme-court\">sworn in last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I especially want to express our gratitude to Mitch McConnell for all that he did to make this achievement possible,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McConnell and Trump were rewarded this year with a string of 5-4 decisions in which Gorsuch cast votes favorable to the president and the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Republicans' stonewalling strategy extended to lower courts as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just as they held the Merrick Garland seat open on the Supreme Court, they also held open an awful lot of vacancies on the district courts and the courts of appeal,\" said Russell Wheeler, who tracks judicial nominations at the Brookings Institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Trump found more than twice as many judicial vacancies waiting for him when he entered the White House as Obama did. And the president moved swiftly to fill those openings with young, conservative judges. So far, Trump has installed more than 20 appeals court judges and more than 16 trial court judges on the federal bench. Dozens of additional nominations are pending — a list that will soon include Trump's second nominee for the highest court in the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Taps+Brett+Kavanaugh+As+His+Second+Supreme+Court+Pick+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump plans to nominate Brett Kavanaugh to the U.S. Supreme Court to fill the vacancy left by retiring Justice Anthony Kennedy. If confirmed, Trump's choice would solidify the high court's conservative majority and continue the president's push to shift the federal bench to the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump announced his choice with a prime-time address from the White House East Room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Throughout legal circles, he is considered a judge's judge, a true thought leader among his peers,\" Trump said of Kavanaugh. \"He is a brilliant jurist with a clear and effective writing style, universally regarded as one of the finest and sharpest legal minds of our time. And just like Justice Gorsuch, he excelled as a clerk for Justice Kennedy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cadc.uscourts.gov/internet/home.nsf/Content/VL+-+Judges+-+BMK\">Since 2006, Kavanaugh has served\u003c/a> on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, often called the nation's second-most powerful court. He was appointed to that post by President George W. Bush, after serving as Bush's White House staff secretary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh graduated from Yale Law School and clerked for Kennedy in the mid-1990s. Kavanaugh later worked with independent counsel Kenneth Starr during the investigation of President Bill Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 53, Kavanaugh is relatively young. The president has said he wants a nominee who could serve on the high court for decades. He is a connected Washington insider with roots in politics and has written more than 300 opinions in the 12 years he has been on the D.C. Circuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to being tapped by Trump, some conservatives questioned Kavanaugh's bona fides, and he's controversial with Democrats because of his role in the Starr investigation of Clinton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some conservatives lobbied against him, worrying that his upbringing in the suburbs of D.C. could mean he'll be the kind of justice who has disappointed conservatives before. They believe Kavanaugh is not sufficiently conservative and disagree with portions of opinions he has written relating to abortion and the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As promised, Trump made his pick from \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/28/623944469/trump-says-he-will-nominate-new-supreme-court-justice-from-this-list\">a list of more than two dozen potential nominees\u003c/a> drawn up with the help of conservative legal activists at \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/28/624416666/what-is-the-federalist-society-and-how-does-it-affect-supreme-court-picks\">the Federalist Society\u003c/a> and the Heritage Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump published a similar list during the 2016 campaign, and it was widely credited with helping him win the votes of social conservatives who otherwise might have been skeptical of a thrice-married billionaire from New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Not being a politician, I think people wanted to hear what some of my choices may be, and it was pretty effective,\" Trump said of the list, on the day Kennedy's retirement was announced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh, in brief remarks at the White House, underscored his conservative credentials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My judicial philosophy is straightforward,\" he said. \"A judge must be independent and must interpret the law, not make the law. A judge must interpret statutes as written and a judge must interpret the Constitution as written, informed by history and tradition and precedent.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a short list of candidates already in hand, Trump has moved quickly to select his nominee, just 12 days after Kennedy announced his retirement. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., has promised to push for confirmation with similar speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think you want to go as quickly as possible,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kavanaugh will begin making the rounds on Capitol Hill Tuesday, accompanied by former Sen. Jon Kyl, R-Ariz., a longtime member of the Judiciary Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are eager to have a new justice in place when the Supreme Court begins its new term in October. And they certainly want Trump's choice confirmed before the November election, when Democrats have a long-shot chance of retaking the Senate majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This incredibly qualified nominee deserves a swift confirmation and robust, bipartisan support,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president has already begun using the high court vacancy as a rallying cry as he campaigns for Republicans across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Justice Kennedy's retirement makes the issue of Senate control one of the vital issues of our time,\" he told an audience in Fargo, N.D., last month. \"The most important thing we can do.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans changed the Senate's rules last year to allow them to confirm a Supreme Court justice with a simple majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president has also been wooing red-state Democrats as a kind of insurance policy. One night after Kennedy announced his retirement, Trump met with Democratic Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, Joe Donnelly of Indiana and Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota. All three voted in favor of Neil Gorsuch, Trump's first Supreme Court nominee. And all three are running for re-election in November in states Trump won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump also met with Republican Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who have shown concern in the past about preserving access to abortion rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kennedy had voted to preserve the core principles of the high court's 1973 ruling in \u003cem>Roe v. Wade. \u003c/em>Although Trump said he would not ask judicial candidates about their views on \u003cem>Roe\u003c/em> directly, advocates on both sides of the abortion debate believe that ruling could be vulnerable once Kennedy's successor is seated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is one reason many Democrats are demanding an all-out battle to block Trump's nominee. But with only 49 votes in the Senate, Democrats have few tools to work with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Senate Republicans were in the majority in 2016, when McConnell and his GOP colleagues blocked President Barack Obama's Supreme Court nominee, Judge Merrick Garland, for more than nine months, following the death of Justice Antonin Scalia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By keeping Scalia's seat open, McConnell gave Trump a head start in putting his own stamp on the high court, and the president acknowledged as much when Gorsuch was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/04/10/523281405/trump-cheers-elevation-of-gorsuch-to-supreme-court\">sworn in last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I especially want to express our gratitude to Mitch McConnell for all that he did to make this achievement possible,\" Trump said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McConnell and Trump were rewarded this year with a string of 5-4 decisions in which Gorsuch cast votes favorable to the president and the GOP.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Republicans' stonewalling strategy extended to lower courts as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just as they held the Merrick Garland seat open on the Supreme Court, they also held open an awful lot of vacancies on the district courts and the courts of appeal,\" said Russell Wheeler, who tracks judicial nominations at the Brookings Institution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, Trump found more than twice as many judicial vacancies waiting for him when he entered the White House as Obama did. And the president moved swiftly to fill those openings with young, conservative judges. So far, Trump has installed more than 20 appeals court judges and more than 16 trial court judges on the federal bench. Dozens of additional nominations are pending — a list that will soon include Trump's second nominee for the highest court in the land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Taps+Brett+Kavanaugh+As+His+Second+Supreme+Court+Pick+&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Judge Tosses Bulk of Trump Administration's Lawsuit Challenging State's 'Sanctuary' Laws",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A judge on Monday dismissed the federal government's claim that U.S. law trumps two California laws limiting local police cooperation with immigration enforcement and requiring inspections of detention facilities in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling by U.S. District Judge John Mendez \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679106/federal-judge-upholds-californias-sanctuary-state-law-at-early-stage-in-trump-administrations-lawsuit\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">follows his decision last week\u003c/a> that California was within its rights to pass two of the three laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ruled Monday that the federal government could proceed with its attempt to stop part of a third California law, which prohibits employers from allowing immigration officials on their property without warrants. Mendez issued a preliminary injunction against that provision of AB 450 last week, but he allowed part of the law that requires employers to notify workers if their citizenship is being audited by immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez rejected the U.S. government's argument on the two other laws -- SB 54 and AB 103 -- that the U.S. Constitution gives the federal government pre-eminent power to regulate immigration. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argued that California is obstructing immigration enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 54, known unofficially as the \"sanctuary state law,\" limits local law enforcement cooperation with immigration officials. AB 103 requires the state attorney general to review and report on facilities where immigrants are detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling by Mendez, who was nominated to the federal bench by Republican President George W. Bush, has deflated much of Trump administration's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">lawsuit filed in March\u003c/a>. The U.S. Department of Justice has not indicated whether it will appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, in a statement, called the decision \"a victory for our State's ability to safeguard the privacy, safety, and constitutional rights of all of our people. Though the Trump Administration may continue to attack a state like California and its ability to make its own laws, we will continue to protect our constitutional authority to protect our residents and the rule of law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Department of Justice spokesman Devin O'Malley did not immediately respond to telephone and email requests for comment after normal East Coast business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit announced in Sacramento by U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions is part of the Trump administration's efforts to crack down on so-called sanctuary jurisdictions that he said allow criminals to remain free. California has fought back in court on many of the administration's plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California's law limiting the sharing of information with federal agents \"does not directly conflict\" with U.S. law, Mendez wrote in a seven-page \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.caed.331791/gov.uscourts.caed.331791.197.0.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">decision\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the law requiring inspections of detention facilities where immigrants are held, \"the Court does not find any indication in the cited federal statutes that Congress intended for States to have no oversight over detention facilities operating within their borders,\" Mendez wrote. The law \"does not give California a role in determining whether an immigrant should be detained or removed from the country, nor does it place any substantive requirements or burdens on these detention facilities apart from providing access.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The lawsuit is part of the Trump administration's efforts to crack down on so-called sanctuary jurisdictions that U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions said allow criminals to remain free. California has fought many of the administration's plans in court.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A judge on Monday dismissed the federal government's claim that U.S. law trumps two California laws limiting local police cooperation with immigration enforcement and requiring inspections of detention facilities in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling by U.S. District Judge John Mendez \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11679106/federal-judge-upholds-californias-sanctuary-state-law-at-early-stage-in-trump-administrations-lawsuit\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">follows his decision last week\u003c/a> that California was within its rights to pass two of the three laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ruled Monday that the federal government could proceed with its attempt to stop part of a third California law, which prohibits employers from allowing immigration officials on their property without warrants. Mendez issued a preliminary injunction against that provision of AB 450 last week, but he allowed part of the law that requires employers to notify workers if their citizenship is being audited by immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez rejected the U.S. government's argument on the two other laws -- SB 54 and AB 103 -- that the U.S. Constitution gives the federal government pre-eminent power to regulate immigration. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration argued that California is obstructing immigration enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 54, known unofficially as the \"sanctuary state law,\" limits local law enforcement cooperation with immigration officials. AB 103 requires the state attorney general to review and report on facilities where immigrants are detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling by Mendez, who was nominated to the federal bench by Republican President George W. Bush, has deflated much of Trump administration's \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">lawsuit filed in March\u003c/a>. The U.S. Department of Justice has not indicated whether it will appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Xavier Becerra, in a statement, called the decision \"a victory for our State's ability to safeguard the privacy, safety, and constitutional rights of all of our people. Though the Trump Administration may continue to attack a state like California and its ability to make its own laws, we will continue to protect our constitutional authority to protect our residents and the rule of law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Department of Justice spokesman Devin O'Malley did not immediately respond to telephone and email requests for comment after normal East Coast business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit announced in Sacramento by U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions is part of the Trump administration's efforts to crack down on so-called sanctuary jurisdictions that he said allow criminals to remain free. California has fought back in court on many of the administration's plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California's law limiting the sharing of information with federal agents \"does not directly conflict\" with U.S. law, Mendez wrote in a seven-page \u003ca href=\"https://www.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.caed.331791/gov.uscourts.caed.331791.197.0.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">decision\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the law requiring inspections of detention facilities where immigrants are held, \"the Court does not find any indication in the cited federal statutes that Congress intended for States to have no oversight over detention facilities operating within their borders,\" Mendez wrote. The law \"does not give California a role in determining whether an immigrant should be detained or removed from the country, nor does it place any substantive requirements or burdens on these detention facilities apart from providing access.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Trump Administration Will Miss Deadline to Reunite Migrant Kids Under 5 With Parents",
