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"content": "\u003cp>At a press conference in the flood-stricken Monterey County town of Pajaro on Wednesday, Gov. Gavin Newsom talked up a plan, paid for by the U.S. Department of Agriculture and managed by United Way, to provide financial aid to farmworkers affected by floods and recent winter storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a state in America, not one state, no other state that does more for farmworkers than the state of California,” Newsom said. “I want folks to know … it’s important to reinforce today, March 15th, the United Way was able to get $42 million from USDA, and they’re starting to send out $600 checks for farmworkers, regardless of their immigration status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was not referring to a new program for farmworkers who are in financial straits due to recent flooding and severe weather. Rather, as KAZU, KQED and The California Newsroom have learned, Newsom was referring to a $42 million farmworker grant managed by United Way that was announced in October of 2022, and has nothing to do with economic hardships due to recent storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943858\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11943858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in front of press microphones with various uniformed officials standing behind him and a river in the background, with the far banks of the river visible in the distance.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom holds a press conference near Pajaro flooding after he toured damaged areas in Pajaro of Monterey County, on March 15, 2023, as atmospheric river storms hit California. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The existing $42 million grant was created to provide “a one-time direct relief payment of $600 … to qualifying frontline farm, grocery, and meatpacking workers for expenses incurred due to the COVID-19 pandemic,” according to the USDA’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office confirmed the $42 million he referred to in the press conference was in fact from the Farm and Food Workers Relief Grant Program, which is funded under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/133/text\">Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether waivers would be granted to flood-stricken farmworkers who do not meet the pandemic hardship requirements, USDA spokesperson Marissa Perry reiterated that the FFWR program was specific to those suffering COVID-related economic hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference yesterday, Newsom also said money from the $42 million in aid would be available immediately. “Those dollars start going out today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Katy Castagna, president of United Way Monterey County, the application is not yet open in Monterey. And, of the $42 million, $300,000 has been allocated to Monterey County, which would amount to 500 cash cards worth $600 each.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11943590,news_11943316,news_11943713\"]In a Zoom meeting on Thursday, Castagna addressed questions about Newsom’s reference to FFWR funds being available to storm victims. The $42 million grant, she confirmed, “completely predated the current winter storm situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she acknowledged that there is likely significant overlap between flood-stricken farmworkers and those experiencing pandemic-related hardships. “The good news about this really is I think it’s a pretty broad qualification for COVID impact,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked for comment, a spokesperson for Newsom said, “The administration is also pursuing additional supports for individuals recovering from January storms who are ineligible for FEMA assistance due to immigration status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monterey County Supervisor Luis Alejo described the community of Pajaro as “mostly Latino, low-income farmworkers and immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly a week after the county issued evacuation notices due to the failing Pajaro levee, residents are still unable to return home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have a packed shelter full of Pajaro evacuees,” Alejo said.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Katy Castagna, president, United Way Monterey County\"]‘The good news about this really is I think it’s a pretty broad qualification for COVID impact.’[/pullquote]The displaced residents weren’t just forced out of their homes — they may be out of work, too: Tens of thousands of acres of farmland have been flooded in the Salinas and Pajaro valleys. Alejo says the fields will need to remain fallow for at least 60 days due to potential contamination from floodwaters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to take months to regrow harvests on these fields,” Alejo said. “So we also need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table and provide for their families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town of Pajaro has a population of under 3,000 and is mostly Hispanic, according to 2020 census figures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alejo described area residents as “people who are salt of the earth, but the people who have the most to lose here. They have so little but have lost so much,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes additional reporting by KQED’s Farida Jhabvala Romero.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At a press conference in the flood-stricken Monterey County town of Pajaro on Wednesday, Gov. Gavin Newsom talked up a plan, paid for by the U.S. Department of Agriculture and managed by United Way, to provide financial aid to farmworkers affected by floods and recent winter storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a state in America, not one state, no other state that does more for farmworkers than the state of California,” Newsom said. “I want folks to know … it’s important to reinforce today, March 15th, the United Way was able to get $42 million from USDA, and they’re starting to send out $600 checks for farmworkers, regardless of their immigration status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom was not referring to a new program for farmworkers who are in financial straits due to recent flooding and severe weather. Rather, as KAZU, KQED and The California Newsroom have learned, Newsom was referring to a $42 million farmworker grant managed by United Way that was announced in October of 2022, and has nothing to do with economic hardships due to recent storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943858\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11943858\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in front of press microphones with various uniformed officials standing behind him and a river in the background, with the far banks of the river visible in the distance.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248353374.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom holds a press conference near Pajaro flooding after he toured damaged areas in Pajaro of Monterey County, on March 15, 2023, as atmospheric river storms hit California. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The existing $42 million grant was created to provide “a one-time direct relief payment of $600 … to qualifying frontline farm, grocery, and meatpacking workers for expenses incurred due to the COVID-19 pandemic,” according to the USDA’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office confirmed the $42 million he referred to in the press conference was in fact from the Farm and Food Workers Relief Grant Program, which is funded under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-bill/133/text\">Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked whether waivers would be granted to flood-stricken farmworkers who do not meet the pandemic hardship requirements, USDA spokesperson Marissa Perry reiterated that the FFWR program was specific to those suffering COVID-related economic hardship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the press conference yesterday, Newsom also said money from the $42 million in aid would be available immediately. “Those dollars start going out today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Katy Castagna, president of United Way Monterey County, the application is not yet open in Monterey. And, of the $42 million, $300,000 has been allocated to Monterey County, which would amount to 500 cash cards worth $600 each.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two winters’ worth of snow has already fallen in the Sierra Nevada since Christmas, pulling California from the depths of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/01/california-drought-snow-rain/\">extreme drought\u003c/a> into one of its wettest winters in memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as a series of tropical storms slams the state, that bounty has become a flood risk as warm rains fall on the state’s record snowpack, causing rapid melting and jeopardizing Central Valley towns still soggy from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/01/california-floods-sacramento-valley/\">January’s deluges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expected surge of mountain runoff forced state officials on Wednesday to open the “floodgates” of Lake Oroville and other large reservoirs that store water for millions of Southern Californians and Central Valley farms. Releasing the water will make room for the storm’s water and melted snow, prevent the reservoirs from flooding local communities — and send more water downstream, into San Francisco Bay. The increased flows in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta could help \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/02/water-board-waives-environmental-rules-delta-water/\">endangered salmon\u003c/a> migrate to the ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what’s the downside? These same storms are prematurely melting a deep and valuable snowpack that ideally would last later into the spring and summer, when farmers and cities need water the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storms have created a tricky situation for officials who manage state and federal reservoirs in California, since they have to juggle the risk of flooding Central Valley communities with the risk of letting too much water go from reservoirs. They must strike a balance between holding enough water in storage, as long as they can, while maintaining room in reservoirs for more water later in the season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water management in California is complicated, and it’s made even more complex during these challenging climate conditions where we see swings between very, very dry, very, very wet, back to dry. We’re now back into wet,” said Karla Nemeth, director of the Department of Water Resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11938251 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS62026_GettyImages-1455813510-qut-800x533.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://water.weather.gov/ahps2/index.php?wfo=sto&fcst_timeframe=0¤t_color=all¤t_type=all&fcst_type=obs&conus_map=d_map¢er_point_lat=37.344684825174724¢er_point_lon=-121.66994459472116&default_zoom=8&marker=false\">Rivers in the San Joaquin Valley are forecast to flood today or Saturday.\u003c/a> Eleven locations are expected to reach flood stage, although no “danger stage” flooding is anticipated, according to Jeremy Arrich, deputy director of the Division of Flood Management with the Department of Water Resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make room for more water, state and federal officials who manage California’s major dams and reservoirs are releasing water. Some will flow into the ocean — which aggravates many water managers, Central Valley legislators and growers, who often say freshwater that reaches the bay or ocean is wasted. However, efforts are underway to divert much of the released water into \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2023/02/california-depleted-groundwater-storms/\">depleted groundwater storage basins\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Department of Water Resources \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/News/Blog/2023/Mar-23/Update-on-Lake-Oroville-Operations\">increased outflow of water from Oroville\u003c/a> from about 1,000 cubic feet per second to 3,500 cubic feet per second. By Friday, total releases could be as high as 15,000 cubic feet per second, according to Ted Craddock, deputy director of the State Water Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oroville is now more than 75% full, containing 2.7 million acre-feet of water — up from less than 1 million in the beginning of December. In spite of releases, the reservoir’s level will keep rising. Craddock said inflow in the next five days could hit 70,000 cubic feet per second. That’s about half a million gallons of water per second.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943221\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11943221 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01.jpg\" alt=\"Side-by-side satellite images of a green landscape, with green water in the middle. The lake is not round but rather L-shaped, with the largest area pooling at the fulcrum. Whereas the picture on the left shows an outline of brown shoreline, the picture on the right shows much more green water and a significantly smaller brown shoreline.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Satellite images show how January storms boosted water levels in parched Lake Oroville, one of the state’s largest reservoirs. State officials released water from the reservoir this week in anticipation of another major storm. \u003ccite>(NASA Earth Observatory)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2017 Oroville’s levels reached so high that the \u003ca href=\"https://damfailures.org/case-study/oroville-dam-california-2017/\">overflow water damaged its spillway\u003c/a>. An emergency spillway had to be used, eroding a hillside and triggering evacuation of about 200,000 people in nearby communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation announced a similar operational move for Millerton Lake, the reservoir behind Friant Dam on the San Joaquin River, which supplies water to growers throughout the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two-day rainfall totals will be “quite astounding” and “will lead to some really significant runoff,” said State Climatologist Michael Anderson. More storms are expected next week and later in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Ted Craddock, DWR Deputy Director for the State Water Project, being interviewed by \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RobMarciano?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@RobMarciano\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ABC?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@ABC\u003c/a> on releasing water from the main spillway at \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/OrovilleDam?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#OrovilleDam\u003c/a>. This is the second time the new spillway has been used – the first time was in April 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/iWNfYWPNkD\">pic.twitter.com/iWNfYWPNkD\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— CA – DWR (@CA_DWR) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CA_DWR/status/1634336843134291969?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">March 10, 2023\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-rain-on-snow\">Rain on snow\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today’s storm is creating what watershed scientists and weather watchers call a “rain on snow” event. Earlier this winter, freezing elevations hovered as low as 3,000 feet, meaning precipitation above that fell as snow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed, Anderson said. Freezing levels have risen to as high as 7,000 feet in the southern and central Sierra Nevada, where the bulk of the snowpack has accumulated. A \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/product.php?site=HNX&issuedby=HNX&product=AFD&format=CI&version=1&glossary=1\">National Weather Service forecast\u003c/a> shows freezing elevations even higher, at 9,000 feet, and warned that “snow will melt easily below 5,000 feet,” since it is already approaching the melting point of 32 degrees Fahrenheit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials say the premature snowmelt from this storm likely won’t have much effect on supplies this spring and summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This winter, there has been an accumulation of snow at lower to mid-level elevations, which will experience melt during this storm and will generate runoff into foothill and valley communities,” said David Rizzardo, manager of the state water agency’s hydrology section.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"John Abatzoglou, climatology professor, UC Merced\"]‘As you add liquid to the snowpack, it gets denser, it gets warm, and it gets more apt to melt when the next storm comes.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“However, at higher elevations, where the vast majority of the snowpack is, we will not experience significant melt. Even with higher snow levels above 8,000 feet in these storms, we still anticipate seeing additional snow accumulation at the higher elevations that will add to our snowpack totals, especially in the southern Sierra.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://snri.ucmerced.edu/content/john-abatzoglou\">John Abatzoglou\u003c/a>, a UC Merced professor of climatology, said deep, soft snow has the physical capacity to absorb a great deal of rain. The snow may even freeze the rain, rather than vice versa, effectively increasing the snowpack volume, at least for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As you add liquid to the snowpack, it gets denser, it gets warm, and it gets more apt to melt when the next storm comes,” he said, noting that more atmospheric river events are coming next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-water-dashboard.netlify.app/graphics/reservoir?initialWidth=780&childId=pym_water-dashboard__reservoirs&parentTitle=California%20storms%20create%20paradox%3A%20Too%20much%20water%20in%20reservoirs%2C%20too%20soon%20%E2%80%93%20CalMatters%20Network&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.network%2F2023%2F03%2F10%2Fcalifornia-storms-create-paradox-too-much-water-in-reservoirs-too-soon%2F\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"no\" marginheight=\"0\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"1815px\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-diverting-underground\">Diverting underground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the latest storms flood river valleys, state regulators have taken action to capture as much stormwater as possible before it flows into the ocean and use it to recharge groundwater basins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the State Water Resources Control Board approved a petition from the Bureau of Reclamation to divert 600,000 acre-feet of San Joaquin Valley floodwater into wildlife refuges and groundwater recharge basins. Diversions can begin on March 15 and continue until July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the time it takes for water to reach the downstream point of diversion at Mendota Dam, the approval period will allow for floodwater capture following storms expected this weekend,” the water board explained in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action is intended in part to help meet Gov. Gavin Newsom’s goal of increasing groundwater storage by over 500,000 acre-feet per year, spelled out in his \u003ca href=\"https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=4tNED-2FM8iDZJQyQ53jATUeFsJD-2BoNEazZLyS0q-2BLWbLNOkUwYXgySahIh8SvNkxRwYMcuvIF8rKx36Gm8usE4cgDcBiShsumKP8Y7U3Re3FoWLcUkMt3qrZiwsUJ6E-2F3LU3cJs0m-2BKP-2FN0RkB5lXWw2gapBT1xcesTG0IPzxrUw-3DSvM9_vzgePtGfZsjUSCqY3X2eA3AGhj2Z3O8hftAJhWEG-2ByM0ahjx1CjKR23n2kejrgw6RrcdCWIviKIMxeUXC3Lp7sO-2BAURivYMUFU2R3JEGckshHNKgZ1PFbbLFMnLV0YUyU-2FTUzFUTIj-2B-2FlxNp6bKp-2BLFP1LXjVNCub7mPWvccLOGJB5G5LBSdew9YNmFZIzFfkKWWiM5hKPxml4ulyByj2TPq3hiMPYh8YGRsQaPv1L720RQlv9GsUk3fC6-2BVO5aVKmoO7wM6NXiu8-2FP9RUcNd5heyRonv8BUvwdWovWNE8Pk0Q-2FKqECvMRRKzSGlDOAZwqogl55U9Ry4AFkjb0Je7ZgfeBuf9bjP-2FTiA-2BCLfqTE-3D\">Water Supply Strategy (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>released last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental groups protested the water board’s action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Reis, hydrologist with The Bay Institute, said it will allow the bureau to divert all of the San Joaquin River except for 300 cubic feet per second — what he calls “a very, very small” amount of water. Floodwaters, he said, are important for ecosystem function and survival of fish, including threatened spring-run Chinook salmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He compared floodwaters in a river to a person’s increased pulse when they exercise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t get your heart rate up when you exercise, you don’t get the health benefits,” he said. “Same thing for a river. You’ve got to get the flows up, and the 300 cubic feet per second is certainly not adequate for a river like the San Joaquin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As storms melt snowpack, water managers have released supply to prevent reservoirs from overflowing and flooding Central Valley towns, which sends excess water into the ocean. The warm rains melt snow that ideally would last into spring and help with water deliveries.",