"title": "Trump Administration Will Miss Deadline to Reunite Migrant Kids Under 5 With Parents",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Of the nearly 3,000 migrant minors who were separated from their parents and placed in federal custody, the Trump administration says at least 102 are under 5 years old. And for several weeks, administration officials have been under a court-ordered deadline: Reunite those young children with their parents, and do it quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, one day before a Tuesday deadline, the administration says authorities expect to return just over half of the kids — but that they will need more time to figure out the rest. On Monday, Justice Department attorney Sarah Fabian told a federal court in San Diego that at least 54 children — and as many as 59 — will be reunited with their families in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, two children under 5 years old have been returned to their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reuniting the remainder has proved to be a much tougher task for Justice and immigration officials, who for months separated migrant families at the U.S-Mexico border under the Trump administration's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621065383/what-we-know-family-separation-and-zero-tolerance-at-the-border\">zero tolerance policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump ended the practice \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/20/622095441/trump-executive-order-on-family-separation-what-it-does-and-doesnt-do\">with an executive order\u003c/a> last month, but federal officials have struggled since then with how, exactly, to undo its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fabian attributed the holdup to difficulties tracking down some parents, and to necessary background checks on those whom they've found. Several parents have already been deported, while authorities disqualified others due to criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR's John Burnett \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/06/626664205/aclu-family-separation-hearing\">explained Friday\u003c/a>, the Department of Health and Human Services says it has hired 250 additional personnel in the sprint to comply with the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're working nights and weekends to comply with the judge's orders. But they say they have to do cheek swabs of the children and the parents to do DNA tests to establish parentage. They have to conduct criminal background checks of the parents. They have to determine the fitness of the parents to be able to release the kids to them,\" Burnett noted. \"And so the government says the tension is between a fast release and a safe release.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite these efforts, there's a chance the government's list of young children awaiting reunion may actually grow before authorities can reduce it further. Attorneys for the American Civil Liberties Union, which brought the lawsuit, said activists have turned up as many as 10 more names that need to added to the number of separated kids still in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy in numbers is one of several disagreements both sides of the suit, the Justice Department and the ACLU, pledged to discuss later Monday. In the courtroom, they expressed openness to collaborating on several issues, including searching for parents who have been removed from the U.S. and double-checking the criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the other remaining question marks is whether authorities can streamline their vetting process for the migrant parents — which ACLU attorneys have described as needlessly cumbersome — and whether the government can pass along the locations migrant families will be released from custody, so that charity groups can more quickly offer them support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/626664205/626664208\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As daunting as the process appeared in court, this week's deadline concerns less than 5 percent of the children separated from their parents in recent months. Under Sabraw's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/27/623763875/judge-bars-migrant-family-separations-orders-return-of-children-within-30-days\">order last month\u003c/a>, the rest of the minors will need to be returned to their families by July 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, many of these children have had to face their immigration proceedings without their parents in court. NPR's Sasha Ingber \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/08/627082032/1-year-old-shows-up-in-immigration-court\">pointed out\u003c/a> one incident in which a 1-year-old boy was brought before a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Judge] John W. Richardson ... said he was 'embarrassed to ask' if the defendant understood the proceedings,\" Sasha reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And activists, for their part, have described a \"bureaucratic wall\" that has prevented detained parents from finding and contacting their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The systems that are in place are absolutely not equipped to deal with this,\" Emily Kephart of the nonprofit Kids in Need of Defense \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/28/624127967/reuniting-families-separated-at-the-border-proves-complicated\">told NPR's Nurith Aizenman last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, despite the frustrations and delays, Sabraw sounded a positive note, suggesting that he would be inclined to extend the July 10 deadline given the work that Fabian presented Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is real progress, I'm optimistic that many of these families will be reunited tomorrow,\" he told the courtroom. \"And then we'll have a very clear understanding as to who has not been reunited, why not and what time frame will be in place.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Administration+Will+Miss+Deadline+To+Reunite+Migrant+Kids+Under+5+With+Parents&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Of the 102 young children in custody, the Justice Department says at least 54 will return to their parents by Tuesday as ordered by a court. But a judge still voiced optimism about \"real progress.\"",
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"headline": "Trump Administration Will Miss Deadline to Reunite Migrant Kids Under 5 With Parents",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Of the nearly 3,000 migrant minors who were separated from their parents and placed in federal custody, the Trump administration says at least 102 are under 5 years old. And for several weeks, administration officials have been under a court-ordered deadline: Reunite those young children with their parents, and do it quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, one day before a Tuesday deadline, the administration says authorities expect to return just over half of the kids — but that they will need more time to figure out the rest. On Monday, Justice Department attorney Sarah Fabian told a federal court in San Diego that at least 54 children — and as many as 59 — will be reunited with their families in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, two children under 5 years old have been returned to their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But reuniting the remainder has proved to be a much tougher task for Justice and immigration officials, who for months separated migrant families at the U.S-Mexico border under the Trump administration's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/19/621065383/what-we-know-family-separation-and-zero-tolerance-at-the-border\">zero tolerance policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump ended the practice \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/20/622095441/trump-executive-order-on-family-separation-what-it-does-and-doesnt-do\">with an executive order\u003c/a> last month, but federal officials have struggled since then with how, exactly, to undo its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fabian attributed the holdup to difficulties tracking down some parents, and to necessary background checks on those whom they've found. Several parents have already been deported, while authorities disqualified others due to criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR's John Burnett \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/06/626664205/aclu-family-separation-hearing\">explained Friday\u003c/a>, the Department of Health and Human Services says it has hired 250 additional personnel in the sprint to comply with the court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're working nights and weekends to comply with the judge's orders. But they say they have to do cheek swabs of the children and the parents to do DNA tests to establish parentage. They have to conduct criminal background checks of the parents. They have to determine the fitness of the parents to be able to release the kids to them,\" Burnett noted. \"And so the government says the tension is between a fast release and a safe release.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite these efforts, there's a chance the government's list of young children awaiting reunion may actually grow before authorities can reduce it further. Attorneys for the American Civil Liberties Union, which brought the lawsuit, said activists have turned up as many as 10 more names that need to added to the number of separated kids still in detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That discrepancy in numbers is one of several disagreements both sides of the suit, the Justice Department and the ACLU, pledged to discuss later Monday. In the courtroom, they expressed openness to collaborating on several issues, including searching for parents who have been removed from the U.S. and double-checking the criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the other remaining question marks is whether authorities can streamline their vetting process for the migrant parents — which ACLU attorneys have described as needlessly cumbersome — and whether the government can pass along the locations migrant families will be released from custody, so that charity groups can more quickly offer them support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/626664205/626664208\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As daunting as the process appeared in court, this week's deadline concerns less than 5 percent of the children separated from their parents in recent months. Under Sabraw's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/27/623763875/judge-bars-migrant-family-separations-orders-return-of-children-within-30-days\">order last month\u003c/a>, the rest of the minors will need to be returned to their families by July 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, many of these children have had to face their immigration proceedings without their parents in court. NPR's Sasha Ingber \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/07/08/627082032/1-year-old-shows-up-in-immigration-court\">pointed out\u003c/a> one incident in which a 1-year-old boy was brought before a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"[Judge] John W. Richardson ... said he was 'embarrassed to ask' if the defendant understood the proceedings,\" Sasha reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And activists, for their part, have described a \"bureaucratic wall\" that has prevented detained parents from finding and contacting their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The systems that are in place are absolutely not equipped to deal with this,\" Emily Kephart of the nonprofit Kids in Need of Defense \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/28/624127967/reuniting-families-separated-at-the-border-proves-complicated\">told NPR's Nurith Aizenman last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, despite the frustrations and delays, Sabraw sounded a positive note, suggesting that he would be inclined to extend the July 10 deadline given the work that Fabian presented Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is real progress, I'm optimistic that many of these families will be reunited tomorrow,\" he told the courtroom. \"And then we'll have a very clear understanding as to who has not been reunited, why not and what time frame will be in place.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Trump+Administration+Will+Miss+Deadline+To+Reunite+Migrant+Kids+Under+5+With+Parents&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Oakland Clinic Screens Asylum-Seekers for Honesty",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dr. Nick Nelson walks through busy Highland Hospital in Oakland to a sixth‐floor exam room, where he sees patients from around the world who say they have fled torture and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson, who practices internal medicine, is the medical director of the Highland Human Rights Clinic, part of the Alameda County health system. A few times each week, he and his team conduct medical evaluations of people who are seeking asylum in the United States. The doctors listen to the patients' stories. They search for signs of trauma. They scrutinize injuries, including electrocution scars, bullet wounds and unset broken bones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Trump administration looks to reduce the number of asylum applicants, citing loopholes and fraudulent claims, this clinic — and others like it in San Diego, Los Angeles, New York and Chicago — seeks evidence that can help determine whether someone should gain asylum in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Highland clinic opened in 2001 as a place for asylum-seekers and refugees to get care. Five years later, the staff started offering forensic exams that aim to discern whether there is evidence of torture or abuse. Nelson, who took over as director in 2012, says his team does between 80 and 120 evaluations each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his colleagues essentially diagnose — and in many cases, substantiate — the truth of what these patients say occurred. Sometimes the asylum-seekers have health coverage that pays for the exams, but the county covers the cost for those who don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our job is to make sure that the asylum office understands all the medical and psychological facts about a person's case so that they can make a decision,\" Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson bases his findings on an internationally recognized protocol for torture documentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, he may be called on to judge whether a scar or injury could have occurred as the patient describes. Sometimes, Nelson said, attorneys ask him to answer specific questions, such as, \"Is this burn scar consistent with a cigarette burn?\" or \"Are these marks on his back consistent with being beaten with PVC pipe?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson has had some medical training on what to expect to see in cases of torture. He also applies his general expertise as a doctor in knowing how to interview and examine patients, and has learned something about the countries these asylum-seekers are fleeing and the injuries they may have endured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11679647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11679647\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/asylum-seekers-3-e1531157981677.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Nick Nelson, director of the Highland Human Rights Clinic, examines Gebremeskl Tefamicael, an asylum-seeker from Eritrea, on June 11, 2018. Nelson searches for signs of trauma and examines injuries and wounds. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For example, when someone is hit with a long, stiff object, it produces a pair of parallel bruises like railroad tracks, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's a specific thing that I didn't learn in medical school or residency,\" he said, \"but that I have learned through taking care of a lot of people who have been tortured.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, Nelson said, he finds evidence to support the stories his patients tell him. But there are also exams that don't yield definitive evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson also addresses the asylum-seekers' health needs, sometimes diagnosing cases of tuberculosis or HIV that were previously undiagnosed. Nearly all of the patients he sees need mental health referrals, he said, because of years of torture or abuse in their native countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the patients Nelson recently treated is 60‐year‐old Juan Lopez Aguilar, an indigenous Mayan who fled Guatemala three years ago. He said he was beaten and threatened off and on for nearly four decades because of his ethnicity and feared for his life back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez Aguilar's son also was murdered in 2005 and his daughter fled because of threats, his attorney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm worried,\" Lopez Aguilar told the doctor through a translator, as he sat in the exam room. \"There are a lot of gangs. They want to kill people in my community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11679648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11679648\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/asylum-seekers-7-e1531158138309.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Lopez Aguilar, who fled Guatemala three years ago, meets with Dr. Nick Nelson at the Highland Hospital in Oakland on June 11, 2018. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson first examined and interviewed Lopez Aguilar earlier this spring and wrote a report corroborating the man's account for his asylum case, formally filed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez Aguilar, who grew up in a family of peasant farmers, told Nelson that his community was attacked by soldiers when he was in his 20s and that his father was killed during that attack. Lopez Aguilar moved to another part of Guatemala, where he continued to be the victim of \"race‐based harassment, extortion and threats,\" Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man's story echoes those of other clinic patients. Nelson said violence and discrimination against indigenous Mayan‐speaking Guatemalans is common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez Aguilar, who has worked as a dishwasher, has now returned to the clinic for a regular medical visit. He tells the doctor in his native language that he has been having severe headaches and dizziness since soon after he arrived in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His wife and some of his children are back in Guatemala, he explained, and he can't petition to bring his wife to the States unless and until he is granted asylum. That won't be before 2020, when his court date is scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Men like Lopez Aguilar have faced increasingly tough odds since early June, when U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that gang violence and domestic abuse would no longer be considered grounds for granting asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for asylum, applicants must prove they face physical violence, or fear it, based on factors such as race, ethnicity or religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the Trump administration's recent crackdown, getting asylum was a difficult and time‐consuming proposition. In 2017, only about 38 percent of asylum-seekers in the U.S. were granted that status by the immigration court, according to data from the nonpartisan Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The harsher federal policies, including detentions at the border, have generated anxiety and uncertainty among those seeking asylum and their advocates and immigration lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every day is a roller coaster,\" said Oakland attorney Haregu Gaime, who frequently refers her clients to the Highland clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niloufar Khonsari, executive director of Pangea Legal Services, a Bay Area legal advocacy group, said the obstacles won't deter people from seeking a safe place to live or from seeking judicial help to stay in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When applicants are examined at the Highland clinic, Khonsari said, it \"definitely makes a difference for judges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaime said the clinic's reports frequently help corroborate her clients' experiences in a way that their testimony alone cannot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sometimes a traumatized person is not able to relay what happened to them in a way that tells the full story,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ira Mehlman, spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which favors stricter controls on immigration, noted that there are limits to a doctor's ability to interpret these cases. Doctors may be able to determine if somebody suffered an injury, he said, but not necessarily the circumstances that led to it. \"And they can't determine if it was because of political persecution,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mehlman said there is no question that there is violence in Central America and that gangs are rampant, but the U.S. can't accept everyone who is danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11679650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11679650\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/asylum-seekers-10-e1531158348464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Nick Nelson examines patient Juan Lopez Aguilar at Highland Hospital in Oakland on June 11, 2018. Aguilar had spent decades being persecuted as an indigenous Mayan in Guatemala. “I’m worried,” he says through a translator while sitting in the exam room. “There are a lot of gangs. They want to kill people in my community.” \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the same morning that Nelson saw Lopez Aguilar at Highland clinic, he also examined Gebremeskl Tefamicael, an asylum-seeker from Eritrea. Nelson took notes as he listened to Tefamicael's story of being conscripted into the military, then imprisoned and tortured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson asked Tefamicael exactly what his tormentors used to tie him up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a rope made from tree bark, the patient responded, as Nelson wrote in his notebook a description of the scars on Tefamicael's wrists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Afterward, Nelson's report for the court stated that Tefamicael's physical scars and psychological state are consistent with the man's description of what happened to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he got involved with the clinic because he wanted to treat people who were underserved. People fleeing their countries and seeking asylum here are \"definitely one of the more ... underserved and generally marginalized\" communities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, Nelson doesn't hear until months or years later whether his patients have been granted asylum. But when the request is approved, he said, he sees a tremendous change in them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting asylum doesn't take away the trauma, but it relieves these people of the fear of returning to a country where they are not safe, Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When someone who has got a real basis for an asylum claim gets granted, and you were part of demonstrating why that should be the case,\" he said, \"that feels really good.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a> (KHN) is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "As new federal policies make it harder to gain asylum in the U.S., foreign applicants try to improve their chances by having doctors evaluate their conditions — perhaps bolstering their stories of torture and violent persecution back home.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dr. Nick Nelson walks through busy Highland Hospital in Oakland to a sixth‐floor exam room, where he sees patients from around the world who say they have fled torture and violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson, who practices internal medicine, is the medical director of the Highland Human Rights Clinic, part of the Alameda County health system. A few times each week, he and his team conduct medical evaluations of people who are seeking asylum in the United States. The doctors listen to the patients' stories. They search for signs of trauma. They scrutinize injuries, including electrocution scars, bullet wounds and unset broken bones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Trump administration looks to reduce the number of asylum applicants, citing loopholes and fraudulent claims, this clinic — and others like it in San Diego, Los Angeles, New York and Chicago — seeks evidence that can help determine whether someone should gain asylum in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Highland clinic opened in 2001 as a place for asylum-seekers and refugees to get care. Five years later, the staff started offering forensic exams that aim to discern whether there is evidence of torture or abuse. Nelson, who took over as director in 2012, says his team does between 80 and 120 evaluations each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his colleagues essentially diagnose — and in many cases, substantiate — the truth of what these patients say occurred. Sometimes the asylum-seekers have health coverage that pays for the exams, but the county covers the cost for those who don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Our job is to make sure that the asylum office understands all the medical and psychological facts about a person's case so that they can make a decision,\" Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson bases his findings on an internationally recognized protocol for torture documentation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, he may be called on to judge whether a scar or injury could have occurred as the patient describes. Sometimes, Nelson said, attorneys ask him to answer specific questions, such as, \"Is this burn scar consistent with a cigarette burn?\" or \"Are these marks on his back consistent with being beaten with PVC pipe?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson has had some medical training on what to expect to see in cases of torture. He also applies his general expertise as a doctor in knowing how to interview and examine patients, and has learned something about the countries these asylum-seekers are fleeing and the injuries they may have endured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11679647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11679647\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/asylum-seekers-3-e1531157981677.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Nick Nelson, director of the Highland Human Rights Clinic, examines Gebremeskl Tefamicael, an asylum-seeker from Eritrea, on June 11, 2018. Nelson searches for signs of trauma and examines injuries and wounds. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For example, when someone is hit with a long, stiff object, it produces a pair of parallel bruises like railroad tracks, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's a specific thing that I didn't learn in medical school or residency,\" he said, \"but that I have learned through taking care of a lot of people who have been tortured.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most cases, Nelson said, he finds evidence to support the stories his patients tell him. But there are also exams that don't yield definitive evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson also addresses the asylum-seekers' health needs, sometimes diagnosing cases of tuberculosis or HIV that were previously undiagnosed. Nearly all of the patients he sees need mental health referrals, he said, because of years of torture or abuse in their native countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the patients Nelson recently treated is 60‐year‐old Juan Lopez Aguilar, an indigenous Mayan who fled Guatemala three years ago. He said he was beaten and threatened off and on for nearly four decades because of his ethnicity and feared for his life back home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez Aguilar's son also was murdered in 2005 and his daughter fled because of threats, his attorney said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm worried,\" Lopez Aguilar told the doctor through a translator, as he sat in the exam room. \"There are a lot of gangs. They want to kill people in my community.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11679648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11679648\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/asylum-seekers-7-e1531158138309.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Juan Lopez Aguilar, who fled Guatemala three years ago, meets with Dr. Nick Nelson at the Highland Hospital in Oakland on June 11, 2018. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson first examined and interviewed Lopez Aguilar earlier this spring and wrote a report corroborating the man's account for his asylum case, formally filed last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez Aguilar, who grew up in a family of peasant farmers, told Nelson that his community was attacked by soldiers when he was in his 20s and that his father was killed during that attack. Lopez Aguilar moved to another part of Guatemala, where he continued to be the victim of \"race‐based harassment, extortion and threats,\" Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The man's story echoes those of other clinic patients. Nelson said violence and discrimination against indigenous Mayan‐speaking Guatemalans is common.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lopez Aguilar, who has worked as a dishwasher, has now returned to the clinic for a regular medical visit. He tells the doctor in his native language that he has been having severe headaches and dizziness since soon after he arrived in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His wife and some of his children are back in Guatemala, he explained, and he can't petition to bring his wife to the States unless and until he is granted asylum. That won't be before 2020, when his court date is scheduled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Men like Lopez Aguilar have faced increasingly tough odds since early June, when U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that gang violence and domestic abuse would no longer be considered grounds for granting asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for asylum, applicants must prove they face physical violence, or fear it, based on factors such as race, ethnicity or religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the Trump administration's recent crackdown, getting asylum was a difficult and time‐consuming proposition. In 2017, only about 38 percent of asylum-seekers in the U.S. were granted that status by the immigration court, according to data from the nonpartisan Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The harsher federal policies, including detentions at the border, have generated anxiety and uncertainty among those seeking asylum and their advocates and immigration lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every day is a roller coaster,\" said Oakland attorney Haregu Gaime, who frequently refers her clients to the Highland clinic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niloufar Khonsari, executive director of Pangea Legal Services, a Bay Area legal advocacy group, said the obstacles won't deter people from seeking a safe place to live or from seeking judicial help to stay in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When applicants are examined at the Highland clinic, Khonsari said, it \"definitely makes a difference for judges.