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"title": "California's Historic Storms Are Refilling Reservoirs Faster Than They Can Handle | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two winters’ worth of snow has already fallen in the Sierra Nevada since Christmas, pulling California from the depths of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/01/california-drought-snow-rain/\">extreme drought\u003c/a> into one of its wettest winters in memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as a series of tropical storms slams the state, that bounty has become a flood risk as warm rains fall on the state’s record snowpack, causing rapid melting and jeopardizing Central Valley towns still soggy from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/01/california-floods-sacramento-valley/\">January’s deluges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expected surge of mountain runoff forced state officials on Wednesday to open the “floodgates” of Lake Oroville and other large reservoirs that store water for millions of Southern Californians and Central Valley farms. Releasing the water will make room for the storm’s water and melted snow, prevent the reservoirs from flooding local communities — and send more water downstream, into San Francisco Bay. The increased flows in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta could help \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/02/water-board-waives-environmental-rules-delta-water/\">endangered salmon\u003c/a> migrate to the ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what’s the downside? These same storms are prematurely melting a deep and valuable snowpack that ideally would last later into the spring and summer, when farmers and cities need water the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storms have created a tricky situation for officials who manage state and federal reservoirs in California, since they have to juggle the risk of flooding Central Valley communities with the risk of letting too much water go from reservoirs. They must strike a balance between holding enough water in storage, as long as they can, while maintaining room in reservoirs for more water later in the season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water management in California is complicated, and it’s made even more complex during these challenging climate conditions where we see swings between very, very dry, very, very wet, back to dry. We’re now back into wet,” said Karla Nemeth, director of the Department of Water Resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://water.weather.gov/ahps2/index.php?wfo=sto&fcst_timeframe=0¤t_color=all¤t_type=all&fcst_type=obs&conus_map=d_map¢er_point_lat=37.344684825174724¢er_point_lon=-121.66994459472116&default_zoom=8&marker=false\">Rivers in the San Joaquin Valley are forecast to flood today or Saturday.\u003c/a> Eleven locations are expected to reach flood stage, although no “danger stage” flooding is anticipated, according to Jeremy Arrich, deputy director of the Division of Flood Management with the Department of Water Resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make room for more water, state and federal officials who manage California’s major dams and reservoirs are releasing water. Some will flow into the ocean — which aggravates many water managers, Central Valley legislators and growers, who often say freshwater that reaches the bay or ocean is wasted. However, efforts are underway to divert much of the released water into \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/water/2023/02/california-depleted-groundwater-storms/\">depleted groundwater storage basins\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the Department of Water Resources \u003ca href=\"https://water.ca.gov/News/Blog/2023/Mar-23/Update-on-Lake-Oroville-Operations\">increased outflow of water from Oroville\u003c/a> from about 1,000 cubic feet per second to 3,500 cubic feet per second. By Friday, total releases could be as high as 15,000 cubic feet per second, according to Ted Craddock, deputy director of the State Water Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oroville is now more than 75% full, containing 2.7 million acre-feet of water — up from less than 1 million in the beginning of December. In spite of releases, the reservoir’s level will keep rising. Craddock said inflow in the next five days could hit 70,000 cubic feet per second. That’s about half a million gallons of water per second.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943221\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11943221 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01.jpg\" alt=\"Side-by-side satellite images of a green landscape, with green water in the middle. The lake is not round but rather L-shaped, with the largest area pooling at the fulcrum. Whereas the picture on the left shows an outline of brown shoreline, the picture on the right shows much more green water and a significantly smaller brown shoreline.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersStormIngest01-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Satellite images show how January storms boosted water levels in parched Lake Oroville, one of the state’s largest reservoirs. State officials released water from the reservoir this week in anticipation of another major storm. \u003ccite>(NASA Earth Observatory)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2017 Oroville’s levels reached so high that the \u003ca href=\"https://damfailures.org/case-study/oroville-dam-california-2017/\">overflow water damaged its spillway\u003c/a>. An emergency spillway had to be used, eroding a hillside and triggering evacuation of about 200,000 people in nearby communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Bureau of Reclamation announced a similar operational move for Millerton Lake, the reservoir behind Friant Dam on the San Joaquin River, which supplies water to growers throughout the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two-day rainfall totals will be “quite astounding” and “will lead to some really significant runoff,” said State Climatologist Michael Anderson. More storms are expected next week and later in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n\u003cp lang=\"en\" dir=\"ltr\">Ted Craddock, DWR Deputy Director for the State Water Project, being interviewed by \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RobMarciano?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@RobMarciano\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/ABC?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">@ABC\u003c/a> on releasing water from the main spillway at \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/OrovilleDam?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">#OrovilleDam\u003c/a>. This is the second time the new spillway has been used – the first time was in April 2019. \u003ca href=\"https://t.co/iWNfYWPNkD\">pic.twitter.com/iWNfYWPNkD\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— CA – DWR (@CA_DWR) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/CA_DWR/status/1634336843134291969?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\">March 10, 2023\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-rain-on-snow\">Rain on snow\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Today’s storm is creating what watershed scientists and weather watchers call a “rain on snow” event. Earlier this winter, freezing elevations hovered as low as 3,000 feet, meaning precipitation above that fell as snow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has changed, Anderson said. Freezing levels have risen to as high as 7,000 feet in the southern and central Sierra Nevada, where the bulk of the snowpack has accumulated. A \u003ca href=\"https://forecast.weather.gov/product.php?site=HNX&issuedby=HNX&product=AFD&format=CI&version=1&glossary=1\">National Weather Service forecast\u003c/a> shows freezing elevations even higher, at 9,000 feet, and warned that “snow will melt easily below 5,000 feet,” since it is already approaching the melting point of 32 degrees Fahrenheit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials say the premature snowmelt from this storm likely won’t have much effect on supplies this spring and summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This winter, there has been an accumulation of snow at lower to mid-level elevations, which will experience melt during this storm and will generate runoff into foothill and valley communities,” said David Rizzardo, manager of the state water agency’s hydrology section.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘As you add liquid to the snowpack, it gets denser, it gets warm, and it gets more apt to melt when the next storm comes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“However, at higher elevations, where the vast majority of the snowpack is, we will not experience significant melt. Even with higher snow levels above 8,000 feet in these storms, we still anticipate seeing additional snow accumulation at the higher elevations that will add to our snowpack totals, especially in the southern Sierra.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://snri.ucmerced.edu/content/john-abatzoglou\">John Abatzoglou\u003c/a>, a UC Merced professor of climatology, said deep, soft snow has the physical capacity to absorb a great deal of rain. The snow may even freeze the rain, rather than vice versa, effectively increasing the snowpack volume, at least for a while.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As you add liquid to the snowpack, it gets denser, it gets warm, and it gets more apt to melt when the next storm comes,” he said, noting that more atmospheric river events are coming next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://calmatters-water-dashboard.netlify.app/graphics/reservoir?initialWidth=780&childId=pym_water-dashboard__reservoirs&parentTitle=California%20storms%20create%20paradox%3A%20Too%20much%20water%20in%20reservoirs%2C%20too%20soon%20%E2%80%93%20CalMatters%20Network&parentUrl=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.network%2F2023%2F03%2F10%2Fcalifornia-storms-create-paradox-too-much-water-in-reservoirs-too-soon%2F\" width=\"100%\" scrolling=\"no\" marginheight=\"0\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"1815px\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-diverting-underground\">Diverting underground\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While the latest storms flood river valleys, state regulators have taken action to capture as much stormwater as possible before it flows into the ocean and use it to recharge groundwater basins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the State Water Resources Control Board approved a petition from the Bureau of Reclamation to divert 600,000 acre-feet of San Joaquin Valley floodwater into wildlife refuges and groundwater recharge basins. Diversions can begin on March 15 and continue until July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the time it takes for water to reach the downstream point of diversion at Mendota Dam, the approval period will allow for floodwater capture following storms expected this weekend,” the water board explained in a news release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action is intended in part to help meet Gov. Gavin Newsom’s goal of increasing groundwater storage by over 500,000 acre-feet per year, spelled out in his \u003ca href=\"https://u7061146.ct.sendgrid.net/ls/click?upn=4tNED-2FM8iDZJQyQ53jATUeFsJD-2BoNEazZLyS0q-2BLWbLNOkUwYXgySahIh8SvNkxRwYMcuvIF8rKx36Gm8usE4cgDcBiShsumKP8Y7U3Re3FoWLcUkMt3qrZiwsUJ6E-2F3LU3cJs0m-2BKP-2FN0RkB5lXWw2gapBT1xcesTG0IPzxrUw-3DSvM9_vzgePtGfZsjUSCqY3X2eA3AGhj2Z3O8hftAJhWEG-2ByM0ahjx1CjKR23n2kejrgw6RrcdCWIviKIMxeUXC3Lp7sO-2BAURivYMUFU2R3JEGckshHNKgZ1PFbbLFMnLV0YUyU-2FTUzFUTIj-2B-2FlxNp6bKp-2BLFP1LXjVNCub7mPWvccLOGJB5G5LBSdew9YNmFZIzFfkKWWiM5hKPxml4ulyByj2TPq3hiMPYh8YGRsQaPv1L720RQlv9GsUk3fC6-2BVO5aVKmoO7wM6NXiu8-2FP9RUcNd5heyRonv8BUvwdWovWNE8Pk0Q-2FKqECvMRRKzSGlDOAZwqogl55U9Ry4AFkjb0Je7ZgfeBuf9bjP-2FTiA-2BCLfqTE-3D\">Water Supply Strategy (PDF)\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>released last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But environmental groups protested the water board’s action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Greg Reis, hydrologist with The Bay Institute, said it will allow the bureau to divert all of the San Joaquin River except for 300 cubic feet per second — what he calls “a very, very small” amount of water. Floodwaters, he said, are important for ecosystem function and survival of fish, including threatened spring-run Chinook salmon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He compared floodwaters in a river to a person’s increased pulse when they exercise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t get your heart rate up when you exercise, you don’t get the health benefits,” he said. “Same thing for a river. You’ve got to get the flows up, and the 300 cubic feet per second is certainly not adequate for a river like the San Joaquin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Post-Roe\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A move to stop selling abortion pills by Walgreens has led California to cut ties with the pharmaceutical giant. We check in with\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Katherine Tangalakis-Lippert, reporter for Insider, on the latest fight surrounding reproductive rights.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CalEPA Secretary Yana Garcia\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Plus, the California Environmental Protection Agency often leads policies that are ahead of the nation in the fight against climate change. We sit down with the newest Cal EPA secretary, Yana Garcia, to discuss what she plans to accomplish.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Chinese Culture Center of SF\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 1965, one year after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, the Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco was founded to combat racism and inequity. Fifty years later, the center is still elevating underserved communities, and it’s this week’s look at Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cb>Post-Roe\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A move to stop selling abortion pills by Walgreens has led California to cut ties with the pharmaceutical giant. We check in with\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Katherine Tangalakis-Lippert, reporter for Insider, on the latest fight surrounding reproductive rights.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>CalEPA Secretary Yana Garcia\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Plus, the California Environmental Protection Agency often leads policies that are ahead of the nation in the fight against climate change. We sit down with the newest Cal EPA secretary, Yana Garcia, to discuss what she plans to accomplish.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful: Chinese Culture Center of SF\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 1965, one year after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, the Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco was founded to combat racism and inequity. Fifty years later, the center is still elevating underserved communities, and it’s this week’s look at Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It all started with a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a breezy afternoon in September 2017, Chris Langer couldn’t find one that would accommodate his van and the ramp he uses for his wheelchair behind a San Diego lobster shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What transpired next has been the subject of arguments before two federal courts and opened a wide door to more federal disability lawsuits in California, home to more of these lawsuits in the last litigious decade than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four months after that fall day, Langer filed a disability access lawsuit in federal court against the lobster shop, a smoke shop in the same building and the building’s owners, Milan and Diana Kiser, claiming a violation of his rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langer has filed more than 2,000 claims like those over the past decade or so. For the last two years, his case against the Kisers was headed to defeat, with a federal judge ruling against him and questioning his motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last month, Langer prevailed before a three-judge panel on the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Attorneys who argue federal disability cases say that victory, which itself is being appealed, could open the floodgates to more federal disability rights lawsuits after a brief slowdown last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Langer wins the next round, attorneys who represent businesses sued in disability cases worry that the case would set a precedent for a broader claim of “standing” to sue among plaintiffs in California disabled access lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, these cases are settled — out of tens of thousands of federal disability rights lawsuits filed nationally, only a couple dozen have ever gone to trial, according to a review of federal appellate court decisions by Texas attorney Richard Hunt, who defends businesses sued for disability rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most other states, any awards won in federal disability rights cases can only be used to pay legal fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dennis Price, attorney for Chris Langer\"]‘What my clients are doing is basic code enforcement, and that’s what California law specifically encourages.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law allows for extra compensation that can benefit plaintiffs in those cases. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=CIV§ionNum=51\">Unruh Civil Rights Act\u003c/a> provides an additional award to plaintiffs themselves, which begins at a minimum of $4,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s a major reason why California has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.adatitleiii.com/2023/02/ada-title-iii-federal-lawsuits-numbers-are-down-but-likely-to-rebound-in-2023/\">more than 30,000 federal disability rights lawsuits\u003c/a> in the last decade, far outpacing the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langer declined to be interviewed, according to his attorney, who said people like Langer are forcing businesses to comply with a law they should already be following.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no three-letter agency that’s going around and enforcing these laws,” said Langer’s attorney, Dennis Price. “What my clients are doing is basic code enforcement, and that’s what California law specifically encourages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Americans with Disabilities Act is one of a few federal laws that operate by turning their enforcement over to the people, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/disability-rights-cases\">occasional interventions\u003c/a> by the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the courts, the academics who study this issue and the lawyers who argue the cases, there are three interpretations of the actions of Langer, who has acknowledged in court proceedings that he is a “serial litigator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one, serial litigants are warriors for disability access, literally opening doors for other people by identifying obstacles and suing to fix them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the second, they are simply pawns of avaricious law firms who have created a cottage industry out of disability rights lawsuits. According to filings in a tax case, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article269332397.html\">one serial litigant\u003c/a> in Sacramento accumulated more than $1 million in settlements in 2014 alone. The firm representing him kept more than half the money and he kept the rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"U.S. District Court Judge Roger Benitez\"]‘On the day he filed this lawsuit, he also filed six other lawsuits. Yet, [Langer] was unfamiliar with those suits as well as the businesses involved.’[/pullquote]The third perspective, and one evidently held by the original judge deciding Langer’s case, is the least generous, handed down when Langer attempted to exclude his history as a serial litigator from trial. Several times in his April 5, 2021, opinion, U.S. District Court Judge Robert Benitez questioned Langer’s credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court finds it doubtful that [Langer] would frequently travel to the property to purchase lobster, as he testified,” Benitez wrote. “This is bolstered by the fact [Langer] has filed previous lawsuits in which he admits he never intended to return to the premises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the day he filed this lawsuit, he also filed six other lawsuits. Yet, [Langer] was unfamiliar with those suits as well as the businesses involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942995\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11942995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short black hair and a baseball cap walks by a business with a blue accessibility sign displayed next to a ramp.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An accessibility sign at the entrance of a business in Chinatown, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2023. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Thousands of disability claims every year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Americans with Disabilities Act was signed into law in 1990, but the volume of lawsuits picked up in 2013, according to Seyfarth Shaw, the law firm that \u003ca href=\"https://www.adatitleiii.com/2023/02/ada-title-iii-federal-lawsuits-numbers-are-down-but-likely-to-rebound-in-2023/\">tracks federal disability lawsuits\u003c/a>. Since then, 33,100 claims were filed in federal courts in California. New York had 15,427, and Florida had 14,296 in the last decade. The next seven states barely topped 1,000 cases combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That initial ruling in the Langer case, coupled with high-profile moves by liberal district attorneys in San Francisco and Los Angeles against a firm known for representing serial filers, appeared to chill the number of disability claims filed against California businesses last year, according to data collected by Seyfarth Shaw. Last year, 2,519 cases were filed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the most publicized California cases, an attorney who used a wheelchair \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-exclusive-disabled-access-attorney-to-be-2012sep12-story.html\">filed 67 lawsuits against businesses\u003c/a> in 2005 in the tiny San Diego County mountain town of Julian, home of the Apple Days Festival, alleging that he could not access them. The attorney was later disbarred, in part because he pleaded no contest to filing federal disability lawsuits on behalf of a disabled client who had no idea the cases had been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But businesses in the town of Julian did indeed improve their disability access. In the words of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-julian-working-toward-more-access-for-disabled-2007jun11-story.html\">\u003cem>North County Times\u003c/em> story from 2007\u003c/a>: “wider doors, lower counters, repaved parking lots, more disabled parking and signs, signs, signs.”[aside postID=news_11934545 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/Featured-photo-horizontal-Alice-Wong-1020x574.png']The question in many of these cases comes down to the legal concept of “standing,” which asks whether the plaintiffs have actually suffered a consequence because of their disability, and whether they ever intended to return to the place where they encountered a problem. Benitez ruled that Langer did have standing, but his rights weren’t violated, in part because the parking spot in question wasn’t supposed to be publicly accessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On appeal — and this is the other big reason plaintiffs file so often in California — the standing claim was received much more warmly, as it has been in other disability cases filed in the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. “The attempted use of past litigation to prevent a litigant from pursuing a valid claim in federal court warrants our most careful scrutiny,” the court, known as one of the country’s most liberal federal appeals courts, had written in a 2008 opinion cited in the Langer appellate decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Langer’s arguments won over two judges on a three-judge panel. They reversed the Benitez decision and found that the lobster shop’s penchant for letting customers park in the tenant space made it, effectively, a public lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A business cannot offer parking to customers without disabilities while not offering that same benefit to customers with disabilities,” the two judges wrote. “That discrimination goes to the heart of the ADA.