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gaime said the clinic's reports frequently help corroborate her clients' experiences in a way that their testimony alone cannot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sometimes a traumatized person is not able to relay what happened to them in a way that tells the full story,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ira Mehlman, spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which favors stricter controls on immigration, noted that there are limits to a doctor's ability to interpret these cases. Doctors may be able to determine if somebody suffered an injury, he said, but not necessarily the circumstances that led to it. \"And they can't determine if it was because of political persecution,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mehlman said there is no question that there is violence in Central America and that gangs are rampant, but the U.S. can't accept everyone who is danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11679650\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11679650\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/07/asylum-seekers-10-e1531158348464.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Nick Nelson examines patient Juan Lopez Aguilar at Highland Hospital in Oakland on June 11, 2018. Aguilar had spent decades being persecuted as an indigenous Mayan in Guatemala. “I’m worried,” he says through a translator while sitting in the exam room. “There are a lot of gangs. They want to kill people in my community.” \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the same morning that Nelson saw Lopez Aguilar at Highland clinic, he also examined Gebremeskl Tefamicael, an asylum-seeker from Eritrea. Nelson took notes as he listened to Tefamicael's story of being conscripted into the military, then imprisoned and tortured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson asked Tefamicael exactly what his tormentors used to tie him up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a rope made from tree bark, the patient responded, as Nelson wrote in his notebook a description of the scars on Tefamicael's wrists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Afterward, Nelson's report for the court stated that Tefamicael's physical scars and psychological state are consistent with the man's description of what happened to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he got involved with the clinic because he wanted to treat people who were underserved. People fleeing their countries and seeking asylum here are \"definitely one of the more ... underserved and generally marginalized\" communities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, Nelson doesn't hear until months or years later whether his patients have been granted asylum. But when the request is approved, he said, he sees a tremendous change in them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting asylum doesn't take away the trauma, but it relieves these people of the fear of returning to a country where they are not safe, Nelson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When someone who has got a real basis for an asylum claim gets granted, and you were part of demonstrating why that should be the case,\" he said, \"that feels really good.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a> (KHN) is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KCRW\u003c/a> partnered with USC’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.jovrnalism.io/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">JOVRNALISM\u003c/a> class to produce stories from the U.S.-Mexico border. USC students traveled to Tijuana to learn about what happens after someone is deported. They found an unofficial network of people and organizations working to help those who arrive in an unfamiliar place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can watch the videos in virtual reality with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.jovrnalism.io/2016/11/22/jovrnalism-app-available-now/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">JOVRNALISM App\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life Beyond the Border\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Looking past headlines and statistics about deportation, you’ll find human beings who are caught between a country that kicked them out and a country they don’t understand. They often fall into depression, turn to addiction, which could lead to suicide. But there are nonprofits and churches trying to catch them and help them adjust to their new lives beyond the border. This series was produced by USC’s JOVRNALISM class in partnership with KCRW.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783038392815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Deported\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The number of deportations is increasing and, while many think deportees are just criminals, they are mothers, pastors and even U.S. veterans. Hear their stories as they cope with life on the other side of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783053022815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mari Cookie: Offering Help and Hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly every day, San Diego resident Maria Galleta heads south of the border to offer resources to the recently deported or migrants seeking asylum. From housing to jobs or even listening to their stories, Galleta is a one-woman nonprofit doing everything she can to help those who are seeking a new life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783055507815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pastor Mo: Rebuilding a New Life and Church\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After being deported a second time, Mauricio Higareda and his family — all U.S. citizens — decided to rebuild their lives in Tijuana. In addition to starting a new home, Mauricio and his family started the first English-language Victory Outreach Church in Mexico, aimed at serving deportees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783058637815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Destinee: A Daughter Left Behind\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Destinee Arce was separated from her father, Jose Arce, when he was deported from the United States. She was just a child and struggled with the absence of her father. Jose, also known as Spanky, resettled in Tijuana, where he owns a tattoo parlor. Destinee is now in college and hopes to become a kindergarten teacher and a makeup artist. Although the two are separated, they speak often and stay connected through their mutual love of art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783066587815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KCRW\u003c/a> partnered with USC’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.jovrnalism.io/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">JOVRNALISM\u003c/a> class to produce stories from the U.S.-Mexico border. USC students traveled to Tijuana to learn about what happens after someone is deported. They found an unofficial network of people and organizations working to help those who arrive in an unfamiliar place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can watch the videos in virtual reality with the \u003ca href=\"http://www.jovrnalism.io/2016/11/22/jovrnalism-app-available-now/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">JOVRNALISM App\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life Beyond the Border\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Looking past headlines and statistics about deportation, you’ll find human beings who are caught between a country that kicked them out and a country they don’t understand. They often fall into depression, turn to addiction, which could lead to suicide. But there are nonprofits and churches trying to catch them and help them adjust to their new lives beyond the border. This series was produced by USC’s JOVRNALISM class in partnership with KCRW.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783038392815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Deported\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The number of deportations is increasing and, while many think deportees are just criminals, they are mothers, pastors and even U.S. veterans. Hear their stories as they cope with life on the other side of the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783053022815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mari Cookie: Offering Help and Hope\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly every day, San Diego resident Maria Galleta heads south of the border to offer resources to the recently deported or migrants seeking asylum. From housing to jobs or even listening to their stories, Galleta is a one-woman nonprofit doing everything she can to help those who are seeking a new life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783055507815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pastor Mo: Rebuilding a New Life and Church\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After being deported a second time, Mauricio Higareda and his family — all U.S. citizens — decided to rebuild their lives in Tijuana. In addition to starting a new home, Mauricio and his family started the first English-language Victory Outreach Church in Mexico, aimed at serving deportees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783058637815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Destinee: A Daughter Left Behind\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Destinee Arce was separated from her father, Jose Arce, when he was deported from the United States. She was just a child and struggled with the absence of her father. Jose, also known as Spanky, resettled in Tijuana, where he owns a tattoo parlor. Destinee is now in college and hopes to become a kindergarten teacher and a makeup artist. Although the two are separated, they speak often and stay connected through their mutual love of art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fkcrw%2Fvideos%2F10155783066587815%2F&show_text=0&width=560\" width=\"560\" height=\"280\" style=\"border:none;overflow:hidden\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" allowtransparency=\"true\" allowfullscreen=\"true\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Illegal Pot Shops Disrupt California's Budding Legal Market",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A slight marijuana smell wafted out as a steady stream of customers walked into a warehouse, its doors and windows covered by bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, police swooped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sheriff's Department! Search warrant!\" a Los Angeles County deputy shouted as the team thundered through the front door and began hauling out people in handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Compton 20 Cap Collective just south of Los Angeles that was raided earlier this spring is one of hundreds of illegal marijuana stores operating in L.A. County, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11637917/as-california-embraces-legal-marijuana-many-cities-and-counties-say-no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana is legal\u003c/a> for anyone 21 and over and retailers must be licensed to sell to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broad \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana legalization\u003c/a> arrived in California at the start of the year. From the beginning, there was concern the legal market would be undercut by the massive black market that has existed for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's what's happening. Nowhere is it a bigger problem than in the state's biggest legal local marijuana market: Los Angeles County. Outlaw dispensaries there greatly outnumber about 150 licensed storefront retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That reality is a buzzkill for those trying to play by the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal pot shops are losing customers who can get products more cheaply at illegal outlets that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11670945/measure-to-slash-state-marijuana-taxes-suffers-setback\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">don't charge or pay taxes\u003c/a>, said Adam Spiker, executive director of the Southern California Coalition, a trade organization that represents cannabis growers, distributors and dispensary owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's an \"unfair competitive situation for licensed businesses,\" Spiker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think if you turn the tables and took cannabis out of the equation — if it was another industry that didn't have the stigmas — the government would do everything they could to give those licensed businesses paying taxes a level playing field.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the selling points for legalization was it would generate a tax windfall for state and local governments. However, during the first quarter, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668090/california-pot-revenue-is-lower-than-forecast-are-taxes-too-high\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the state reported only $34 million\u003c/a> from cultivation and excise taxes, putting it on pace to fall well below the $175 million forecast for the first six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, state regulators sent nearly 1,000 cease-and-desist letters to cannabis businesses they suspected were operating illegally. An analysis by the trade publication Marijuana Business Daily found about 64 percent of the businesses were in the Los Angeles metropolitan area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Los Angeles City Attorney's Office charged 142 people as part of a crackdown on illegal dispensaries. It also sent cease-and-desist letters but declined to say how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County boasts the nation's largest sheriff's department, but even it has nowhere near the manpower to take down all the illegal pot shops. A task force overseen by Lt. Frank Montez raids an average of one dispensary a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the voter-approved ballot measure legalizing cannabis in California included a provision that made possessing more than 28.5 grams only a misdemeanor. That means officers can seize businesses' cash and marijuana, but employees and owners rarely face jail, and illegal operations often quickly reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a money-lucrative business so there are people willing to take the risk,\" said Capt. Holly Francisco, who commands the sheriff's department's narcotics unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montez sees his work as more than code enforcement. Marijuana sold illegally may be tainted with illegal pesticides and other harmful substances. And licensed marijuana shop owners who pay their taxes should have a fair playing field, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you have an illegitimate, illegal dispensary operating, that not only hurts the industry as a whole but that really hurts the community,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Compton store, a sign above a security window says customers must be at least 18 and have a physician's recommendation to buy medical marijuana and be 21 and have a valid photo ID for anything else. Like many others, the shop operated in plain sight and advertised online, including on WeedMaps, a go-to website for people looking to buy cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, whiteboards on dirt-smudged walls advertised the prices for different types of cannabis and concentrates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cartridges for vapor pens and \"Shatter,\" a honey-like oil containing cannabis extract, cost between $15 and $30. Large display cases held jars of branded marijuana strains — 28 grams of \"Purple Dragon\" sold for $160.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People out here on the street are thinking it is a legitimate operation and are smoking this cannabis with all these dangerous pesticides, and they are really killing themselves,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some illegal pot shops look so legitimate that customers may not even realize they are illegal unless they figure out they aren't being charged tax. But like any shopper looking for the best deal, plenty know these places are illegal and go because it's cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some illegal L.A. County pot shops grow their own plants, many are supplied by illegal grows in the hills of Northern California, long a major source of all U.S. pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake County, about 125 miles (201 kilometers) north of San Francisco, is home to many such grows because of its topography, which allows pot farmers to easily hide large operations. It has an abundance of federal and state forests and land where cartels set up operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the L.A. County Sheriff's Department, Lake County lacks the manpower to put much of a dent in illegal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies patrol on the ground and in helicopters, and last year they destroyed about 250,000 plants and arrested 46 people for illegal grows, Sheriff Brian Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has no estimate for the number of illegal grows in the county but is confident the hundreds of thousands of plants deputies chop down each year are \"just the tip of the iceberg.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin said his short-staffed department has assigned a single detective full-time to marijuana eradication. He counts on help from state and federal agencies, but they too have their priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's all about manpower,\" he said. \"No one has enough of it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Paul Elias in San Francisco contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California ushered in broad marijuana legalization at the start of the year, but the illegal market still thrives.",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Michael Balsamo\u003c/strong>\u003c/br>Associated Press",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A slight marijuana smell wafted out as a steady stream of customers walked into a warehouse, its doors and windows covered by bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suddenly, police swooped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sheriff's Department! Search warrant!\" a Los Angeles County deputy shouted as the team thundered through the front door and began hauling out people in handcuffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Compton 20 Cap Collective just south of Los Angeles that was raided earlier this spring is one of hundreds of illegal marijuana stores operating in L.A. County, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11637917/as-california-embraces-legal-marijuana-many-cities-and-counties-say-no\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana is legal\u003c/a> for anyone 21 and over and retailers must be licensed to sell to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broad \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11638056/everything-you-want-to-know-about-legal-weed-in-california-2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">marijuana legalization\u003c/a> arrived in California at the start of the year. From the beginning, there was concern the legal market would be undercut by the massive black market that has existed for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that's what's happening. Nowhere is it a bigger problem than in the state's biggest legal local marijuana market: Los Angeles County. Outlaw dispensaries there greatly outnumber about 150 licensed storefront retailers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That reality is a buzzkill for those trying to play by the rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal pot shops are losing customers who can get products more cheaply at illegal outlets that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11670945/measure-to-slash-state-marijuana-taxes-suffers-setback\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">don't charge or pay taxes\u003c/a>, said Adam Spiker, executive director of the Southern California Coalition, a trade organization that represents cannabis growers, distributors and dispensary owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's an \"unfair competitive situation for licensed businesses,\" Spiker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think if you turn the tables and took cannabis out of the equation — if it was another industry that didn't have the stigmas — the government would do everything they could to give those licensed businesses paying taxes a level playing field.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the selling points for legalization was it would generate a tax windfall for state and local governments. However, during the first quarter, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668090/california-pot-revenue-is-lower-than-forecast-are-taxes-too-high\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the state reported only $34 million\u003c/a> from cultivation and excise taxes, putting it on pace to fall well below the $175 million forecast for the first six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, state regulators sent nearly 1,000 cease-and-desist letters to cannabis businesses they suspected were operating illegally. An analysis by the trade publication Marijuana Business Daily found about 64 percent of the businesses were in the Los Angeles metropolitan area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Los Angeles City Attorney's Office charged 142 people as part of a crackdown on illegal dispensaries. It also sent cease-and-desist letters but declined to say how many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County boasts the nation's largest sheriff's department, but even it has nowhere near the manpower to take down all the illegal pot shops. A task force overseen by Lt. Frank Montez raids an average of one dispensary a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the voter-approved ballot measure legalizing cannabis in California included a provision that made possessing more than 28.5 grams only a misdemeanor. That means officers can seize businesses' cash and marijuana, but employees and owners rarely face jail, and illegal operations often quickly reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's a money-lucrative business so there are people willing to take the risk,\" said Capt. Holly Francisco, who commands the sheriff's department's narcotics unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Montez sees his work as more than code enforcement. Marijuana sold illegally may be tainted with illegal pesticides and other harmful substances. And licensed marijuana shop owners who pay their taxes should have a fair playing field, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you have an illegitimate, illegal dispensary operating, that not only hurts the industry as a whole but that really hurts the community,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Compton store, a sign above a security window says customers must be at least 18 and have a physician's recommendation to buy medical marijuana and be 21 and have a valid photo ID for anything else. Like many others, the shop operated in plain sight and advertised online, including on WeedMaps, a go-to website for people looking to buy cannabis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, whiteboards on dirt-smudged walls advertised the prices for different types of cannabis and concentrates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cartridges for vapor pens and \"Shatter,\" a honey-like oil containing cannabis extract, cost between $15 and $30. Large display cases held jars of branded marijuana strains — 28 grams of \"Purple Dragon\" sold for $160.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People out here on the street are thinking it is a legitimate operation and are smoking this cannabis with all these dangerous pesticides, and they are really killing themselves,\" Montez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some illegal pot shops look so legitimate that customers may not even realize they are illegal unless they figure out they aren't being charged tax. But like any shopper looking for the best deal, plenty know these places are illegal and go because it's cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While some illegal L.A. County pot shops grow their own plants, many are supplied by illegal grows in the hills of Northern California, long a major source of all U.S. pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake County, about 125 miles (201 kilometers) north of San Francisco, is home to many such grows because of its topography, which allows pot farmers to easily hide large operations. It has an abundance of federal and state forests and land where cartels set up operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like the L.A. County Sheriff's Department, Lake County lacks the manpower to put much of a dent in illegal operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies patrol on the ground and in helicopters, and last year they destroyed about 250,000 plants and arrested 46 people for illegal grows, Sheriff Brian Martin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has no estimate for the number of illegal grows in the county but is confident the hundreds of thousands of plants deputies chop down each year are \"just the tip of the iceberg.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin said his short-staffed department has assigned a single detective full-time to marijuana eradication. He counts on help from state and federal agencies, but they too have their priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's all about manpower,\" he said. \"No one has enough of it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Associated Press writer Paul Elias in San Francisco contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Judge Rules Mostly for California Over Trump in 'Sanctuary State' Fight",
"title": "Judge Rules Mostly for California Over Trump in 'Sanctuary State' Fight",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in Sacramento rejected a request by the Trump administration to block two California laws that protect immigrants in the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cspan style=\"font-size: x-large\">\u003cstrong>'[T]his Court joins the ever-growing chorus of Federal Judges in urging our elected officials to set aside the partisan and polarizing politics dominating the current immigration debate. ... Our Nation deserves it. Our Constitution demands it.'\u003c/strong>\u003c/span>\u003ccite>John Mendez,\u003cbr>\nU.S. District Court judge\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But U.S. District Judge John Mendez put part of a third California sanctuary law on hold in his ruling Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez refused to block a law requiring the state to review detention facilities where immigrants are held and another that prevents local law enforcement from providing release dates and personal information on jail inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said California could not enforce part of a third law that prohibits employers from allowing immigration officials on their premises unless the officials have a warrant. The judge left in place the provision of AB 450 that requires employee notification of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued the state\u003c/a> in March as part of a broader effort to crack down on sanctuary jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argued that the U.S. Constitution gives the federal government pre-eminent power to regulate immigration, and California can't obstruct immigration enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez wrote that the laws -- including \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11621200/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sanctuary state\u003c/a>\" law SB 54 and AB 103, which requires state inspections of immigrant detention facilities -- \"are permissible exercises of California's sovereign power.\" He wrote that AB 450's restrictions on private employers \"impermissibly infringed on the sovereignty of the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials say their policies promote trust between immigrant communities and law enforcement. The administration says the state is allowing dangerous criminals to stay on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668754/trump-gathers-like-minded-california-leaders-rails-against-sanctuary-policies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Trump Gathers Like-Minded California Leaders, Rails Against 'Sanctuary' Policies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668754/trump-gathers-like-minded-california-leaders-rails-against-sanctuary-policies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TrumpWHMeetingCA-1180x773.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"California is under no obligation to assist Trump to tear apart families,\" SB 54 author Sen. Kevin de León, D-Los Angeles, said after the ruling. \"We cannot stop his mean-spirited immigration policies, but we do not have to lift a single finger or spend a single cent to be a cog in the Trump deportation machine.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they passed SB 54, AB 103, and AB 450, California’s political leadership clearly intended to obstruct federal immigration authorities in their state,\" U.S. Department of Justice spokesman Devin O'Malley said in a written statement, which called the injunction related to employers a \"major victory.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While we are disappointed that California’s other laws designed to protect criminal aliens were not yet halted, the Justice Department will continue to seek out and fight unjust policies that threaten public safety,\" O'Malley's statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California said in court documents that the administration was trying to assume powers that have long been understood to belong to states and could not show that California's policies were causing harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco and author of the employer-related law AB 450, called Thursday's ruling \"a rebuke to the racist immigration policies of President Trump and U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While I’m disappointed that portions of the law were put on hold, nothing stops employers who care about their immigrant employees from voluntarily asking ICE agents for judicial warrants,\" Chiu said in a written statement. \"It is up to all of us, in our individual ways, to resist the war on immigrants in the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654355/gov-brown-calls-sessions-lawsuit-part-of-a-reign-of-terror\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Gov. Brown Calls Sessions Lawsuit Part of a 'Reign of Terror'\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654355/gov-brown-calls-sessions-lawsuit-part-of-a-reign-of-terror\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/sessions-20180307-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mendez said during a hearing in June that he wasn't convinced California intended to interfere with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three laws, two of which went into effect in January, follow President Trump's promises to ramp up deportations. The administration has tried to restrict funding to sanctuary jurisdictions if they refuse to help federal agents detain and deport immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, which this year became the second \"sanctuary state,\" has resisted that move. It has filed more than 50 lawsuits against the Trump administration, mostly over immigration and environmental decisions, and notched some significant court victories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state asked Mendez to dismiss the Trump administration's lawsuit, which Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown has described as akin to \"going to war.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez concluded his opinion with a plea for legislative action on U.S. immigration policy, noting that an ultimate solution \"cannot and will not come from piecemeal opinions issued by the judicial branch.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Accordingly, this Court joins the ever-growing chorus of Federal Judges in urging our elected officials to set aside the partisan and polarizing politics dominating the current immigration debate and work in a cooperative and bi-partisan fashion toward drafting and passing legislation that addresses this critical political issue,\" Mendez wrote. \"Our Nation deserves it. Our Constitution demands it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday's ruling was the judge's answer to a request for a preliminary injunction, and Mendez largely rejected the attempt to strike down California's laws at this stage of the litigation. The Trump administration's challenges to the laws will continue as the case proceeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4576513-7-5-18-US-v-California-Opinion-PI.