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kisers have asked for a rehearing before all nine appellate court judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A service for disabled Californians\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Serial filers are the targets of misdirected anger, said Evelyn Clark, a Washington, D.C., attorney who uses a wheelchair and authored \u003ca href=\"https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/walee26&div=22&id=&page=\">a much-cited paper\u003c/a> in law school on serial litigants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something that’s really small for you that just looks like, oh, it’s just one little step, could be a total barrier for someone like me trying to get in,” Clark said. “But nobody’s going to be 100% compliant with every tiny regulation under the ADA. So I can understand the frustration of business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ve heard people in California talk about how they go out in a wheelchair and it’s almost kind of a reverse discrimination, where people just assume you’re there to sue them,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the defense’s side, there’s another perception: that these lawsuits find the poorest store owners least able to defend themselves in a country where they may not speak the language or understand the legal system, with offers to settle that just so happen to be a little cheaper than mounting a defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Business owners on edge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Business owners with a direct interest in the Langer case are hoping the Kisers get a rehearing before the full appeals court. Late last month, they filed a friend-of-the-court brief arguing against the decision by the three-judge panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make no mistake, these ADA lawsuits are not about promoting the ideals of the ADA,” they wrote, “but rather, they are about the illegitimate transfer of wealth from historically marginalized communities and into the pockets of ADA plaintiff’s lawyers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a federal disability lawsuit that led Moji Saniefar, one of the authors of that brief, from white-collar securities litigation to defending businesses from federal disability rights lawsuits. Like an action movie sequel, this time it was personal: A serial litigant sued Saniefar’s father’s restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reza Saniefar was the owner of Zlfred’s, a well-loved Fresno cafe that closed during the coronavirus pandemic. An Iranian immigrant who fled the revolution in 1979, Reza Saniefar operated a small, family business. Locals evidently miss his restaurant enough to \u003ca href=\"http://whatmomscooking.com/2021/09/27/zlfreds/\">post and share copycat recipes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cafe was named Zlfred’s because its former name was shared with another restaurant, called Alfred’s. When the other Alfred’s sued, Saniefar said, the previous owner simply stuck a Z where the A was. Thus, Zlfred’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Saniefar family adopted the same defiant attitude when the restaurant was sued over disability access in 2014. Moji was their attorney. They won, and then went on the offensive, taking the law firm that represented the plaintiff to court, claiming they used fraud and deception to coerce small businesses into settling the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.abajournal.com/news/article/law-firms-settle-suit-accusing-them-of-civil-rico-conspiracy-to-collect-ada-settlements\">settled the case and shut down\u003c/a>, but it wasn’t the only firm that represents serial litigants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942993\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11942993\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01.jpg\" alt=\"A blue accessibility sign hangs in the window of a building's entrance next to a variety of colorful, stuffed animals on display.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An accessibility sign hangs at the entrance of a Chinatown business in San Francisco on Feb. 18, 2023. A recent court ruling could set a new precedent in regards to ADA violations in California. Yet, some believe these complaints are targeting immigrant communities. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A much larger one, called Potter Handy, was accused by the liberal district attorneys in Los Angeles and San Francisco counties of “bombarding California’s small businesses with abusive boilerplate lawsuits,” and instructing serial litigants to pretend to have encountered barriers at a business they never visited. They further accused Potter Handy of having its clients file fake disability claims that led to settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each year Potter Handy uses ADA/Unruh lawsuits to shake down hundreds or even thousands of small businesses to pay it cash settlements, regardless of whether the businesses actually violate the ADA,” wrote Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón and former San Francisco City and County District Attorney Chesa Boudin in an April 2022 state court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They said the lawsuits not only threaten small businesses, but also “unfairly taint the reputation of other innocent disabled consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potter Handy, which also does business as the Center for Disability Access, did not return calls seeking comment. Neither did Gascón. Boudin and Gascón wrote in their complaint that Potter Handy was particularly active in San Francisco’s Chinatown during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Multiple Chinatown businesses were sued for allegedly having inaccessible outdoor dining tables during the early months of 2021,” they wrote, but “those businesses were open for takeout only during that time and had no dining tables at all — indoor or outdoor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potter Handy responded in court that Boudin and Gascón were making the accusations for political reasons. San Francisco Superior Court Judge Curtis Karnow \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/bayarea/article/Da-s-Lawsuit-Against-Potter-Handy-Law-Firm-17408200.php\">dismissed the case\u003c/a>, and ruled that Potter Handy’s attorneys were covered by California’s “litigation privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-client-who-wanted-to-fight\">A client who wanted to fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Langer case, Moji Saniefar is representing a handful of Bay Area merchant associations, including the Chinatown Merchants United Association of San Francisco, who are panicked about the appellate court ruling in Langer’s favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Serial ADA plaintiff’s lawyers recognize that the justice gap makes [small businesses] far more likely to settle cases quickly and without prolonged litigation,” according to the Feb. 16 friend-of-the-court brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunt, the Texas attorney who defends businesses in disability rights cases, said it’s unusual for his clients to take a case to court, much less all the way up to federal appeals court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a particularly angry, rich, stubborn client to not settle the case,” Hunt said. “I’m looking for angry, rich, stubborn clients. I would love to have some, but so far, when I tell my clients that they can get out of it by settling it for cheaper than the cost of defense, then they’re like, you know, let’s just settle it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for the Kisers, whom Langer is suing, said the Legislature needs to step in. He agrees that his clients may fit Hunt’s description.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Kiser’s perspective is, hey, we did nothing wrong and we don’t think we should have to pay this guy,” said Sam Henein, a San Diego lawyer. “He says if the judge tells me I did something wrong, I guess then I have to pay, but I don’t think I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution, said Clark, the D.C. attorney, is to amend the ADA’s enforcement mechanism from its current iteration to a “notice and cure” standard, which would give businesses 60 or 90 days to fix the accessibility issue without money changing hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Chris Langer couldn't find a parking spot for his specialized van at a San Diego lobster shop. The lawsuit that followed is a test of how California upholds disability rights.",
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"title": "He's Filed Over 2,000 Disability Lawsuits in California. His Latest May Mean More Cases Nationwide | KQED",
"description": "Chris Langer couldn't find a parking spot for his specialized van at a San Diego lobster shop. The lawsuit that followed is a test of how California upholds disability rights.",
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"headline": "He's Filed Over 2,000 Disability Lawsuits in California. His Latest May Mean More Cases Nationwide",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It all started with a parking spot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a breezy afternoon in September 2017, Chris Langer couldn’t find one that would accommodate his van and the ramp he uses for his wheelchair behind a San Diego lobster shop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What transpired next has been the subject of arguments before two federal courts and opened a wide door to more federal disability lawsuits in California, home to more of these lawsuits in the last litigious decade than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four months after that fall day, Langer filed a disability access lawsuit in federal court against the lobster shop, a smoke shop in the same building and the building’s owners, Milan and Diana Kiser, claiming a violation of his rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langer has filed more than 2,000 claims like those over the past decade or so. For the last two years, his case against the Kisers was headed to defeat, with a federal judge ruling against him and questioning his motivation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last month, Langer prevailed before a three-judge panel on the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Attorneys who argue federal disability cases say that victory, which itself is being appealed, could open the floodgates to more federal disability rights lawsuits after a brief slowdown last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Langer wins the next round, attorneys who represent businesses sued in disability cases worry that the case would set a precedent for a broader claim of “standing” to sue among plaintiffs in California disabled access lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Typically, these cases are settled — out of tens of thousands of federal disability rights lawsuits filed nationally, only a couple dozen have ever gone to trial, according to a review of federal appellate court decisions by Texas attorney Richard Hunt, who defends businesses sued for disability rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In most other states, any awards won in federal disability rights cases can only be used to pay legal fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘What my clients are doing is basic code enforcement, and that’s what California law specifically encourages.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law allows for extra compensation that can benefit plaintiffs in those cases. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?lawCode=CIV§ionNum=51\">Unruh Civil Rights Act\u003c/a> provides an additional award to plaintiffs themselves, which begins at a minimum of $4,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s a major reason why California has had \u003ca href=\"https://www.adatitleiii.com/2023/02/ada-title-iii-federal-lawsuits-numbers-are-down-but-likely-to-rebound-in-2023/\">more than 30,000 federal disability rights lawsuits\u003c/a> in the last decade, far outpacing the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Langer declined to be interviewed, according to his attorney, who said people like Langer are forcing businesses to comply with a law they should already be following.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no three-letter agency that’s going around and enforcing these laws,” said Langer’s attorney, Dennis Price. “What my clients are doing is basic code enforcement, and that’s what California law specifically encourages.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Americans with Disabilities Act is one of a few federal laws that operate by turning their enforcement over to the people, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/disability-rights-cases\">occasional interventions\u003c/a> by the U.S. Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the courts, the academics who study this issue and the lawyers who argue the cases, there are three interpretations of the actions of Langer, who has acknowledged in court proceedings that he is a “serial litigator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one, serial litigants are warriors for disability access, literally opening doors for other people by identifying obstacles and suing to fix them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the second, they are simply pawns of avaricious law firms who have created a cottage industry out of disability rights lawsuits. According to filings in a tax case, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/local/article269332397.html\">one serial litigant\u003c/a> in Sacramento accumulated more than $1 million in settlements in 2014 alone. The firm representing him kept more than half the money and he kept the rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘On the day he filed this lawsuit, he also filed six other lawsuits. Yet, [Langer] was unfamiliar with those suits as well as the businesses involved.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The third perspective, and one evidently held by the original judge deciding Langer’s case, is the least generous, handed down when Langer attempted to exclude his history as a serial litigator from trial. Several times in his April 5, 2021, opinion, U.S. District Court Judge Robert Benitez questioned Langer’s credibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court finds it doubtful that [Langer] would frequently travel to the property to purchase lobster, as he testified,” Benitez wrote. “This is bolstered by the fact [Langer] has filed previous lawsuits in which he admits he never intended to return to the premises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On the day he filed this lawsuit, he also filed six other lawsuits. Yet, [Langer] was unfamiliar with those suits as well as the businesses involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942995\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11942995\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with short black hair and a baseball cap walks by a business with a blue accessibility sign displayed next to a ramp.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMattersIngest02.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An accessibility sign at the entrance of a business in Chinatown, San Francisco, on Feb. 18, 2023. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Thousands of disability claims every year\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Americans with Disabilities Act was signed into law in 1990, but the volume of lawsuits picked up in 2013, according to Seyfarth Shaw, the law firm that \u003ca href=\"https://www.adatitleiii.com/2023/02/ada-title-iii-federal-lawsuits-numbers-are-down-but-likely-to-rebound-in-2023/\">tracks federal disability lawsuits\u003c/a>. Since then, 33,100 claims were filed in federal courts in California. New York had 15,427, and Florida had 14,296 in the last decade. The next seven states barely topped 1,000 cases combined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That initial ruling in the Langer case, coupled with high-profile moves by liberal district attorneys in San Francisco and Los Angeles against a firm known for representing serial filers, appeared to chill the number of disability claims filed against California businesses last year, according to data collected by Seyfarth Shaw. Last year, 2,519 cases were filed in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the most publicized California cases, an attorney who used a wheelchair \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-exclusive-disabled-access-attorney-to-be-2012sep12-story.html\">filed 67 lawsuits against businesses\u003c/a> in 2005 in the tiny San Diego County mountain town of Julian, home of the Apple Days Festival, alleging that he could not access them. The attorney was later disbarred, in part because he pleaded no contest to filing federal disability lawsuits on behalf of a disabled client who had no idea the cases had been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But businesses in the town of Julian did indeed improve their disability access. In the words of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/sdut-julian-working-toward-more-access-for-disabled-2007jun11-story.html\">\u003cem>North County Times\u003c/em> story from 2007\u003c/a>: “wider doors, lower counters, repaved parking lots, more disabled parking and signs, signs, signs.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The question in many of these cases comes down to the legal concept of “standing,” which asks whether the plaintiffs have actually suffered a consequence because of their disability, and whether they ever intended to return to the place where they encountered a problem. Benitez ruled that Langer did have standing, but his rights weren’t violated, in part because the parking spot in question wasn’t supposed to be publicly accessible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On appeal — and this is the other big reason plaintiffs file so often in California — the standing claim was received much more warmly, as it has been in other disability cases filed in the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. “The attempted use of past litigation to prevent a litigant from pursuing a valid claim in federal court warrants our most careful scrutiny,” the court, known as one of the country’s most liberal federal appeals courts, had written in a 2008 opinion cited in the Langer appellate decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Langer’s arguments won over two judges on a three-judge panel. They reversed the Benitez decision and found that the lobster shop’s penchant for letting customers park in the tenant space made it, effectively, a public lot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A business cannot offer parking to customers without disabilities while not offering that same benefit to customers with disabilities,” the two judges wrote. “That discrimination goes to the heart of the ADA.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Kisers have asked for a rehearing before all nine appellate court judges.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A service for disabled Californians\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Serial filers are the targets of misdirected anger, said Evelyn Clark, a Washington, D.C., attorney who uses a wheelchair and authored \u003ca href=\"https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/walee26&div=22&id=&page=\">a much-cited paper\u003c/a> in law school on serial litigants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Something that’s really small for you that just looks like, oh, it’s just one little step, could be a total barrier for someone like me trying to get in,” Clark said. “But nobody’s going to be 100% compliant with every tiny regulation under the ADA. So I can understand the frustration of business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I’ve heard people in California talk about how they go out in a wheelchair and it’s almost kind of a reverse discrimination, where people just assume you’re there to sue them,” Clark said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the defense’s side, there’s another perception: that these lawsuits find the poorest store owners least able to defend themselves in a country where they may not speak the language or understand the legal system, with offers to settle that just so happen to be a little cheaper than mounting a defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Business owners on edge\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Business owners with a direct interest in the Langer case are hoping the Kisers get a rehearing before the full appeals court. Late last month, they filed a friend-of-the-court brief arguing against the decision by the three-judge panel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Make no mistake, these ADA lawsuits are not about promoting the ideals of the ADA,” they wrote, “but rather, they are about the illegitimate transfer of wealth from historically marginalized communities and into the pockets of ADA plaintiff’s lawyers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a federal disability lawsuit that led Moji Saniefar, one of the authors of that brief, from white-collar securities litigation to defending businesses from federal disability rights lawsuits. Like an action movie sequel, this time it was personal: A serial litigant sued Saniefar’s father’s restaurant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reza Saniefar was the owner of Zlfred’s, a well-loved Fresno cafe that closed during the coronavirus pandemic. An Iranian immigrant who fled the revolution in 1979, Reza Saniefar operated a small, family business. Locals evidently miss his restaurant enough to \u003ca href=\"http://whatmomscooking.com/2021/09/27/zlfreds/\">post and share copycat recipes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cafe was named Zlfred’s because its former name was shared with another restaurant, called Alfred’s. When the other Alfred’s sued, Saniefar said, the previous owner simply stuck a Z where the A was. Thus, Zlfred’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Saniefar family adopted the same defiant attitude when the restaurant was sued over disability access in 2014. Moji was their attorney. They won, and then went on the offensive, taking the law firm that represented the plaintiff to court, claiming they used fraud and deception to coerce small businesses into settling the cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm \u003ca href=\"https://www.abajournal.com/news/article/law-firms-settle-suit-accusing-them-of-civil-rico-conspiracy-to-collect-ada-settlements\">settled the case and shut down\u003c/a>, but it wasn’t the only firm that represents serial litigants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942993\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11942993\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01.jpg\" alt=\"A blue accessibility sign hangs in the window of a building's entrance next to a variety of colorful, stuffed animals on display.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/CalMatterIngest01-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An accessibility sign hangs at the entrance of a Chinatown business in San Francisco on Feb. 18, 2023. A recent court ruling could set a new precedent in regards to ADA violations in California. Yet, some believe these complaints are targeting immigrant communities. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A much larger one, called Potter Handy, was accused by the liberal district attorneys in Los Angeles and San Francisco counties of “bombarding California’s small businesses with abusive boilerplate lawsuits,” and instructing serial litigants to pretend to have encountered barriers at a business they never visited. They further accused Potter Handy of having its clients file fake disability claims that led to settlements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each year Potter Handy uses ADA/Unruh lawsuits to shake down hundreds or even thousands of small businesses to pay it cash settlements, regardless of whether the businesses actually violate the ADA,” wrote Los Angeles County District Attorney George Gascón and former San Francisco City and County District Attorney Chesa Boudin in an April 2022 state court filing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They said the lawsuits not only threaten small businesses, but also “unfairly taint the reputation of other innocent disabled consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potter Handy, which also does business as the Center for Disability Access, did not return calls seeking comment. Neither did Gascón. Boudin and Gascón wrote in their complaint that Potter Handy was particularly active in San Francisco’s Chinatown during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Multiple Chinatown businesses were sued for allegedly having inaccessible outdoor dining tables during the early months of 2021,” they wrote, but “those businesses were open for takeout only during that time and had no dining tables at all — indoor or outdoor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Potter Handy responded in court that Boudin and Gascón were making the accusations for political reasons. San Francisco Superior Court Judge Curtis Karnow \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/news/bayarea/article/Da-s-Lawsuit-Against-Potter-Handy-Law-Firm-17408200.php\">dismissed the case\u003c/a>, and ruled that Potter Handy’s attorneys were covered by California’s “litigation privilege.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-a-client-who-wanted-to-fight\">A client who wanted to fight\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the Langer case, Moji Saniefar is representing a handful of Bay Area merchant associations, including the Chinatown Merchants United Association of San Francisco, who are panicked about the appellate court ruling in Langer’s favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Serial ADA plaintiff’s lawyers recognize that the justice gap makes [small businesses] far more likely to settle cases quickly and without prolonged litigation,” according to the Feb. 16 friend-of-the-court brief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hunt, the Texas attorney who defends businesses in disability rights cases, said it’s unusual for his clients to take a case to court, much less all the way up to federal appeals court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to have a particularly angry, rich, stubborn client to not settle the case,” Hunt said. “I’m looking for angry, rich, stubborn clients. I would love to have some, but so far, when I tell my clients that they can get out of it by settling it for cheaper than the cost of defense, then they’re like, you know, let’s just settle it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney for the Kisers, whom Langer is suing, said the Legislature needs to step in. He agrees that his clients may fit Hunt’s description.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mr. Kiser’s perspective is, hey, we did nothing wrong and we don’t think we should have to pay this guy,” said Sam Henein, a San Diego lawyer. “He says if the judge tells me I did something wrong, I guess then I have to pay, but I don’t think I did.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution, said Clark, the D.C. attorney, is to amend the ADA’s enforcement mechanism from its current iteration to a “notice and cure” standard, which would give businesses 60 or 90 days to fix the accessibility issue without money changing hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n San Francisco's Mission District, three newly built backyard cottages are ready for older adults and lower-income families. But, no one will be able to move in for the foreseeable future: Even though electrical wiring is installed, the apartments don't have power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Executive Director Sam Moss of the Mission Housing Development Corporation is proud of what his nonprofit has built on property the organization owns. The new homes are within walking distance of two BART stations, major bus lines and grocery stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Mission Housing figured out how to convert our garages with our own funds,\" he said. \"We did not go to any government agency and ask for a grant. If that isn't what we need right now in our housing crisis, then I don't know what it is.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, during a recent meeting between Mission Housing and PG&E, an inspector told Moss he didn't know when the company would be able to connect the buildings, due to internal delays at PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Then he left, with no explanation and no estimation of when someone was going to come,\" Moss said. \"We're talking about three very high-quality, 100% affordable units for seniors and low-income families [that are] just going to sit vacant.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for PG&E said the company needed more information about this project before it could respond. But after KQED inquired about it, Moss said Mission Housing received a call from a PG&E inspector saying they would come to the construction site in mid-April to reassess the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connecting new buildings to the grid is a problem developers say is not unique to PG&E, but they cite the company as the worst offender — with delays that can add months or even years to a project before it opens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not a new issue, but developers like Moss say it's exacerbated by pandemic-induced supply chain problems, coupled with the increasing severity of storms and wildfires, and more demand for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"State Sen. Scott Wiener\"]'PG&E is not just falling short of perfection. It's causing huge problems with getting projects open and connected to the grid.'[/pullquote]As California attempts to build 2.5 million homes by 2031, developers say utility companies will have to adhere to a stricter timeline to get more housing completed faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new bill introduced by state Sen. Scott Wiener, SB 83, attempts to do just that. It would set an eight-week deadline for utility companies to connect newly constructed buildings. If a project is delayed further, the company would have to bear the cost, which is currently borne by the developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're not asking for perfection,\" Wiener said. \"PG&E is not just falling short of perfection. It's causing huge problems with getting projects open and connected to the grid. There has to be a more structured system. There has to be an actual time line and consequences for failing to meet that time line.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943196\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A photo shows primarily a wooden power pole with utility lines crossing the sky, and the outline of the top of a building that looks like a San Francisco victorian in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1236\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-800x515.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-1536x989.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E utility poles in San Francisco's Mission District. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lynsey Paulo, spokesperson for PG&E, said in a statement the company is committed to working with policymakers on the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will continue to work with lawmakers to ensure the right policy and regulatory frameworks are included to support the state's goals,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A problem of their own making\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Between 2018 and 2022, Southern California Edison and PG&E connected just over 10,000 commercial and residential buildings, according to self-reported data both investor-owned utilities provided to Wiener's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But PG&E took nearly six times as long: Southern California Edison took an average of nine days to turn on the lights after a building finished construction. For PG&E, the average was 64 days. As of mid-February, the wait time for nearly 30% of new buildings under PG&E's purview was more than 90 days, according to PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Wiener's perspective, this is a problem of the utility behemoth's own making, in part because it expanded services across the state and because it's the only utility company most developers can work with in the areas it operates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was PG&E's decision to become unsustainably large,\" Wiener said. \"To complain that, 'We don't have the resources because we're so big, which is a choice that we made,' is not a convincing argument.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11938267 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/026_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023-1020x680.jpg']Others take a more sympathetic approach. Corey Smith, executive director of the nonprofit Housing Action Coalition, which is co-sponsoring the bill, said the company is struggling to replace aging equipment as it responds to increasingly severe wildfires and storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's quite literally the person power and where to send a finite number of employees with aging infrastructure,\" Smith said. \"It's a real challenge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E provides electricity to more than \u003ca href=\"//www.pge.com/en_US/about-pge/company-information/profile/profile.page\">5.5 million customers\u003c/a> across the state, in a service area that stretches across 70,000 square miles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility has so much power – both literally and figuratively – many developers refused to speak with KQED on the record out of fear of retribution. Moss is worried about that, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm worried about the real retribution, which is units not coming online,\" he said. \"It's seniors remaining homeless, families and kids remaining homeless because PG&E refuses to do the right thing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A black hole'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting a housing project approved and ready to start construction is arduous enough, but developers say connecting to the grid adds its own complexity: It involves a slew of paperwork, permits and approvals. There's an initial inspection, and then developers submit formal plans to the utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But getting PG&E inspectors out to construction sites has become frustrating. Larry Florin, CEO of nonprofit affordable housing developer Burbank Housing, said he scheduled an inspector to come to a site in Napa County earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The morning of the inspection, Florin got a call saying PG&E was dealing with weather issues they had to tend to first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The earliest they could come back would be six weeks,\" he said. \"We're constantly dealing with issues like that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943199\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Blue trucks with 'pg and e' logo on them sit parked in a lot with the white and black blurry pattern of a fence in the foreground\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E trucks sit inside a Mission District facility owned by the utility. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Paulo said that while PG&E wants to work closely with developers and builders, responding to more frequent weather events and natural disasters has \"required significant financial and workforce resources.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This work, compounded with a significant growth in electric demand after decades of flat demand, has resulted in some projects being delayed or rescheduled,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Florin said there are other ways PG&E can hold up a project. Once an inspector is able to sign off on plans, and a building gets built, developers have to order specialized equipment to hook up the building to the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's not always clear what equipment is needed. PG&E's requirements change from one project to another, Florin said, and the company often doesn't provide proper guidance, leaving developers like Burbank in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you reach out to PG&E, it's like a black hole,\" he said. \"You get nothing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moss said that lack of communication can lead to expensive, mid-construction changes that are especially challenging for nonprofit housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When PG&E comes and says, 'Actually, you've got to move this over here,' it might sound like one quick little change, but one little change has a domino effect,\" he said. \"And then your whole schedule is thrown off. And with especially 100% affordable housing, we don't have the ability to spend an extra million dollars in change orders.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Housing Coverage' tag='housing']Moss faced just such a situation recently with a project Mission Housing is currently building adjacent to the Balboa Park BART station. The nonprofit needed temporary power to build 131 affordable apartments there. Moss said they waited almost a year for PG&E to provide a cost estimate to the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission (SFPUC), which buys wholesale power from PG&E, so SFPUC could turn on the power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E spokesperson Melissa Subbotin said, at that point, “SFPUC did not authorize PG&E to proceed with temporary generation on this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Moss said that’s because PG&E also required Mission Housing to make expensive changes to the project in order to do that. He called upon elected officials to pressure PG&E to work out a compromise with the SFPUC, including Wiener and San Francisco Mayor London Breed, who sent letters to the utility. But it was to no avail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars building [the units] on generators,\" Moss said. \"We had to spend money on generators and fuel all because PG&E refused to get power to build this building.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the project was initially proposed, Mission Housing envisioned including a child care facility along with retail space on the ground floor. Now that's in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have significantly less money from the overall construction loan to build out our ground floor spaces because we had to spend it on fuel,\" he said. \"Mission Housing is coming out of pocket to pay for things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project is nearing completion, and the nonprofit hopes to begin leasing the apartments in June. But it still hasn't been hooked up to the grid, and Moss isn't sure when it will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the uncertainty that's the hardest thing to deal with,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include responses from PG&E representatives.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for PG&E said the company needed more information about this project before it could respond. But after KQED inquired about it, Moss said Mission Housing received a call from a PG&E inspector saying they would come to the construction site in mid-April to reassess the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connecting new buildings to the grid is a problem developers say is not unique to PG&E, but they cite the company as the worst offender — with delays that can add months or even years to a project before it opens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not a new issue, but developers like Moss say it's exacerbated by pandemic-induced supply chain problems, coupled with the increasing severity of storms and wildfires, and more demand for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As California attempts to build 2.5 million homes by 2031, developers say utility companies will have to adhere to a stricter timeline to get more housing completed faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new bill introduced by state Sen. Scott Wiener, SB 83, attempts to do just that. It would set an eight-week deadline for utility companies to connect newly constructed buildings. If a project is delayed further, the company would have to bear the cost, which is currently borne by the developer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're not asking for perfection,\" Wiener said. \"PG&E is not just falling short of perfection. It's causing huge problems with getting projects open and connected to the grid. There has to be a more structured system. There has to be an actual time line and consequences for failing to meet that time line.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943196\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943196\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A photo shows primarily a wooden power pole with utility lines crossing the sky, and the outline of the top of a building that looks like a San Francisco victorian in the background\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1236\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-800x515.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-1020x657.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34914_P1100969-qut-1536x989.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E utility poles in San Francisco's Mission District. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lynsey Paulo, spokesperson for PG&E, said in a statement the company is committed to working with policymakers on the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We will continue to work with lawmakers to ensure the right policy and regulatory frameworks are included to support the state's goals,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A problem of their own making\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Between 2018 and 2022, Southern California Edison and PG&E connected just over 10,000 commercial and residential buildings, according to self-reported data both investor-owned utilities provided to Wiener's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But PG&E took nearly six times as long: Southern California Edison took an average of nine days to turn on the lights after a building finished construction. For PG&E, the average was 64 days. As of mid-February, the wait time for nearly 30% of new buildings under PG&E's purview was more than 90 days, according to PG&E.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Wiener's perspective, this is a problem of the utility behemoth's own making, in part because it expanded services across the state and because it's the only utility company most developers can work with in the areas it operates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was PG&E's decision to become unsustainably large,\" Wiener said. \"To complain that, 'We don't have the resources because we're so big, which is a choice that we made,' is not a convincing argument.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Others take a more sympathetic approach. Corey Smith, executive director of the nonprofit Housing Action Coalition, which is co-sponsoring the bill, said the company is struggling to replace aging equipment as it responds to increasingly severe wildfires and storms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's quite literally the person power and where to send a finite number of employees with aging infrastructure,\" Smith said. \"It's a real challenge.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E provides electricity to more than \u003ca href=\"//www.pge.com/en_US/about-pge/company-information/profile/profile.page\">5.5 million customers\u003c/a> across the state, in a service area that stretches across 70,000 square miles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility has so much power – both literally and figuratively – many developers refused to speak with KQED on the record out of fear of retribution. Moss is worried about that, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm worried about the real retribution, which is units not coming online,\" he said. \"It's seniors remaining homeless, families and kids remaining homeless because PG&E refuses to do the right thing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'A black hole'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Getting a housing project approved and ready to start construction is arduous enough, but developers say connecting to the grid adds its own complexity: It involves a slew of paperwork, permits and approvals. There's an initial inspection, and then developers submit formal plans to the utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But getting PG&E inspectors out to construction sites has become frustrating. Larry Florin, CEO of nonprofit affordable housing developer Burbank Housing, said he scheduled an inspector to come to a site in Napa County earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The morning of the inspection, Florin got a call saying PG&E was dealing with weather issues they had to tend to first.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The earliest they could come back would be six weeks,\" he said. \"We're constantly dealing with issues like that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943199\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Blue trucks with 'pg and e' logo on them sit parked in a lot with the white and black blurry pattern of a fence in the foreground\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS34908_P1100952-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">PG&E trucks sit inside a Mission District facility owned by the utility. \u003ccite>(Sheraz Sadiq/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Paulo said that while PG&E wants to work closely with developers and builders, responding to more frequent weather events and natural disasters has \"required significant financial and workforce resources.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This work, compounded with a significant growth in electric demand after decades of flat demand, has resulted in some projects being delayed or rescheduled,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Florin said there are other ways PG&E can hold up a project. Once an inspector is able to sign off on plans, and a building gets built, developers have to order specialized equipment to hook up the building to the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it's not always clear what equipment is needed. PG&E's requirements change from one project to another, Florin said, and the company often doesn't provide proper guidance, leaving developers like Burbank in the dark.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When you reach out to PG&E, it's like a black hole,\" he said. \"You get nothing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moss said that lack of communication can lead to expensive, mid-construction changes that are especially challenging for nonprofit housing developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When PG&E comes and says, 'Actually, you've got to move this over here,' it might sound like one quick little change, but one little change has a domino effect,\" he said. \"And then your whole schedule is thrown off. And with especially 100% affordable housing, we don't have the ability to spend an extra million dollars in change orders.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Moss faced just such a situation recently with a project Mission Housing is currently building adjacent to the Balboa Park BART station. The nonprofit needed temporary power to build 131 affordable apartments there. Moss said they waited almost a year for PG&E to provide a cost estimate to the San Francisco Public Utilities Commission (SFPUC), which buys wholesale power from PG&E, so SFPUC could turn on the power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E spokesperson Melissa Subbotin said, at that point, “SFPUC did not authorize PG&E to proceed with temporary generation on this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Moss said that’s because PG&E also required Mission Housing to make expensive changes to the project in order to do that. He called upon elected officials to pressure PG&E to work out a compromise with the SFPUC, including Wiener and San Francisco Mayor London Breed, who sent letters to the utility. But it was to no avail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We had to spend hundreds of thousands of dollars building [the units] on generators,\" Moss said. \"We had to spend money on generators and fuel all because PG&E refused to get power to build this building.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the project was initially proposed, Mission Housing envisioned including a child care facility along with retail space on the ground floor. Now that's in jeopardy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We have significantly less money from the overall construction loan to build out our ground floor spaces because we had to spend it on fuel,\" he said. \"Mission Housing is coming out of pocket to pay for things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project is nearing completion, and the nonprofit hopes to begin leasing the apartments in June. But it still hasn't been hooked up to the grid, and Moss isn't sure when it will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's the uncertainty that's the hardest thing to deal with,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include responses from PG&E representatives.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Calling Huntington Beach “Exhibit A in what’s wrong with housing in California,” Gov. Gavin Newsom joined Attorney General Rob Bonta in filing a lawsuit against the oceanside community in Orange County for flouting laws designed to ease the state’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta called the city’s actions “blatant, egregious, brazen” and said his office is also filing a motion for a preliminary injunction to block it from imposing bans on certain types of new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city had ample notice and time to course correct. Instead, they chose a path that led us right where we are today,” Bonta said during a livestreamed press conference Thursday. “They have asked for this, and they have earned this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The escalation comes as Newsom and his administration are ramping up efforts to hold cities accountable for reaching the state’s housing goal of 2.5 million new homes and apartments by 2031. But getting there requires overcoming backlash from some local leaders, who must implement the laws locally.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11937777,news_11929505,news_11938267\"]Santa Monica land use attorney Dave Rand compared Huntington Beach to the Confederacy — acting like it wants to secede from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not a solution,” Rand said, adding that he thought the city’s legal claim was unwinnable. “They will be forced to submit to the same laws that they’re attempting to fight now, except pay fines and be embarrassed and held out as a pariah when it comes to trying to house people in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the state’s action Thursday, Huntington Beach filed its own lawsuit against California in federal court. The city’s 59-page complaint challenges California’s right to force them to build more housing, a move UC Davis law professor Chris Elmendorf called “frivolous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there is maybe an argument you could make about the state constitution, there’s really no argument you can make that there’s anything the state is doing that violates any federal law, even if you get a rogue judge,” Elmendorf said. “I think it’s political posturing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state first sued the city in 2019 for failing to adopt a state-approved housing plan, which is required every eight years. Huntington Beach initially claimed it should be exempt as a charter city, but ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2020/01/13/huntington-beach-and-state-reach-tentative-settlement-of-housing-suit/\">settled the case out of court\u003c/a> after losing access to state funds for its homelessness response programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest skirmish centers on votes the Huntington Beach City Council took in February to stop processing applications for backyard cottages, along with applications for new duplexes and lot splits, the latter of which were legalized for most urban properties under Senate Bill 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ty Youngblood said at Thursday’s press conference his own family’s plans to build a backyard cottage for his aging mother have been thwarted by the council’s decision. His family took out a loan in excess of $250,000 for the project and was preparing architectural designs when he learned of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only is his family paying interest on the loan with no guarantee they’ll be able to build, but he said the uncertainty has added considerable stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother is … 82 years old,” he said. “We thought it was a good idea that I try to get back home to be able to support her as she gets older. And this decision by the City Council … it was nonsensical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The backyard cottages and duplexes are part of a broader campaign by Newsom and lawmakers to reverse decades of underproduction in housing, which they said has led to some of the highest home prices and rents in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize we need to do more, better as a state to address the original sin that is affordability,” Newsom said Thursday. “It’s directly connected with the issues that drive so much of our frustration with the Golden State.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Attorney General Rob Bonta\"]‘The city had ample notice and time to course correct. Instead, they chose a path that led us right where we are today. They have asked for this, and they have earned this.’[/pullquote]But, at a March 7 City Council meeting, Huntington Beach Mayor Tony Strickland framed the votes as taking a stand to defend the suburban nature of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people say I’m a NIMBY, I can’t believe that because I’ve never been accused of that in my entire life,” Strickland said. “What I am against is the urbanization of a wonderful suburban community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city also introduced a proposal to exempt itself from the “builder’s remedy” — a decades-old law that allows developers to override a city’s local zoning rules if the state has not yet approved a city’s housing plan, which is due every eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was required to submit its most recent plan in Oct. 2022 for how it would accommodate more than 13,000 new homes and apartments by 2031. It’s one of 246 jurisdictions across California that does not yet have a compliant housing plan and are thus subject to the builder’s remedy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessamyn Garner, spokesperson for housing advocacy organization YIMBY Action, lives in Huntington Beach and said the council’s actions to limit development have led to rising housing costs, which make it hard for working-class residents to remain in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The actions from the City Council are really just sending the message that they don’t want renters and young families and seniors and teachers to live in the community,” Garner said. “But working people deserve to live in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Calling Huntington Beach “Exhibit A in what’s wrong with housing in California,” Gov. Gavin Newsom joined Attorney General Rob Bonta in filing a lawsuit against the oceanside community in Orange County for flouting laws designed to ease the state’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta called the city’s actions “blatant, egregious, brazen” and said his office is also filing a motion for a preliminary injunction to block it from imposing bans on certain types of new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city had ample notice and time to course correct. Instead, they chose a path that led us right where we are today,” Bonta said during a livestreamed press conference Thursday. “They have asked for this, and they have earned this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The escalation comes as Newsom and his administration are ramping up efforts to hold cities accountable for reaching the state’s housing goal of 2.5 million new homes and apartments by 2031. But getting there requires overcoming backlash from some local leaders, who must implement the laws locally.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Santa Monica land use attorney Dave Rand compared Huntington Beach to the Confederacy — acting like it wants to secede from California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is not a solution,” Rand said, adding that he thought the city’s legal claim was unwinnable. “They will be forced to submit to the same laws that they’re attempting to fight now, except pay fines and be embarrassed and held out as a pariah when it comes to trying to house people in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the state’s action Thursday, Huntington Beach filed its own lawsuit against California in federal court. The city’s 59-page complaint challenges California’s right to force them to build more housing, a move UC Davis law professor Chris Elmendorf called “frivolous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While there is maybe an argument you could make about the state constitution, there’s really no argument you can make that there’s anything the state is doing that violates any federal law, even if you get a rogue judge,” Elmendorf said. “I think it’s political posturing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state first sued the city in 2019 for failing to adopt a state-approved housing plan, which is required every eight years. Huntington Beach initially claimed it should be exempt as a charter city, but ultimately \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2020/01/13/huntington-beach-and-state-reach-tentative-settlement-of-housing-suit/\">settled the case out of court\u003c/a> after losing access to state funds for its homelessness response programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest skirmish centers on votes the Huntington Beach City Council took in February to stop processing applications for backyard cottages, along with applications for new duplexes and lot splits, the latter of which were legalized for most urban properties under Senate Bill 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ty Youngblood said at Thursday’s press conference his own family’s plans to build a backyard cottage for his aging mother have been thwarted by the council’s decision. His family took out a loan in excess of $250,000 for the project and was preparing architectural designs when he learned of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not only is his family paying interest on the loan with no guarantee they’ll be able to build, but he said the uncertainty has added considerable stress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My mother is … 82 years old,” he said. “We thought it was a good idea that I try to get back home to be able to support her as she gets older. And this decision by the City Council … it was nonsensical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The backyard cottages and duplexes are part of a broader campaign by Newsom and lawmakers to reverse decades of underproduction in housing, which they said has led to some of the highest home prices and rents in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize we need to do more, better as a state to address the original sin that is affordability,” Newsom said Thursday. “It’s directly connected with the issues that drive so much of our frustration with the Golden State.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But, at a March 7 City Council meeting, Huntington Beach Mayor Tony Strickland framed the votes as taking a stand to defend the suburban nature of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people say I’m a NIMBY, I can’t believe that because I’ve never been accused of that in my entire life,” Strickland said. “What I am against is the urbanization of a wonderful suburban community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city also introduced a proposal to exempt itself from the “builder’s remedy” — a decades-old law that allows developers to override a city’s local zoning rules if the state has not yet approved a city’s housing plan, which is due every eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was required to submit its most recent plan in Oct. 2022 for how it would accommodate more than 13,000 new homes and apartments by 2031. It’s one of 246 jurisdictions across California that does not yet have a compliant housing plan and are thus subject to the builder’s remedy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessamyn Garner, spokesperson for housing advocacy organization YIMBY Action, lives in Huntington Beach and said the council’s actions to limit development have led to rising housing costs, which make it hard for working-class residents to remain in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The actions from the City Council are really just sending the message that they don’t want renters and young families and seniors and teachers to live in the community,” Garner said. “But working people deserve to live in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As an orphaned child in rural southern Mexico, Abraham Salazar said he began working when he was just 10 years old. He helped to plow fields and grow corn and beans in the municipality of Constancia del Rosario, in the state of Oaxaca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he settled in California’s wine country in 1990, Salazar kept toiling in agriculture. He tore roots and rocks out to prepare fields for planting. He pruned and harvested miles of vines, sometimes during grueling all-night shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 62 years old, Salazar said his lower back hurts, sometimes intensely. His heavily calloused hands are becoming arthritic. But he can’t afford to stop working, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I may be 80 or 90, but I won’t get anything of what I paid into Social Security during all those years of work,” said Salazar, who is turning 63 next week, in Spanish. “Absolutely nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar is part of a growing wave of hundreds of thousands of undocumented workers who are reaching or past retirement age in the U.S. but who are ineligible to receive Social Security benefits, even though many paid automatic payroll taxes into that system for years.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11940706,news_11941716,news_11939848\"]A new state bill in California proposes to offer undocumented older adults an economic safety net when they can no longer work. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">AB 1536\u003c/a> would expand a state-funded \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/capi\">cash assistance program\u003c/a>, which currently offers individuals about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Letters-and-Notices/ACINs/2022/I-71_22.pdf?ver=2022-11-08-131239-837\">$1,100 per month (PDF)\u003c/a>, to cover undocumented residents aged 65 and older as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would give them a monthly stipend, so that they can age with dignity and justice,” said Angelica Salas, who directs the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles, after rallying for the bill with its author, Assemblymember Juan Carrillo (D-Palmdale), in Sacramento last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do not create a [safety net] system for this population, we are going to have a severe crisis of individuals who have labored and contributed to California, but who will then live in severe poverty in the very same state where they left their youth,” Salas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who are hired without valid work authorization in industries like construction and food services \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/blog/how-do-undocumented-immigrants-pay-federal-taxes-an-explainer/\">often provide a Social Security number that is fake, expired or not their own\u003c/a>. Most employers in California and other states, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.e-verify.gov/sites/default/files/everify/presentations/EVerifyPresentation.pdf\">not required to check the validity of the nine-digit number (PDF)\u003c/a>, deduct Social Security, federal, state and other taxes from the workers’ paychecks, like with any other employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is that nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/oact/NOTES/pdf_notes/note151.pdf\">unauthorized immigrant workers contributed a whopping $13 billion in automatic payroll taxes to the Social Security system\u003c/a> in a single year, according to the most recent estimates by the Social Security Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of that money was a “net positive” to the program’s cash flow, said the agency’s chief actuary, Stephen Goss. That means undocumented workers help fund the monthly retirement checks of U.S. citizens and legal residents, but likely won’t receive the payments when they themselves become seniors.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Angelica Salas, director, Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights\"]‘If we do not create a system for this population, we are going to have a severe crisis of individuals who have labored and contributed to California, but who will then live in severe poverty in the very same state where they left their youth.’[/pullquote]“It’s tragic, it’s unjust,” said Salas. “They worked hard in some of the hardest and most backbreaking jobs in this country. They contributed. And now they’re completely locked out of benefits as they reach their golden years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar, who worked in agriculture for about three decades, said it was impossible to save any money on the low wages he earned, while taking care of his family and bills. Getting access to a regular stipend as he ages would be a “huge help” to reach his dream of retiring one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be magnificent because we work a lot but don’t get any help,” said Salazar, who recently launched a landscaping business. He hopes that, by working for himself, he’ll earn enough to start saving for retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943071\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11943071\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-1020x678.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits on a bet facing toward a window, smiling, with light on his face. He wears a button down collared shirt with a long sleeve underneath and dark pants. Next to him is a cluttered nightstand. \" width=\"640\" height=\"425\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abraham Salazar sits for a portrait at his home in Healdsburg, on Feb. 24, 2023. Salazar, 62, is one of thousands of undocumented California farmworkers who are reaching or past retirement age but must continue working because they are ineligible for Social Security benefits. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Growing number of undocumented workers reaching retirement age\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">165,000 undocumented workers in California were age 55 and older in 2019\u003c/a>, according to an analysis of census figures published Tuesday by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center. That figure is about 680,000 across the country, said the center’s co-director, Edward Flores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these workers were unable to legalize their status because they arrived in the U.S. in the years after eligibility for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101890914/out-of-the-shadows-explores-the-complicated-history-of-the-1986-amnesty-law-that-changed-the-lives-of-millions\">last federal amnesty for undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>, which passed during the Reagan administration in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores said the statistics point to a growing demographic wave, and that the country has not yet begun to reckon with the implications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do you do with a significant proportion of our workforce who has been laboring for decades, without access to a social and economic safety net?” he asked. “Now that they are aging and can’t work, they will be in a much more vulnerable position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Abraham Salazar\"]‘I may be 80 or 90, but I won’t get anything of what I paid into Social Security during all those years of work. Absolutely nothing.’[/pullquote] In California’s agricultural industry, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fsa.usda.gov/Internet/FSA_File/10cafacts_v3.pdf\">most productive in the nation (PDF)\u003c/a> with about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/Statistics/\">$50 billion in annual revenue\u003c/a>, almost 85% of crop workers were born in Mexico. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">half don’t have legal authorization to work\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the U.S. Department of Labor. As migration flows from Mexico slowed down in the mid-2000s, the age distribution of California agricultural workers shifted, with farmworkers age 55 to 64 increasing by 64% over the last decade, the UC Merced analysis found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aging workforce has left agricultural employers grappling with a shortage of labor for years, especially in areas like the state’s Central Coast, where strawberries, lettuce and other top crops are not harvested mechanically, said Norm Groot, executive director at the Monterey County Farm Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not replacing those who are aging out of the workforce with new immigrant labor. Nor are we seeing that the children of the current farmworkers are interested in working in the fields,” said Groot. “So we are rapidly coming to a tipping point where we are not going to have enough labor supply on hand to harvest our crops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I still feel like I have the strength to do this work’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One older farmworker who continues to see demand for his services is Asuncion Ponce, who lives in Fresno. The 77-year-old said he still wakes up at 4:30 to calmly drink his coffee and get a ride to seasonal jobs pruning orchard trees or harvesting nectarines, peaches and pears in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still feel like I have the strength to do this work,” said Ponce proudly, in Spanish. “In Mexico, I was a farmworker and here I’m still doing the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naturalized U.S. citizen said he worries that the Social Security benefits he’s eligible for won’t cover all of his expenses once he retires. But he acknowledges he’s less physically able to climb ladders up fruit trees or carry heavy crates all day. He’s considering quitting work in two or three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ponce arrived undocumented from Mexico in the early 1980s, but was able to benefit from the Reagan-era amnesty and obtain a green card, allowing him to work legally in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long-time member of United Farm Workers, Ponce continues to attend marches and rallies supporting legislation that could aid workers who migrated to the U.S. in the years after him, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmworkerjustice.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/FarmWorkforceModernizationAct-FactSheet-FJ-2021.pdf\">Farm Workforce Modernization Act (PDF)\u003c/a>. That said, immigration policy experts say a new path to legalization for immigrants is unlikely to pass in the Republican-controlled U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just really unfortunate, because older farmworkers who are undocumented and at retirement age or very close, they can’t afford to wait,” said Antonio De Loera-Brust, communications director for the United Farm Workers. “The clock is really ticking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As an orphaned child in rural southern Mexico, Abraham Salazar said he began working when he was just 10 years old. He helped to plow fields and grow corn and beans in the municipality of Constancia del Rosario, in the state of Oaxaca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he settled in California’s wine country in 1990, Salazar kept toiling in agriculture. He tore roots and rocks out to prepare fields for planting. He pruned and harvested miles of vines, sometimes during grueling all-night shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now 62 years old, Salazar said his lower back hurts, sometimes intensely. His heavily calloused hands are becoming arthritic. But he can’t afford to stop working, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I may be 80 or 90, but I won’t get anything of what I paid into Social Security during all those years of work,” said Salazar, who is turning 63 next week, in Spanish. “Absolutely nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar is part of a growing wave of hundreds of thousands of undocumented workers who are reaching or past retirement age in the U.S. but who are ineligible to receive Social Security benefits, even though many paid automatic payroll taxes into that system for years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A new state bill in California proposes to offer undocumented older adults an economic safety net when they can no longer work. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">AB 1536\u003c/a> would expand a state-funded \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/capi\">cash assistance program\u003c/a>, which currently offers individuals about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/9/Additional-Resources/Letters-and-Notices/ACINs/2022/I-71_22.pdf?ver=2022-11-08-131239-837\">$1,100 per month (PDF)\u003c/a>, to cover undocumented residents aged 65 and older as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would give them a monthly stipend, so that they can age with dignity and justice,” said Angelica Salas, who directs the Coalition for Humane Immigrant Rights in Los Angeles, after rallying for the bill with its author, Assemblymember Juan Carrillo (D-Palmdale), in Sacramento last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we do not create a [safety net] system for this population, we are going to have a severe crisis of individuals who have labored and contributed to California, but who will then live in severe poverty in the very same state where they left their youth,” Salas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrants who are hired without valid work authorization in industries like construction and food services \u003ca href=\"https://bipartisanpolicy.org/blog/how-do-undocumented-immigrants-pay-federal-taxes-an-explainer/\">often provide a Social Security number that is fake, expired or not their own\u003c/a>. Most employers in California and other states, who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.e-verify.gov/sites/default/files/everify/presentations/EVerifyPresentation.pdf\">not required to check the validity of the nine-digit number (PDF)\u003c/a>, deduct Social Security, federal, state and other taxes from the workers’ paychecks, like with any other employee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is that nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/oact/NOTES/pdf_notes/note151.pdf\">unauthorized immigrant workers contributed a whopping $13 billion in automatic payroll taxes to the Social Security system\u003c/a> in a single year, according to the most recent estimates by the Social Security Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of that money was a “net positive” to the program’s cash flow, said the agency’s chief actuary, Stephen Goss. That means undocumented workers help fund the monthly retirement checks of U.S. citizens and legal residents, but likely won’t receive the payments when they themselves become seniors.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s tragic, it’s unjust,” said Salas. “They worked hard in some of the hardest and most backbreaking jobs in this country. They contributed. And now they’re completely locked out of benefits as they reach their golden years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar, who worked in agriculture for about three decades, said it was impossible to save any money on the low wages he earned, while taking care of his family and bills. Getting access to a regular stipend as he ages would be a “huge help” to reach his dream of retiring one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be magnificent because we work a lot but don’t get any help,” said Salazar, who recently launched a landscaping business. He hopes that, by working for himself, he’ll earn enough to start saving for retirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943071\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-large wp-image-11943071\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-1020x678.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits on a bet facing toward a window, smiling, with light on his face. He wears a button down collared shirt with a long sleeve underneath and dark pants. Next to him is a cluttered nightstand. \" width=\"640\" height=\"425\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63167_02242023_agingundocumented-051-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abraham Salazar sits for a portrait at his home in Healdsburg, on Feb. 24, 2023. Salazar, 62, is one of thousands of undocumented California farmworkers who are reaching or past retirement age but must continue working because they are ineligible for Social Security benefits. \u003ccite>(Kori Suzuki/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Growing number of undocumented workers reaching retirement age\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">165,000 undocumented workers in California were age 55 and older in 2019\u003c/a>, according to an analysis of census figures published Tuesday by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center. That figure is about 680,000 across the country, said the center’s co-director, Edward Flores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these workers were unable to legalize their status because they arrived in the U.S. in the years after eligibility for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101890914/out-of-the-shadows-explores-the-complicated-history-of-the-1986-amnesty-law-that-changed-the-lives-of-millions\">last federal amnesty for undocumented immigrants\u003c/a>, which passed during the Reagan administration in 1986.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flores said the statistics point to a growing demographic wave, and that the country has not yet begun to reckon with the implications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What do you do with a significant proportion of our workforce who has been laboring for decades, without access to a social and economic safety net?” he asked. “Now that they are aging and can’t work, they will be in a much more vulnerable position.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In California’s agricultural industry, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fsa.usda.gov/Internet/FSA_File/10cafacts_v3.pdf\">most productive in the nation (PDF)\u003c/a> with about \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdfa.ca.gov/Statistics/\">$50 billion in annual revenue\u003c/a>, almost 85% of crop workers were born in Mexico. Roughly \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">half don’t have legal authorization to work\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the U.S. Department of Labor. As migration flows from Mexico slowed down in the mid-2000s, the age distribution of California agricultural workers shifted, with farmworkers age 55 to 64 increasing by 64% over the last decade, the UC Merced analysis found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An aging workforce has left agricultural employers grappling with a shortage of labor for years, especially in areas like the state’s Central Coast, where strawberries, lettuce and other top crops are not harvested mechanically, said Norm Groot, executive director at the Monterey County Farm Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not replacing those who are aging out of the workforce with new immigrant labor. Nor are we seeing that the children of the current farmworkers are interested in working in the fields,” said Groot. “So we are rapidly coming to a tipping point where we are not going to have enough labor supply on hand to harvest our crops.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I still feel like I have the strength to do this work’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One older farmworker who continues to see demand for his services is Asuncion Ponce, who lives in Fresno. The 77-year-old said he still wakes up at 4:30 to calmly drink his coffee and get a ride to seasonal jobs pruning orchard trees or harvesting nectarines, peaches and pears in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still feel like I have the strength to do this work,” said Ponce proudly, in Spanish. “In Mexico, I was a farmworker and here I’m still doing the same.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naturalized U.S. citizen said he worries that the Social Security benefits he’s eligible for won’t cover all of his expenses once he retires. But he acknowledges he’s less physically able to climb ladders up fruit trees or carry heavy crates all day. He’s considering quitting work in two or three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ponce arrived undocumented from Mexico in the early 1980s, but was able to benefit from the Reagan-era amnesty and obtain a green card, allowing him to work legally in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A long-time member of United Farm Workers, Ponce continues to attend marches and rallies supporting legislation that could aid workers who migrated to the U.S. in the years after him, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.farmworkerjustice.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/FarmWorkforceModernizationAct-FactSheet-FJ-2021.pdf\">Farm Workforce Modernization Act (PDF)\u003c/a>. That said, immigration policy experts say a new path to legalization for immigrants is unlikely to pass in the Republican-controlled U.S. House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just really unfortunate, because older farmworkers who are undocumented and at retirement age or very close, they can’t afford to wait,” said Antonio De Loera-Brust, communications director for the United Farm Workers. “The clock is really ticking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California's Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here's What You Need to Know",
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"headTitle": "California’s Reparations Task Force Met in Sacramento. Here’s What You Need to Know | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a> met in Sacramento for two days this weekend, bringing it one step closer to finalizing recommendations for the nation’s first-ever statewide plan for reparations for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Annelise Finney, who was in Sacramento, shared what was talked about and what’s next for the task force in an interview with KQED’s Rachael Vasquez.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Vasquez:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>Can you remind us what the task force has been up to in the last year and a half?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney:\u003c/strong> This task force is now about three quarters of the way through its work. During the first year, its big focus was on documenting the history and impact of anti-Black racist policies in California. They produced a 500-page report, and it’s one of the most comprehensive government documents studying the impact of anti-Black policies. It’s pretty amazing, and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">it’s available on the Department of Justice website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the second year, they’ve been digging into what reparations for these harms should really look like. And they’re supposed to produce recommendations in four months, by July 1 — a quickly approaching deadline.[aside postID=news_11941469 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/The-Road-to-Reparations_Thumbnail_1_v16-e1677009994307-1020x574.png']The first area of reparations that they’re looking at is compensation. That’s direct payments to people who are the descendants of people who were enslaved in the U.S. and who now live in California. They don’t have an exact number for how many people would be receiving this money or how much it would be, but they’re still working on it. One proposal they are considering is to create a new state agency that would be called the Freedmen Affairs Agency that would, among other things, handle doling out these payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other form of reparations that they’re primarily looking at are ways to stop harm moving forward, and the way they’re hoping to do that is by changing state policy. They have dozens of policy recommendations on the table right now. One is to repeal or amend Proposition 209 — a California law that prohibits policies that benefit or discriminate against a specific racial group. It was originally passed in 1996 and was reaffirmed by voters in 2020. Task force member Donald Tamaki laid out the simple contradiction that Prop. 209 presents when it comes to addressing racial inequality at the meeting on Saturday, saying, “Obviously this thing was created by hate and racism, and now you can’t consider race to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942552\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11942552\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt='A older African American man in a black suit with a top hat holds a sign in a conference hall surrounded by people. The sign reads \"CA Reparations Now 2023.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morris Griffin, also known as Big Money Griff, a community activist, speaks during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This weekend the task force has been talking about how to get its recommendations turned into law. Tell us what that process would look like. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each recommendation that the task force makes would have to be taken up by individual lawmakers. Some of the recommendations might be pretty broad, so lawmakers will have to refine down the proposals and work out details the task force wasn’t able to get to. Bills will then have to be written, lobbied for and passed through the [state] Legislature in order for the reparations proposals to become a reality for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Rev. Amos Brown emphasized during the meeting yesterday that these recommendations still have a long way to go. He said, “We still have miles to go and promises to keep before we fall asleep, if anything’s gonna become a reality, and for meaningful, significant change in the lives of Black folk in the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942557\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942557 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A panel of people with screens behind them face a seated crowd of people in a conference hall. In the aisle, in the right of the frame, people line up to address the panel.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Reparations Task Force members listen to public comments during a meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I’m guessing a fair amount of public support would be needed to pass these pieces of legislation. What is the task force doing to encourage public support for their recommendations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big thing they’re doing is working on public education programs. That means taking all of the information that was in that report and making sure people in California actually know the history. One way they’re doing that is by trying to develop a curriculum that would get this information into schools. They’ve also talked about creating a grant program that would support documentaries and public art projects. But all of that hasn’t happened yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942556 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A line of people, all African American, in a conference hall look toward the podium. The woman closest to the camera is older with long gray braids; the woman behind her is much younger, with long black braids, an orange beanie, and an orange sweatshirt. Three men stand behind her, from left to right: One man is middle-aged, wearing a black and red sweatshirt and dark sunglasses; the next is older and wearing a brown fedora with a black ribbon; and the third is tallest, with shoulder-length gray locs, dark sunglasses, and a bright red zip-up winter coat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up to speak during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big thing that’s been coming up in public comments during the meeting yesterday and today is the lack of a real public awareness about what the task force is doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One public commenter this morning who identified himself as John Mud spoke to this feeling, saying, “I talk to people every day about reparations, and I bring up this task force, and no one knows about it.” Ultimately, whether these recommendations are passed will come down to whether Californians support them. A lot of people feel like there’s still a lot of work to be done to make sure people know that the task force exists, that they know about the work that it’s doing, and that they are also on board to support these proposals as they move through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942559\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942559 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged African American woman, wearing black-framed glasses and a shoulder-length black bob, a white blouse under a beige cardigan, and a gold and beaded necklace, gestures with both hands as she speaks into a small microphone at a dais. People wait in line behind her, to speak next.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Pierrot-Dyer speaks about her family from Allensworth during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next for this task force?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have a few more in-person meetings before the deadline in June. There’ll be one in March, another in May, and then a final meeting in June when the recommendations are finalized. There’s also \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB490\">a bill\u003c/a> in the Legislature right now to extend the work of the task force for an additional year. That wouldn’t change any of the deadlines. The final recommendations would still be due in June, but it would give the task force members more time to work together in order to shepherd these proposals through the state Legislature, and potentially into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942566\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942566 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='Three older African American men stand having a conversation. The man on the far left, with a neat gray beard, wears a black baseball cap with colorful splotches of pink, yellow and green, watching the other two men speak. The man in the middle, mostly bald, wears a gray suit of a very light plaid, an ochre pocket handkerchief, and an ochre-and-navy-striped tie. He faces the last man, on the far right, who is speaking and seems to be resting his right hand on the back of the man in the suit. He is the tallest, bald and with a white goatee and glasses, and a black hoodie with an outline of California in white that says \"CA Reparations Now 2023,\" and a sticker name tag on his chest.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) speaks with attendees during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney, Rachael Vasquez, Beth LaBerge and Attila Pelit contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The California Reparations Task Force dug into what reparations for descendants of people who were enslaved in California should look like. The group is aiming to finalize its recommendations within the next four months.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121\">Task Force to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African Americans\u003c/a> met in Sacramento for two days this weekend, bringing it one step closer to finalizing recommendations for the nation’s first-ever statewide plan for reparations for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Annelise Finney, who was in Sacramento, shared what was talked about and what’s next for the task force in an interview with KQED’s Rachael Vasquez.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rachael Vasquez:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>Can you remind us what the task force has been up to in the last year and a half?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Annelise Finney:\u003c/strong> This task force is now about three quarters of the way through its work. During the first year, its big focus was on documenting the history and impact of anti-Black racist policies in California. They produced a 500-page report, and it’s one of the most comprehensive government documents studying the impact of anti-Black policies. It’s pretty amazing, and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">it’s available on the Department of Justice website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the second year, they’ve been digging into what reparations for these harms should really look like. And they’re supposed to produce recommendations in four months, by July 1 — a quickly approaching deadline.