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruling here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[documentcloud url=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4576513-7-5-18-US-v-California-Opinion-PI\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Scott Shafer, Alex Emslie and Guy Marzorati of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge in Sacramento rejected a request by the Trump administration to block two California laws that protect immigrants in the country illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\u003cspan style=\"font-size: x-large\">\u003cstrong>'[T]his Court joins the ever-growing chorus of Federal Judges in urging our elected officials to set aside the partisan and polarizing politics dominating the current immigration debate. ... Our Nation deserves it. Our Constitution demands it.'\u003c/strong>\u003c/span>\u003ccite>John Mendez,\u003cbr>\nU.S. District Court judge\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But U.S. District Judge John Mendez put part of a third California sanctuary law on hold in his ruling Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez refused to block a law requiring the state to review detention facilities where immigrants are held and another that prevents local law enforcement from providing release dates and personal information on jail inmates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said California could not enforce part of a third law that prohibits employers from allowing immigration officials on their premises unless the officials have a warrant. The judge left in place the provision of AB 450 that requires employee notification of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654234/a-g-sessions-to-make-major-announcement-on-sanctuary-policies-in-sacramento\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued the state\u003c/a> in March as part of a broader effort to crack down on sanctuary jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit argued that the U.S. Constitution gives the federal government pre-eminent power to regulate immigration, and California can't obstruct immigration enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez wrote that the laws -- including \"\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11621200/governor-jerry-brown-signs-sanctuary-state-bill-setting-up-standoff-with-trump-adminstration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sanctuary state\u003c/a>\" law SB 54 and AB 103, which requires state inspections of immigrant detention facilities -- \"are permissible exercises of California's sovereign power.\" He wrote that AB 450's restrictions on private employers \"impermissibly infringed on the sovereignty of the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials say their policies promote trust between immigrant communities and law enforcement. The administration says the state is allowing dangerous criminals to stay on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignleft\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668754/trump-gathers-like-minded-california-leaders-rails-against-sanctuary-policies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Trump Gathers Like-Minded California Leaders, Rails Against 'Sanctuary' Policies\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11668754/trump-gathers-like-minded-california-leaders-rails-against-sanctuary-policies\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TrumpWHMeetingCA-1180x773.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"California is under no obligation to assist Trump to tear apart families,\" SB 54 author Sen. Kevin de León, D-Los Angeles, said after the ruling. \"We cannot stop his mean-spirited immigration policies, but we do not have to lift a single finger or spend a single cent to be a cog in the Trump deportation machine.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they passed SB 54, AB 103, and AB 450, California’s political leadership clearly intended to obstruct federal immigration authorities in their state,\" U.S. Department of Justice spokesman Devin O'Malley said in a written statement, which called the injunction related to employers a \"major victory.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While we are disappointed that California’s other laws designed to protect criminal aliens were not yet halted, the Justice Department will continue to seek out and fight unjust policies that threaten public safety,\" O'Malley's statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California said in court documents that the administration was trying to assume powers that have long been understood to belong to states and could not show that California's policies were causing harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco and author of the employer-related law AB 450, called Thursday's ruling \"a rebuke to the racist immigration policies of President Trump and U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"While I’m disappointed that portions of the law were put on hold, nothing stops employers who care about their immigrant employees from voluntarily asking ICE agents for judicial warrants,\" Chiu said in a written statement. \"It is up to all of us, in our individual ways, to resist the war on immigrants in the United States.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654355/gov-brown-calls-sessions-lawsuit-part-of-a-reign-of-terror\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Gov. Brown Calls Sessions Lawsuit Part of a 'Reign of Terror'\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654355/gov-brown-calls-sessions-lawsuit-part-of-a-reign-of-terror\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/sessions-20180307-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mendez said during a hearing in June that he wasn't convinced California intended to interfere with federal immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three laws, two of which went into effect in January, follow President Trump's promises to ramp up deportations. The administration has tried to restrict funding to sanctuary jurisdictions if they refuse to help federal agents detain and deport immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, which this year became the second \"sanctuary state,\" has resisted that move. It has filed more than 50 lawsuits against the Trump administration, mostly over immigration and environmental decisions, and notched some significant court victories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state asked Mendez to dismiss the Trump administration's lawsuit, which Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown has described as akin to \"going to war.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendez concluded his opinion with a plea for legislative action on U.S. immigration policy, noting that an ultimate solution \"cannot and will not come from piecemeal opinions issued by the judicial branch.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Accordingly, this Court joins the ever-growing chorus of Federal Judges in urging our elected officials to set aside the partisan and polarizing politics dominating the current immigration debate and work in a cooperative and bi-partisan fashion toward drafting and passing legislation that addresses this critical political issue,\" Mendez wrote. \"Our Nation deserves it. Our Constitution demands it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday's ruling was the judge's answer to a request for a preliminary injunction, and Mendez largely rejected the attempt to strike down California's laws at this stage of the litigation. The Trump administration's challenges to the laws will continue as the case proceeds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4576513-7-5-18-US-v-California-Opinion-PI.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">ruling here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Scott Shafer, Alex Emslie and Guy Marzorati of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This post contains reporting from the Associated Press.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Workers in Central Coast Pesticide Drift Tied to Dole, Driscoll's Were Sick for Days",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of raspberry pickers, sickened by several chemicals that drifted onto the Watsonville field where they were working close to a year ago, felt sick for longer than previously known, according to newly revealed investigative findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Santa Cruz County Agricultural Commissioner Juan Hidalgo announced that he issued his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11675165/santa-cruz-county-penalizes-firms-in-pesticide-incident-that-sickened-15-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">largest fine ever\u003c/a>, penalizing several companies tied to a pesticide drift near State Route 152 that made 15 agricultural employees sick the morning of June 29, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the workers were hospitalized and the case gained \u003ca href=\"http://www.kion546.com/news/watsonville-field-workers-sent-to-hospital-for-pesticide-exposure/568231005\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">attention from the news media\u003c/a>. That included KQED, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11598859/driscolls-tied-to-central-coast-chemical-incident-that-sickened-farmworkers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">revealed\u003c/a> that the firms under investigation at the time were tied to two of the biggest names in produce: the Dole Food Company and Driscoll’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates pointed to the episode, along with several other pesticide cases that sickened more than 150 agricultural employees in Central California last year, as reason for the state Legislature to increase penalties for pesticide violations, an attempt that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652279/assembly-rejection-of-pesticide-bill-came-after-farm-industry-campaign-donations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failed in the Assembly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent of the workers’ illnesses and the symptoms they experienced, some close to a week after the episode, are portrayed in more detail in the commissioner’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1PaA6UVrQemIlnOluGT8oGVw5ducIL0P7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">full investigative findings\u003c/a> that include interviews with the affected employees — some of which took place at the Watsonville Community Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw the mist drifting toward us and there was a bad odor in the air. After about five or ten minutes I experienced stomach ache, vomiting and a bad taste in my mouth,” one unidentified worker told investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have had headaches since the exposure and missed a couple days of work,” the employee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chemicals also got the group’s foreman sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immediately after the pesticide application started I experienced stomach ache, nausea, throat irritation and was vomiting,” the foreman told the commissioner’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other workers said the chemicals irritated their eyes and hands, made their breathing difficult and gave them a fever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still feel a little weak and sore, like when you have a flu,” one employee said on July 3, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was feeling sick until July 4,” another worker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts and farmworker advocates who have reviewed the commissioner’s findings for KQED say it’s not rare for agricultural employees exposed to dangerous pesticides to experience symptoms long afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are nasty chemicals and the problems that result from them can last not just days, weeks and months,” said Mark Weller, co-director of the Berkeley-based Californians for Pesticide Reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of our greater concerns is that there are chronic and sometimes permanent problems that come from exposures to these pesticides,” Weller said in interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been cases of agricultural workers who have sustained more extreme symptoms — and for a longer time — than those in last year’s Watsonville case, according to Paul Blanc, a UC San Francisco professor of medicine specializing in occupational diseases, health and the environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a myriad of pesticides, agricultural chemicals that have effects that can certainly last more than one day,” Blanc said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers who got sick were employed by FMG Farm Contractor, a company tied to Dole Food. They were working on a field owned by Coastal Berry North, another company linked to Dole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FMG could not be reached. A Dole representative did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agricultural commissioner’s office is fining FMG $1,250 for failing to seek prompt medical attention for employees exposed to the pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company that received the largest set of fines, $56,000 in total, is Los Amigos Harvesting. The agricultural commissioner said the firm sprayed pesticides without a license and did not follow instructions associated with the chemicals used, among other violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Amigos, which is appealing the fines, was employed by Garrett Farms, which does work for berry distributor Driscoll’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Amigos Harvesting maintains that it followed all pesticide laws and disputes the commissioner’s findings\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driscoll’s has maintained that it’s committed to preventing a similar incident with one of its independent growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four agricultural chemicals that sickened them were the pesticides Pristine Fungicide, Rally 40WSP, DiPel DF and Widespread Max, which is a substance designed to improve pesticide coverage and penetration.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of raspberry pickers, sickened by several chemicals that drifted onto the Watsonville field where they were working close to a year ago, felt sick for longer than previously known, according to newly revealed investigative findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Santa Cruz County Agricultural Commissioner Juan Hidalgo announced that he issued his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11675165/santa-cruz-county-penalizes-firms-in-pesticide-incident-that-sickened-15-workers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">largest fine ever\u003c/a>, penalizing several companies tied to a pesticide drift near State Route 152 that made 15 agricultural employees sick the morning of June 29, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the workers were hospitalized and the case gained \u003ca href=\"http://www.kion546.com/news/watsonville-field-workers-sent-to-hospital-for-pesticide-exposure/568231005\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">attention from the news media\u003c/a>. That included KQED, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11598859/driscolls-tied-to-central-coast-chemical-incident-that-sickened-farmworkers\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">revealed\u003c/a> that the firms under investigation at the time were tied to two of the biggest names in produce: the Dole Food Company and Driscoll’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farmworker advocates pointed to the episode, along with several other pesticide cases that sickened more than 150 agricultural employees in Central California last year, as reason for the state Legislature to increase penalties for pesticide violations, an attempt that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652279/assembly-rejection-of-pesticide-bill-came-after-farm-industry-campaign-donations\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">failed in the Assembly\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The extent of the workers’ illnesses and the symptoms they experienced, some close to a week after the episode, are portrayed in more detail in the commissioner’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/drive/folders/1PaA6UVrQemIlnOluGT8oGVw5ducIL0P7\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">full investigative findings\u003c/a> that include interviews with the affected employees — some of which took place at the Watsonville Community Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I saw the mist drifting toward us and there was a bad odor in the air. After about five or ten minutes I experienced stomach