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The first area of reparations that they’re looking at is compensation. That’s direct payments to people who are the descendants of people who were enslaved in the U.S. and who now live in California. They don’t have an exact number for how many people would be receiving this money or how much it would be, but they’re still working on it. One proposal they are considering is to create a new state agency that would be called the Freedmen Affairs Agency that would, among other things, handle doling out these payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other form of reparations that they’re primarily looking at are ways to stop harm moving forward, and the way they’re hoping to do that is by changing state policy. They have dozens of policy recommendations on the table right now. One is to repeal or amend Proposition 209 — a California law that prohibits policies that benefit or discriminate against a specific racial group. It was originally passed in 1996 and was reaffirmed by voters in 2020. Task force member Donald Tamaki laid out the simple contradiction that Prop. 209 presents when it comes to addressing racial inequality at the meeting on Saturday, saying, “Obviously this thing was created by hate and racism, and now you can’t consider race to fix it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942552\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11942552\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt='A older African American man in a black suit with a top hat holds a sign in a conference hall surrounded by people. The sign reads \"CA Reparations Now 2023.\"' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/019_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morris Griffin, also known as Big Money Griff, a community activist, speaks during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>This weekend the task force has been talking about how to get its recommendations turned into law. Tell us what that process would look like. \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each recommendation that the task force makes would have to be taken up by individual lawmakers. Some of the recommendations might be pretty broad, so lawmakers will have to refine down the proposals and work out details the task force wasn’t able to get to. Bills will then have to be written, lobbied for and passed through the [state] Legislature in order for the reparations proposals to become a reality for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Task force member Rev. Amos Brown emphasized during the meeting yesterday that these recommendations still have a long way to go. He said, “We still have miles to go and promises to keep before we fall asleep, if anything’s gonna become a reality, and for meaningful, significant change in the lives of Black folk in the state of California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942557\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942557 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A panel of people with screens behind them face a seated crowd of people in a conference hall. In the aisle, in the right of the frame, people line up to address the panel.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63320_011_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Reparations Task Force members listen to public comments during a meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>I’m guessing a fair amount of public support would be needed to pass these pieces of legislation. What is the task force doing to encourage public support for their recommendations?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One big thing they’re doing is working on public education programs. That means taking all of the information that was in that report and making sure people in California actually know the history. One way they’re doing that is by trying to develop a curriculum that would get this information into schools. They’ve also talked about creating a grant program that would support documentaries and public art projects. But all of that hasn’t happened yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942556 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A line of people, all African American, in a conference hall look toward the podium. The woman closest to the camera is older with long gray braids; the woman behind her is much younger, with long black braids, an orange beanie, and an orange sweatshirt. Three men stand behind her, from left to right: One man is middle-aged, wearing a black and red sweatshirt and dark sunglasses; the next is older and wearing a brown fedora with a black ribbon; and the third is tallest, with shoulder-length gray locs, dark sunglasses, and a bright red zip-up winter coat.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/027_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People line up to speak during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One big thing that’s been coming up in public comments during the meeting yesterday and today is the lack of a real public awareness about what the task force is doing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One public commenter this morning who identified himself as John Mud spoke to this feeling, saying, “I talk to people every day about reparations, and I bring up this task force, and no one knows about it.” Ultimately, whether these recommendations are passed will come down to whether Californians support them. A lot of people feel like there’s still a lot of work to be done to make sure people know that the task force exists, that they know about the work that it’s doing, and that they are also on board to support these proposals as they move through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942559\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942559 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged African American woman, wearing black-framed glasses and a shoulder-length black bob, a white blouse under a beige cardigan, and a gold and beaded necklace, gestures with both hands as she speaks into a small microphone at a dais. People wait in line behind her, to speak next.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63328_018_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gloria Pierrot-Dyer speaks about her family from Allensworth during public comment at a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What’s next for this task force?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They have a few more in-person meetings before the deadline in June. There’ll be one in March, another in May, and then a final meeting in June when the recommendations are finalized. There’s also \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB490\">a bill\u003c/a> in the Legislature right now to extend the work of the task force for an additional year. That wouldn’t change any of the deadlines. The final recommendations would still be due in June, but it would give the task force members more time to work together in order to shepherd these proposals through the state Legislature, and potentially into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942566\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942566 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt='Three older African American men stand having a conversation. The man on the far left, with a neat gray beard, wears a black baseball cap with colorful splotches of pink, yellow and green, watching the other two men speak. The man in the middle, mostly bald, wears a gray suit of a very light plaid, an ochre pocket handkerchief, and an ochre-and-navy-striped tie. He faces the last man, on the far right, who is speaking and seems to be resting his right hand on the back of the man in the suit. He is the tallest, bald and with a white goatee and glasses, and a black hoodie with an outline of California in white that says \"CA Reparations Now 2023,\" and a sticker name tag on his chest.' width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63355_048_KQED_CAReparationsTaskForceSac_03032023-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena) speaks with attendees during a California Reparations Task Force meeting in Sacramento on March 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Annelise Finney, Rachael Vasquez, Beth LaBerge and Attila Pelit contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California's Massive Medicaid Program Works for Some, but Fails Many Others",
"headTitle": "California Healthline | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Newborns. Formerly incarcerated people. College students. Pregnant people. People with disabilities. Foster kids. Unhoused people. Single dads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your neighbor. Your co-worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Medicaid program, called Medi-Cal, serves a whopping 15.4 million people, offering care from cradle to grave: \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/2021-edition-medi-cal-facts-figures/\">Half of all births are covered by Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, as are more than half of all stays in nursing homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everything about Medi-Cal is massive, from its \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2023-24/pdf/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf\">upcoming fiscal year budget of $139 billion (PDF)\u003c/a> to the expansive list of benefits and services it offers. The way the program works — or doesn’t — could spell life or death for many enrollees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s critical, from the single pregnant mom, to the extremely frail elderly population that needs a nursing home,” said Jennifer Kent, former director of the state Department of Health Care Services, which administers Medi-Cal. “If it weren’t for Medi-Cal, so many people would either be dead or would be severely compromised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a new series, California Healthline will shed light on Medi-Cal’s successes and failures through the experiences of its enrollees. They include Stephanie Lammers, who can’t get her troubling abdominal symptoms checked at a clinic 50 miles from her small Calaveras County town because the transportation Medi-Cal is supposed to provide isn’t trustworthy; Carolina Morga Tapia, a Fresno woman who credits Medi-Cal with helping her have five healthy children; and Lucas Moreno Ramirez, a Los Angeles County man with stage 4 lung cancer who had to fight to keep his treatment going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal is at a critical juncture as it attempts to serve the needs of a diverse patient population with a dizzying array of medical needs — from childhood vaccinations and cancer screenings to state-of-the-art care for rare genetic disorders. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/dataandstats/statistics/Documents/FastFacts-March2022.pdf\">Roughly half of enrollees are Hispanic (PDF)\u003c/a>, and, next year, \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/news/article/covered-california-bill-undocumented-immigrant-health-insurance/\">California will become the first state to expand eligibility to all immigrants who qualify, regardless of their legal status\u003c/a>.[aside postID=news_11926757 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/GettyImages-1340030341.jpg']Medi-Cal is also undertaking several new initiatives that aim to save taxpayer money and improve quality. State \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/californias-reboot-of-troubled-medi-cal-puts-pressure-on-health-plans/\">officials are demanding that the 23 health insurers that serve most Medi-Cal patients provide better care\u003c/a> — or face significant penalties, including potential expulsion from the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/california-medicaid-makeover-newsom-california-medi-cal-homeless-public-funds/\">adding innovative social services\u003c/a> that fall outside the traditional realm of medicine, including helping some enrollees pay for rent and buy groceries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are watching California,” said Cindy Mann, who served as federal Medicaid director under former President Barack Obama. “What the state is doing is ambitious and very aggressive. It makes a significant mark on health care and health policy, not just because of the size and breadth of its program, but by being very comprehensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only a sliver of enrollees will get the new social services, even as \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/california-governor-newsom-pricey-medicaid-reforms-leave-most-patients-behind/\">many patients struggle to obtain basic care\u003c/a> or get in to see their doctors. In reality, the type of care you get in Medi-Cal depends on where you live and which insurer provides your benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the program is working for some, but failing for many others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are in Medi-Cal, \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/faces-of-medi-cal-submissions/\">we would like to hear from you\u003c/a>, whether you live in a big city or a rural region, regardless of your age, race or ethnicity, and whatever your medical, dental or mental health condition. Have you had difficulty seeing the right doctor for what ails you, even to the point of putting your life at risk? Or did Medi-Cal provide good care, perhaps sparing you serious harm or disability? Either way, \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/faces-of-medi-cal-submissions/\">please consider sharing your experience with us\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are snapshots of patients who have used the program at a critical time in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'I just don't go to the doctor anymore'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Stephanie Lammers leans over to put on her shoes, it feels as if she’s squishing something inside her abdomen, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lammers, 53, has been suffering from frequent bouts of nausea, pain and bloating for six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her gastroenterologist wants to perform diagnostic procedures, including a colonoscopy and, if anything shows up, a biopsy. But Lammers, who lives in a motel with her boyfriend and teenage daughter in the Gold Rush town of San Andreas, doesn’t have a working car and can’t readily get to the clinic — which is 50 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942519\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942519 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white woman with a long-sleeved shirt with horizontal blue-and-white stripes, with one shoulder pulled down to reveal a tattoo of an eye, looks at the camera as she leans against a door jamb. To her left, a white husky dog looks out from a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-800x548.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-1020x699.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-1536x1052.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-2048x1402.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-1920x1315.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Lammers says the ride service provided by her Medi-Cal health plan is so bad that she stopped trying to use it about a year ago, after it left her in the lurch multiple times. 'I just don't go to the doctor anymore,' she says. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Lammers, like many Medi-Cal enrollees who live in rural areas, lack of transportation is a major impediment to obtaining care. The problem is particularly acute for patients who need to see specialists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lammers’ dermatologist and eye doctor are over an hour away from San Andreas, the county seat of Calaveras County, about 125 miles northeast of San Francisco. She isn’t seeing a neurologist, despite a series of mini-strokes and stress-related seizures. And she hasn’t been to a podiatrist in two years, even though her toes are twisted over one another and hang down, causing her to trip. She’s often in excruciating pain when she walks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal is supposed to provide \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/medi-cal/Pages/Transportation.aspx\">free transportation to enrollees\u003c/a> who can’t otherwise get to their appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lammers — whose health plan is California Health and Wellness, owned by Centene, \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/centene-political-donations-medicaid-contracts-overbilling-allegations/\">the nation’s largest commercial Medicaid insurer\u003c/a> — stopped using its ride service nearly a year ago, after she missed dozens of appointments because drivers just didn’t show up, she said. She was getting threatening letters from doctors’ offices over the no-shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once, she had to hitchhike more than 30 miles home from a counseling appointment. On other occasions, Lammers said, she did not receive the reimbursement she was owed for arranging her own rides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t go to the doctor anymore,” Lammers said. “If I go to the doctor, my boyfriend has to take the day off work, and if he takes the day off work, we have no money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the last three months of 2022, Lammers canceled five appointments she had scheduled for the diagnostic abdominal procedures because her boyfriend had to work each time and couldn’t take her. She finally stopped rescheduling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Health and Wellness contracts with ModivCare, a Denver-based medical transportation company that is no stranger to \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/medicaid-transportation-nonemergency-benefit-patients-stranded/\">patient complaints and lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before she gave up on the ride service, Lammers said, she would call California Health and Wellness to try to resolve the issue, only to be told that ModivCare was a separate company. “I’m like, ‘If you guys hired them and put them in charge of transportation, who oversees their screwups?,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942520 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-800x614.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman, standing in a crowded room of unmade beds, dishes potatoes onto a plate of biscuits and gravy from a hot plate on a cabinet next to a fridge. \" width=\"800\" height=\"614\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-1020x783.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-160x123.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-1536x1180.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-2048x1573.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-1920x1475.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Lammers has serious abdominal symptoms, and her gastroenterologist wants to run diagnostic tests, but she had to cancel five appointments in the last three months of 2022 because she didn't have transportation. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Courtney Schwyzer, a member of a legal aid team representing Lammers on various Medi-Cal matters, said the failure of medical ride services is a systemic problem. In late February, Schwyzer and her fellow attorneys filed a petition in court that she hopes will force the state Department of Health Care Services to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Health and Wellness spokesperson Darrel Ng said the company monitors the quality of its contractors, but a shortage of transportation providers in rural areas “has created unique challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ModivCare provides more than 4 million rides for Medi-Cal recipients annually, and more than 99% are without complaint, said Melody Lai, a company spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lammers, who is unemployed and trying to start a custom craft business called Stuff by Steph, said doctors have warned her that if she doesn’t reduce her stress level, it could shorten her life. But arranging medical care is the most stressful thing in her life right now, so she doesn’t try anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to keep from dying, I have to not go to the doctor,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'It's a blessing'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal helped save the life of Carolina Morga Tapia, a 30-year-old full-time mother of five who lives with her family amid almond groves in an agricultural enclave of Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine years ago, a bacterial infection triggered premature labor during the 25th week of her second pregnancy, and Morga Tapia almost died. She spiked a fever, bled profusely and needed immediate transfusions and emergency surgery. After several days in critical care, she fully recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942521\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942521 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with a blue cardigan and a black shirt looks at the camera, arms akimbo, standing in a leafless orchard.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-2048x1367.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolina Morga Tapia stands amid almond trees outside her home in Fresno. She, her husband and their five children are enrolled in Medi-Cal, and she says she is very happy with the care it has provided, including emergency surgery that saved her life after she fell gravely ill during her second pregnancy. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the doctors could not stop the premature birth, and her baby came out weighing just 1 pound. She and her husband, David Nuñez, named her Milagros Guadalupe, and she died four days later, on Sept. 13, 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In each of her subsequent pregnancies, Medi-Cal paid for Morga Tapia to get shots of synthetic progesterone, intended to prevent another preterm birth. Those shots — one a week for about 20 weeks — can cost an average of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2020/01/24/798731110/drug-to-prevent-premature-birth-divides-doctors-insurers-and-fda-experts\">more than $10,000 per pregnancy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morga Tapia and Nuñez, a construction worker, signed up for Medi-Cal when she was pregnant with her first child more than a decade ago. They’ve been on the same Anthem Blue Cross Medi-Cal plan ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan paid for prenatal care through all six of Morga Tapia’s pregnancies, and it has provided all the medical and dental care the family needs, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without Medi-Cal, we would have to be paying for all of our children,” said Morga Tapia. “It saves a lot of money, and it’s a blessing to have that extra help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her children, four girls and a boy, range in age from 1 to 10. They all go to the same children’s clinic and see the same pediatrician.