ache, vomiting and a bad taste in my mouth,” one unidentified worker told investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have had headaches since the exposure and missed a couple days of work,” the employee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chemicals also got the group’s foreman sick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immediately after the pesticide application started I experienced stomach ache, nausea, throat irritation and was vomiting,” the foreman told the commissioner’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other workers said the chemicals irritated their eyes and hands, made their breathing difficult and gave them a fever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still feel a little weak and sore, like when you have a flu,” one employee said on July 3, 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was feeling sick until July 4,” another worker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts and farmworker advocates who have reviewed the commissioner’s findings for KQED say it’s not rare for agricultural employees exposed to dangerous pesticides to experience symptoms long afterward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are nasty chemicals and the problems that result from them can last not just days, weeks and months,” said Mark Weller, co-director of the Berkeley-based Californians for Pesticide Reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of our greater concerns is that there are chronic and sometimes permanent problems that come from exposures to these pesticides,” Weller said in interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There have been cases of agricultural workers who have sustained more extreme symptoms — and for a longer time — than those in last year’s Watsonville case, according to Paul Blanc, a UC San Francisco professor of medicine specializing in occupational diseases, health and the environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a myriad of pesticides, agricultural chemicals that have effects that can certainly last more than one day,” Blanc said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers who got sick were employed by FMG Farm Contractor, a company tied to Dole Food. They were working on a field owned by Coastal Berry North, another company linked to Dole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FMG could not be reached. A Dole representative did not return a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agricultural commissioner’s office is fining FMG $1,250 for failing to seek prompt medical attention for employees exposed to the pesticides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company that received the largest set of fines, $56,000 in total, is Los Amigos Harvesting. The agricultural commissioner said the firm sprayed pesticides without a license and did not follow instructions associated with the chemicals used, among other violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Amigos, which is appealing the fines, was employed by Garrett Farms, which does work for berry distributor Driscoll’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Amigos Harvesting maintains that it followed all pesticide laws and disputes the commissioner’s findings\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driscoll’s has maintained that it’s committed to preventing a similar incident with one of its independent growers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four agricultural chemicals that sickened them were the pesticides Pristine Fungicide, Rally 40WSP, DiPel DF and Widespread Max, which is a substance designed to improve pesticide coverage and penetration.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Roughly 1,000 people marched to the federal courthouse in San Diego on Monday, outraged by a spike in criminal prosecutions — mostly misdemeanor charges — against migrants for illegal entry into the U.S. The caseload increase resulted directly from the new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667065/sessions-says-zero-tolerance-policy-for-border-crossers-may-split-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">zero tolerance\u003c/a> policy of prosecuting all people who enter the U.S. without papers, announced by Attorney General Jeff Sessions in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a dozen protesters from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/jul/02/hundreds-protest-trump-immigration-policies-downto/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Free Our Future\u003c/a> rally entered the courtroom that typically handles such cases at the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California, but were quickly escorted out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, an estimated 800 to 1,000 protesters carrying signs with slogans like “Abolish ICE” marched from Barrio Logan, San Diego’s historic Latino neighborhood, to the federal jail, where misdemeanor defendants are held. They then marched on to the courthouse to block the entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates unfurled a banner on the nearby Westin Hotel with the words “FREE OUR FAMILIES NOW!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prosecutions of Migrants Clogging Southern District Court\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutions of first-time border crossers, including asylum-seekers, have already doubled in the Southern District since May and are expected to increase substantially in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief judge of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California plans to roll out “Operation Streamline,” a fast-track procedure criticized by some defense attorneys and advocates as quasi-judicial, to speed up the number of convictions by next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week ago the court handled 90 cases, mostly people facing misdemeanor charges for illegal entry, and stayed in session until 10:05 p.m. — a first for the San Diego court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Clinton Averitte was on the bench that night, and vowed not to stay that late again. The following day he stepped gingerly up the stairs to the dais, took his seat and instructed the courtroom of mostly attorneys to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Averitte came from Texas, where he just retired after 30 years on the bench, to help with the increase in cases here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I previously sat on Northern District of Texas,” Averitte told counsel gathered at the hearing. “I’m on recall for the Southern District of California to take some cases while some of the judges here are unavailable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New Cases Processed Daily\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the clerk called out the numbers of the cases to be heard, U.S. marshals escorted 11 men and one woman into the courtroom in ankle chains. Still wearing street clothes, their facial expressions were grim, and they appeared bleary-eyed. A court interpreter handed each one headsets to listen in Spanish to the court proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Marcus Bourassa brought up the ankle chains during a lull in the proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do want to object on behalf of all of my clients who were brought in today in leg shackles,” Bourassa said. “There’s been no individualized showing that these people present a risk of flight, and I do think they have a constitutional right to be unshackled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the judge denied the request because it would likely delay proceedings. Besides, he said, no one in the courtroom had seen the shackles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their feet and legs have not been visible to me or anyone else other than the marshals or anybody who wants to go look in the jury box,” Averitte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told defendants they were being charged with illegal entry, a misdemeanor punishable by up to six months in jail and a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants, nearly all young farmworkers with families, answered “si” or “yes” that they understood the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the hour the judge had charged 12 defendants, explained their rights, assigned them attorneys and set their bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States marshals escorted them out of the courtroom and prepared to bring in the next group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Alex Hall and Polly Stryker contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Roughly 1,000 people marched to the federal courthouse in San Diego on Monday, outraged by a spike in criminal prosecutions — mostly misdemeanor charges — against migrants for illegal entry into the U.S. The caseload increase resulted directly from the new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11667065/sessions-says-zero-tolerance-policy-for-border-crossers-may-split-families\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">zero tolerance\u003c/a> policy of prosecuting all people who enter the U.S. without papers, announced by Attorney General Jeff Sessions in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a dozen protesters from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/jul/02/hundreds-protest-trump-immigration-policies-downto/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Free Our Future\u003c/a> rally entered the courtroom that typically handles such cases at the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California, but were quickly escorted out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, an estimated 800 to 1,000 protesters carrying signs with slogans like “Abolish ICE” marched from Barrio Logan, San Diego’s historic Latino neighborhood, to the federal jail, where misdemeanor defendants are held. They then marched on to the courthouse to block the entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates unfurled a banner on the nearby Westin Hotel with the words “FREE OUR FAMILIES NOW!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prosecutions of Migrants Clogging Southern District Court\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutions of first-time border crossers, including asylum-seekers, have already doubled in the Southern District since May and are expected to increase substantially in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chief judge of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California plans to roll out “Operation Streamline,” a fast-track procedure criticized by some defense attorneys and advocates as quasi-judicial, to speed up the number of convictions by next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week ago the court handled 90 cases, mostly people facing misdemeanor charges for illegal entry, and stayed in session until 10:05 p.m. — a first for the San Diego court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Clinton Averitte was on the bench that night, and vowed not to stay that late again. The following day he stepped gingerly up the stairs to the dais, took his seat and instructed the courtroom of mostly attorneys to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Averitte came from Texas, where he just retired after 30 years on the bench, to help with the increase in cases here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I previously sat on Northern District of Texas,” Averitte told counsel gathered at the hearing. “I’m on recall for the Southern District of California to take some cases while some of the judges here are unavailable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>New Cases Processed Daily\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the clerk called out the numbers of the cases to be heard, U.S. marshals escorted 11 men and one woman into the courtroom in ankle chains. Still wearing street clothes, their facial expressions were grim, and they appeared bleary-eyed. A court interpreter handed each one headsets to listen in Spanish to the court proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense attorney Marcus Bourassa brought up the ankle chains during a lull in the proceedings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do want to object on behalf of all of my clients who were brought in today in leg shackles,” Bourassa said. “There’s been no individualized showing that these people present a risk of flight, and I do think they have a constitutional right to be unshackled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the judge denied the request because it would likely delay proceedings. Besides, he said, no one in the courtroom had seen the shackles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their feet and legs have not been visible to me or anyone else other than the marshals or anybody who wants to go look in the jury box,” Averitte said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told defendants they were being charged with illegal entry, a misdemeanor punishable by up to six months in jail and a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants, nearly all young farmworkers with families, answered “si” or “yes” that they understood the charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of the hour the judge had charged 12 defendants, explained their rights, assigned them attorneys and set their bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States marshals escorted them out of the courtroom and prepared to bring in the next group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Alex Hall and Polly Stryker contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Special Interests Win as Lawmakers Cut Deals to Pull Initiatives Off Your Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cp>In a frenzy of Capitol wheeling and dealing last week, California legislators worked to pass new laws that will shorten your November ballot—by placating moneyed industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An optimist might cheer the fact that lawmakers were doing their jobs instead of punting to the voters to decide complicated policy questions via a slew of initiatives. Others might label it legal extortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you call it, in one day on Thursday, proponents of three initiatives abruptly pulled their measures off the ballot. Gov. Jerry Brown signed two hastily written laws, and legislators promised to keep negotiating toward a deal to enact a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The soda industry won a new law that places a 13-year ban on new soda taxes—a concession it extracted after qualifying a ballot initiative that would have raised the threshold for passing all local taxes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Tech companies breathed a sigh of relief with passage of a new law that expands some internet privacy safeguards but allows them to keep lobbying to change it—because they feared voters would approve a qualified ballot initiative that would have gone further, and been harder to undo in the future.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Lead paint companies, accepting a promise from legislative leaders to continue negotiations, withdrew their initiative designed to get them out of hundreds of millions of dollars in liability that courts have slapped on them for knowingly selling a toxic product.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It was an unusual burst of activity, not only because so much happened so quickly, but also because lawmakers resolved issues they had previously shown little inclination to tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it went down only because outside interests—corporate giants and wealthy individuals, many of whom are campaign donors—used the threat of a ballot initiative to pressure lawmakers: Cut a deal you don’t like now, or face something you like even less on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maneuvering in advance of last Thursday’s deadline to decide what goes on the November ballot was triggered by changes to the law that give initiative proponents more time to yank their measures off the ballot. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ballot-of-the-bulge-why-a-new-law-isnt-shrinking-the-ballot-much-yet/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reforms,\u003c/a> enacted four years ago but just beginning to be used in earnest, were intended to eliminate some costly ballot box fights and shift complex policy negotiations to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, in some ways, was accomplished. But the outcome last week reveals that the new process allows anyone with enough money to qualify a measure for the ballot to use the threat of direct democracy as leverage to pressure the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s “another example of how special interests hijack our political system,” Democratic state Sen. Ricardo Lara decried on the Senate floor as he prepared to vote for the ban on soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Jim Wood of Healdsburg called it “extortion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Ban on Soda Taxes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677975/california-bows-to-beverage-industry-blocks-soda-taxes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Bows to Beverage Industry, Blocks Soda Taxes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators hadn’t considered bills to prohibit cities from passing new soda taxes until the soda industry spent nearly $6 million to put a measure on the ballot that would have made it harder for cities to pass all kinds of tax increases. The measure, supported by a coalition of business groups, would have required any new tax increases be approved by two-thirds of voters, instead of a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities—and their unionized workers—hated it, since many tax increases are used to pay for police, firefighters and other local services. So the unions and soda companies began negotiating, ultimately crafting \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article213765429.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a deal\u003c/a> that became public just four days before it was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise Brown signed bans local governments from passing taxes on soda and other groceries until 2031, but maintains the lower simple-majority threshold for voters to approve new taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans called it a “backroom deal” to diminish local control and many voted against it. Public health advocates blasted it for different reasons, saying the ban removed their ability to reduce the health impacts of soda by taxing it, prompting several Democrats to vote against it, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Privacy Initiative\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11676475/compromise-may-keep-privacy-initiative-off-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Compromise May Keep Privacy Initiative Off November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Dynamics with the internet privacy measure were a little different. Legislators had considered a privacy bill last year but ultimately killed it under pressure from the tech lobby. Then this year a San Francisco real estate developer poured $3 million into putting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/facebook-even-as-it-apologizes-for-scandal-funds-campaign-to-block-a-california-data-privacy-measure/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a similar measure\u003c/a> on the ballot after he became outraged by how much data companies collect as people move through the web. Tech companies put $1 million into fighting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, legislators began negotiating with the initiative proponent, Alastair Mactaggart. They agreed on a bill that achieved many of the same aims as his ballot measure—allowing Californians to find out what information is collected about them and where the information is sold, and opt out of having their data sold—but gives people fewer opportunities to sue when companies don’t follow the law. The bill also allows companies to charge users more, within certain limits, if they opt out of having their data sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech companies still don’t like it, but their lobbyists said they would prefer the bill over the ballot measure. Laws passed in the Legislature can be changed more easily than laws passed by voters, and lawmakers agreed to delay implementation of the privacy law for a year so it can be changed. That means tech lobbyists are likely to push hard next year to alter it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union said it will also push for changes, but likely in the other direction—for more privacy protections. Nonetheless, the bill earned bipartisan support, with many lawmakers praising Mactaggart for pressuring them to take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that privacy is an important issue, and yet we chose to ignore it because of the controversy involved,” said Republican Sen. Joel Anderson of Alpine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said the initiative process “is not perfect or ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But,” he added, “it can spur the Legislature to act on issues that challenge us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lead paint deal was the biggest surprise of the three. Paint companies put $6 million into a campaign \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lead-paint-makers-balk-at-huge-bill-for-toxic-cleanup-instead-they-want-you-to-pick-up-the-tab/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">for a ballot measure\u003c/a> to eliminate their liability for cleaning up deteriorating paint in old houses—shifting it to taxpayers instead. In recent months, lawmakers excoriated the companies in public hearings, called the initiative a cynical ploy and crafted bills to hold the paint manufacturers liable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers agreed to set those bills aside in exchange for the paint companies dropping their initiative. Legislative leaders announced late Thursday that the parties “have agreed to work collaboratively” and the companies promptly yanked their ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the 12 Statewide Ballot Measures\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677374/here-are-the-12-statewide-measures-on-californias-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Here Are the 12 Statewide Measures on California's November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Voters will still face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-ballot-measures-2018-election/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a dozen ballot measures\u003c/a> in November: Should we cap prices at dialysis clinics? Repeal limits on rent control? Carve California into three states? Give chickens and other farm animals more room to roam?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the news that three fights moved off the ballot and into the Capitol marked success for those who backed the law to change the initiative system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Initiatives are a very important outlet but they are not the product of compromise—they are written by one side or the other,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who wrote the law changing the initiative process when he was the leader of the state senate. “The legislative process requires compromise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters reporter Robbie Short contributed to this report. CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a frenzy of Capitol wheeling and dealing last week, California legislators worked to pass new laws that will shorten your November ballot—by placating moneyed industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An optimist might cheer the fact that lawmakers were doing their jobs instead of punting to the voters to decide complicated policy questions via a slew of initiatives. Others might label it legal extortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you call it, in one day on Thursday, proponents of three initiatives abruptly pulled their measures off the ballot. Gov. Jerry Brown signed two hastily written laws, and legislators promised to keep negotiating toward a deal to enact a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The soda industry won a new law that places a 13-year ban on new soda taxes—a concession it extracted after qualifying a ballot initiative that would have raised the threshold for passing all local taxes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Tech companies breathed a sigh of relief with passage of a new law that expands some internet privacy safeguards but allows them to keep lobbying to change it—because they feared voters would approve a qualified ballot initiative that would have gone further, and been harder to undo in the future.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Lead paint companies, accepting a promise from legislative leaders to continue negotiations, withdrew their initiative designed to get them out of hundreds of millions of dollars in liability that courts have slapped on them for knowingly selling a toxic product.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It was an unusual burst of activity, not only because so much happened so quickly, but also because lawmakers resolved issues they had previously shown little inclination to tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it went down only because outside interests—corporate giants and wealthy individuals, many of whom are campaign donors—used the threat of a ballot initiative to pressure lawmakers: Cut a deal you don’t like now, or face something you like even less on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maneuvering in advance of last Thursday’s deadline to decide what goes on the November ballot was triggered by changes to the law that give initiative proponents more time to yank their measures off the ballot. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ballot-of-the-bulge-why-a-new-law-isnt-shrinking-the-ballot-much-yet/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reforms,\u003c/a> enacted four years ago but just beginning to be used in earnest, were intended to eliminate some costly ballot box fights and shift complex policy negotiations to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, in some ways, was accomplished. But the outcome last week reveals that the new process allows anyone with enough money to qualify a measure for the ballot to use the threat of direct democracy as leverage to pressure the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s “another example of how special interests hijack our political system,” Democratic state Sen. Ricardo Lara decried on the Senate floor as he prepared to vote for the ban on soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Jim Wood of Healdsburg called it “extortion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Ban on Soda Taxes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677975/california-bows-to-beverage-industry-blocks-soda-taxes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Bows to Beverage Industry, Blocks Soda Taxes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators hadn’t considered bills to prohibit cities from passing new soda taxes until the soda industry spent nearly $6 million to put a measure on the ballot that would have made it harder for cities to pass all kinds of tax increases. The measure, supported by a coalition of business groups, would have required any new tax increases be approved by two-thirds of voters, instead of a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities—and their unionized workers—hated it, since many tax increases are used to pay for police, firefighters and other local services. So the unions and soda companies began negotiating, ultimately crafting \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article213765429.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a deal\u003c/a> that became public just four days before it was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise Brown signed bans local governments from passing taxes on soda and other groceries until 2031, but maintains the lower simple-majority threshold for voters to approve new taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans called it a “backroom deal” to diminish local control and many voted against it. Public health advocates blasted it for different reasons, saying the ban removed their ability to reduce the health impacts of soda by taxing it, prompting several Democrats to vote against it, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Privacy Initiative\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11676475/compromise-may-keep-privacy-initiative-off-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Compromise May Keep Privacy Initiative Off November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Dynamics with the internet privacy measure were a little different. Legislators had considered a privacy bill last year but ultimately killed it under pressure from the tech lobby. Then this year a San Francisco real estate developer poured $3 million into putting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/facebook-even-as-it-apologizes-for-scandal-funds-campaign-to-block-a-california-data-privacy-measure/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a similar measure\u003c/a> on the ballot after he became outraged by how much data companies collect as people move through the web. Tech companies put $1 million into fighting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, legislators began negotiating with the initiative proponent, Alastair Mactaggart. They agreed on a bill that achieved many of the same aims as his ballot measure—allowing Californians to find out what information is collected about them and where the information is sold, and opt out of having their data sold—but gives people fewer opportunities to sue when companies don’t follow the law. The bill also allows companies to charge users more, within certain limits, if they opt out of having their data sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech companies still don’t like it, but their lobbyists said they would prefer the bill over the ballot measure. Laws passed in the Legislature can be changed more easily than laws passed by voters, and lawmakers agreed to delay implementation of the privacy law for a year so it can be changed. That means tech lobbyists are likely to push hard next year to alter it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union said it will also push for changes, but likely in the other direction—for more privacy protections. Nonetheless, the bill earned bipartisan support, with many lawmakers praising Mactaggart for pressuring them to take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that privacy is an important issue, and yet we chose to ignore it because of the controversy involved,” said Republican Sen. Joel Anderson of Alpine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said the initiative process “is not perfect or ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But,” he added, “it can spur the Legislature to act on issues that challenge us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lead paint deal was the biggest surprise of the three. Paint companies put $6 million into a campaign \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lead-paint-makers-balk-at-huge-bill-for-toxic-cleanup-instead-they-want-you-to-pick-up-the-tab/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">for a ballot measure\u003c/a> to eliminate their liability for cleaning up deteriorating paint in old houses—shifting it to taxpayers instead. In recent months, lawmakers excoriated the companies in public hearings, called the initiative a cynical ploy and crafted bills to hold the paint manufacturers liable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers agreed to set those bills aside in exchange for the paint companies dropping their initiative. Legislative leaders announced late Thursday that the parties “have agreed to work collaboratively” and the companies promptly yanked their ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the 12 Statewide Ballot Measures\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677374/here-are-the-12-statewide-measures-on-californias-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Here Are the 12 Statewide Measures on California's November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Voters will still face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-ballot-measures-2018-election/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a dozen ballot measures\u003c/a> in November: Should we cap prices at dialysis clinics? Repeal limits on rent control? Carve California into three states? Give chickens and other farm animals more room to roam?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the news that three fights moved off the ballot and into the Capitol marked success for those who backed the law to change the initiative system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Initiatives are a very important outlet but they are not the product of compromise—they are written by one side or the other,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who wrote the law changing the initiative process when he was the leader of the state senate. “The legislative process requires compromise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters reporter Robbie Short contributed to this report. CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
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