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Carolina Morga Tapia\"]'Without Medi-Cal, we would have to be paying for all of our children. It saves a lot of money, and it's a blessing to have that extra help.'[/pullquote]The kids, all in good health, get routine checkups, vaccinations and other preventive care, Morga Tapia said. She gets appointment reminders via text and cards in the mail notifying her when it’s time for the kids’ vaccinations and wellness checks, as well as her Pap smears, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family’s experience contrasts sharply with the state’s assessment of their health plan, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/dataandstats/reports/Documents/Enhancing-Quality-for-Medi-Cal-Members.pdf\">report on quality of care in Medi-Cal issued late last year (PDF)\u003c/a>. The report, which evaluated Medi-Cal health plans on pediatric care, women’s health and chronic disease management, put Anthem Blue Cross in the lowest tier, and below par on multiple measures in numerous counties, including Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another state report, released in late January, detailed how quickly insurers provide appointments for their patients, and put \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmhc.ca.gov/Portals/0/Docs/OPM/MY2021TAR.pdf\">Anthem Blue Cross’ Medi-Cal plan near the bottom of the heap (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem Blue Cross spokesperson Michael Bowman said in a statement that the period covered in the reports coincide with the COVID-19 pandemic, “when our safety net providers dealt with significant challenges with workforce and appointment availability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morga Tapia doesn’t give the insurer low marks. “It’s different for everybody. I have a good, healthy family, and what Medi-Cal covers is really fortunate for us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'I don't want to die yet'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In late 2021, doctors gave Lucas Moreno Ramirez a few months to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Struggling with diabetes and late-stage lung cancer, Moreno Ramirez suffered debilitating pain as he hacked and labored for breath. His doctors recommended that he stop treatment and start hospice care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He felt as if they were giving up on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said they’re going to give me opioids for my pain and help me have a comfortable death,” said Moreno Ramirez, 68, who lives in Norwalk, in Los Angeles County. “I told them I don’t believe in that. I don’t want to die yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942525\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942525 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man, with a bushy gray mustache and thick gray hair combed back from his forehead, sits at a long table along a wall, on the other side of which a gauzy white curtain blows inward. He rests his right arm on the table, holding a blue-and-white mug. He looks at the camera, and is surrounded by cabinets with CDs, a massive water bottle, salt-and-pepper shakers, a clock on the wall and a nearby wind chime, and other homey detritus.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-2048x1367.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lucas Moreno Ramirez, a former landscaper and factory worker, has been diagnosed with both diabetes and lung cancer. Working alongside a care manager through his Medi-Cal managed-care plan, he has fought for better care and treatment for both conditions. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A former landscaper and factory worker, Moreno Ramirez learned he had to be his own advocate, fighting for the care he believed he deserved from Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his Christian faith gave him strength, and over the next few months, he pushed the program and his doctors to keep battling his cancer, using a different treatment with fewer side effects than chemotherapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in prayer,” he said. “But I believe in science and medication, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno Ramirez is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/in-alignment-calaims-plan-coordinate-care-dual-enrollees-medicare-medi-cal/\">roughly 1.6 million Californians enrolled in both Medicare, which covers people who are 65 and older or have disabilities, and Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/a-profile-of-medicare-medicaid-enrollees-dual-eligibles/?utm_campaign=KFF-2023-Medicaid&utm_medium=email&_hsmi=243959452&_hsenc=p2ANqtz--_YdJIpoiPQ6BsTqKV7XWKRpOoR_sJTFFsZI7MrJWw-BvXTcEh0PRgAq42XpbIvOpISMXOG8GW_lDUH-w2IgL2Syf6YA&utm_content=243959452&utm_source=hs_email\">kicks in to cover the costs and benefits that Medicare doesn’t\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also relies on his Medi-Cal insurer to help him navigate the Byzantine system. L.A. Care, the largest Medi-Cal plan with nearly 2.6 million members, connected him with a care manager who worked with him to identify \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.gov/publications/dictionaries/cancer-terms/def/tagrisso\">a different treatment called Tagrisso\u003c/a> and advocated for him to get it.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11940023,news_11941075,news_1981588\"]Even with the new medication, Moreno Ramirez’s coughing fits returned last year, and his symptoms grew so painful he suspected the cancer was growing. He asked to see his pulmonologist but was told the first appointment would be in June 2023. So he switched doctors and scored an appointment nearly six months sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My old doctor didn’t help me. I didn’t trust him,” Moreno Ramirez said. “He was always too busy for me. I told my doctors, ‘Give me a chance.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having taken his care into his own hands, he says he’s not in pain, his cough has subsided and he feels hopeful for the future. “Now I feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also sought more attention for his diabetes and received a continuous glucose monitor to measure his blood sugar. It’s better controlled now than it has been in decades, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to stand up for yourself and advocate,” said Joann Pacelo, the care manager who helped Moreno Ramirez change doctors, get quicker referrals to specialists and get approved for in-home nursing visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times, it’s difficult with Medi-Cal because the doctors are busy and the reimbursements are so low, but no one should be denied the care they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Healthline is a service of the California Health Care Foundation produced by Kaiser Health News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Serving over 15 million people and with an annual budget of $139 billion, California's massive Medicaid program — Medi-Cal — is at a critical juncture as it attempts to serve the needs of a diverse patient population with a dizzying array of medical needs.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/news/author/angela-hart/\">Angela Hart\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/news/author/bernard-j-wolfson/\">Bernard J. Wolfson\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Newborns. Formerly incarcerated people. College students. Pregnant people. People with disabilities. Foster kids. Unhoused people. Single dads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your neighbor. Your co-worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s Medicaid program, called Medi-Cal, serves a whopping 15.4 million people, offering care from cradle to grave: \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/2021-edition-medi-cal-facts-figures/\">Half of all births are covered by Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, as are more than half of all stays in nursing homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everything about Medi-Cal is massive, from its \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/2023-24/pdf/BudgetSummary/HealthandHumanServices.pdf\">upcoming fiscal year budget of $139 billion (PDF)\u003c/a> to the expansive list of benefits and services it offers. The way the program works — or doesn’t — could spell life or death for many enrollees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s critical, from the single pregnant mom, to the extremely frail elderly population that needs a nursing home,” said Jennifer Kent, former director of the state Department of Health Care Services, which administers Medi-Cal. “If it weren’t for Medi-Cal, so many people would either be dead or would be severely compromised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a new series, California Healthline will shed light on Medi-Cal’s successes and failures through the experiences of its enrollees. They include Stephanie Lammers, who can’t get her troubling abdominal symptoms checked at a clinic 50 miles from her small Calaveras County town because the transportation Medi-Cal is supposed to provide isn’t trustworthy; Carolina Morga Tapia, a Fresno woman who credits Medi-Cal with helping her have five healthy children; and Lucas Moreno Ramirez, a Los Angeles County man with stage 4 lung cancer who had to fight to keep his treatment going.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal is at a critical juncture as it attempts to serve the needs of a diverse patient population with a dizzying array of medical needs — from childhood vaccinations and cancer screenings to state-of-the-art care for rare genetic disorders. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/dataandstats/statistics/Documents/FastFacts-March2022.pdf\">Roughly half of enrollees are Hispanic (PDF)\u003c/a>, and, next year, \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/news/article/covered-california-bill-undocumented-immigrant-health-insurance/\">California will become the first state to expand eligibility to all immigrants who qualify, regardless of their legal status\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Medi-Cal is also undertaking several new initiatives that aim to save taxpayer money and improve quality. State \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/californias-reboot-of-troubled-medi-cal-puts-pressure-on-health-plans/\">officials are demanding that the 23 health insurers that serve most Medi-Cal patients provide better care\u003c/a> — or face significant penalties, including potential expulsion from the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/california-medicaid-makeover-newsom-california-medi-cal-homeless-public-funds/\">adding innovative social services\u003c/a> that fall outside the traditional realm of medicine, including helping some enrollees pay for rent and buy groceries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are watching California,” said Cindy Mann, who served as federal Medicaid director under former President Barack Obama. “What the state is doing is ambitious and very aggressive. It makes a significant mark on health care and health policy, not just because of the size and breadth of its program, but by being very comprehensive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But only a sliver of enrollees will get the new social services, even as \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/california-governor-newsom-pricey-medicaid-reforms-leave-most-patients-behind/\">many patients struggle to obtain basic care\u003c/a> or get in to see their doctors. In reality, the type of care you get in Medi-Cal depends on where you live and which insurer provides your benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means the program is working for some, but failing for many others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are in Medi-Cal, \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/faces-of-medi-cal-submissions/\">we would like to hear from you\u003c/a>, whether you live in a big city or a rural region, regardless of your age, race or ethnicity, and whatever your medical, dental or mental health condition. Have you had difficulty seeing the right doctor for what ails you, even to the point of putting your life at risk? Or did Medi-Cal provide good care, perhaps sparing you serious harm or disability? Either way, \u003ca href=\"https://californiahealthline.org/faces-of-medi-cal-submissions/\">please consider sharing your experience with us\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are snapshots of patients who have used the program at a critical time in their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'I just don't go to the doctor anymore'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Stephanie Lammers leans over to put on her shoes, it feels as if she’s squishing something inside her abdomen, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lammers, 53, has been suffering from frequent bouts of nausea, pain and bloating for six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her gastroenterologist wants to perform diagnostic procedures, including a colonoscopy and, if anything shows up, a biopsy. But Lammers, who lives in a motel with her boyfriend and teenage daughter in the Gold Rush town of San Andreas, doesn’t have a working car and can’t readily get to the clinic — which is 50 miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942519\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942519 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-800x548.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged white woman with a long-sleeved shirt with horizontal blue-and-white stripes, with one shoulder pulled down to reveal a tattoo of an eye, looks at the camera as she leans against a door jamb. To her left, a white husky dog looks out from a window.\" width=\"800\" height=\"548\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-800x548.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-1020x699.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-160x110.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-1536x1052.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-2048x1402.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_04-1920x1315.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Lammers says the ride service provided by her Medi-Cal health plan is so bad that she stopped trying to use it about a year ago, after it left her in the lurch multiple times. 'I just don't go to the doctor anymore,' she says. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Lammers, like many Medi-Cal enrollees who live in rural areas, lack of transportation is a major impediment to obtaining care. The problem is particularly acute for patients who need to see specialists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lammers’ dermatologist and eye doctor are over an hour away from San Andreas, the county seat of Calaveras County, about 125 miles northeast of San Francisco. She isn’t seeing a neurologist, despite a series of mini-strokes and stress-related seizures. And she hasn’t been to a podiatrist in two years, even though her toes are twisted over one another and hang down, causing her to trip. She’s often in excruciating pain when she walks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal is supposed to provide \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/services/medi-cal/Pages/Transportation.aspx\">free transportation to enrollees\u003c/a> who can’t otherwise get to their appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lammers — whose health plan is California Health and Wellness, owned by Centene, \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/centene-political-donations-medicaid-contracts-overbilling-allegations/\">the nation’s largest commercial Medicaid insurer\u003c/a> — stopped using its ride service nearly a year ago, after she missed dozens of appointments because drivers just didn’t show up, she said. She was getting threatening letters from doctors’ offices over the no-shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once, she had to hitchhike more than 30 miles home from a counseling appointment. On other occasions, Lammers said, she did not receive the reimbursement she was owed for arranging her own rides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just don’t go to the doctor anymore,” Lammers said. “If I go to the doctor, my boyfriend has to take the day off work, and if he takes the day off work, we have no money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the last three months of 2022, Lammers canceled five appointments she had scheduled for the diagnostic abdominal procedures because her boyfriend had to work each time and couldn’t take her. She finally stopped rescheduling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Health and Wellness contracts with ModivCare, a Denver-based medical transportation company that is no stranger to \u003ca href=\"https://khn.org/news/article/medicaid-transportation-nonemergency-benefit-patients-stranded/\">patient complaints and lawsuits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before she gave up on the ride service, Lammers said, she would call California Health and Wellness to try to resolve the issue, only to be told that ModivCare was a separate company. “I’m like, ‘If you guys hired them and put them in charge of transportation, who oversees their screwups?,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942520\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942520 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-800x614.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman, standing in a crowded room of unmade beds, dishes potatoes onto a plate of biscuits and gravy from a hot plate on a cabinet next to a fridge. \" width=\"800\" height=\"614\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-1020x783.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-160x123.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-1536x1180.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-2048x1573.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/Lammers_09-1920x1475.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephanie Lammers has serious abdominal symptoms, and her gastroenterologist wants to run diagnostic tests, but she had to cancel five appointments in the last three months of 2022 because she didn't have transportation. \u003ccite>(Rich Pedroncelli/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Courtney Schwyzer, a member of a legal aid team representing Lammers on various Medi-Cal matters, said the failure of medical ride services is a systemic problem. In late February, Schwyzer and her fellow attorneys filed a petition in court that she hopes will force the state Department of Health Care Services to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Health and Wellness spokesperson Darrel Ng said the company monitors the quality of its contractors, but a shortage of transportation providers in rural areas “has created unique challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ModivCare provides more than 4 million rides for Medi-Cal recipients annually, and more than 99% are without complaint, said Melody Lai, a company spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lammers, who is unemployed and trying to start a custom craft business called Stuff by Steph, said doctors have warned her that if she doesn’t reduce her stress level, it could shorten her life. But arranging medical care is the most stressful thing in her life right now, so she doesn’t try anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to keep from dying, I have to not go to the doctor,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'It's a blessing'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal helped save the life of Carolina Morga Tapia, a 30-year-old full-time mother of five who lives with her family amid almond groves in an agricultural enclave of Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine years ago, a bacterial infection triggered premature labor during the 25th week of her second pregnancy, and Morga Tapia almost died. She spiked a fever, bled profusely and needed immediate transfusions and emergency surgery. After several days in critical care, she fully recovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942521\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942521 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A Latina woman with a blue cardigan and a black shirt looks at the camera, arms akimbo, standing in a leafless orchard.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-2048x1367.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/carolina_tapia-2-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Carolina Morga Tapia stands amid almond trees outside her home in Fresno. She, her husband and their five children are enrolled in Medi-Cal, and she says she is very happy with the care it has provided, including emergency surgery that saved her life after she fell gravely ill during her second pregnancy. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the doctors could not stop the premature birth, and her baby came out weighing just 1 pound. She and her husband, David Nuñez, named her Milagros Guadalupe, and she died four days later, on Sept. 13, 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In each of her subsequent pregnancies, Medi-Cal paid for Morga Tapia to get shots of synthetic progesterone, intended to prevent another preterm birth. Those shots — one a week for about 20 weeks — can cost an average of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2020/01/24/798731110/drug-to-prevent-premature-birth-divides-doctors-insurers-and-fda-experts\">more than $10,000 per pregnancy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morga Tapia and Nuñez, a construction worker, signed up for Medi-Cal when she was pregnant with her first child more than a decade ago. They’ve been on the same Anthem Blue Cross Medi-Cal plan ever since.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan paid for prenatal care through all six of Morga Tapia’s pregnancies, and it has provided all the medical and dental care the family needs, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without Medi-Cal, we would have to be paying for all of our children,” said Morga Tapia. “It saves a lot of money, and it’s a blessing to have that extra help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her children, four girls and a boy, range in age from 1 to 10. They all go to the same children’s clinic and see the same pediatrician.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The kids, all in good health, get routine checkups, vaccinations and other preventive care, Morga Tapia said. She gets appointment reminders via text and cards in the mail notifying her when it’s time for the kids’ vaccinations and wellness checks, as well as her Pap smears, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family’s experience contrasts sharply with the state’s assessment of their health plan, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/dataandstats/reports/Documents/Enhancing-Quality-for-Medi-Cal-Members.pdf\">report on quality of care in Medi-Cal issued late last year (PDF)\u003c/a>. The report, which evaluated Medi-Cal health plans on pediatric care, women’s health and chronic disease management, put Anthem Blue Cross in the lowest tier, and below par on multiple measures in numerous counties, including Fresno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another state report, released in late January, detailed how quickly insurers provide appointments for their patients, and put \u003ca href=\"https://www.dmhc.ca.gov/Portals/0/Docs/OPM/MY2021TAR.pdf\">Anthem Blue Cross’ Medi-Cal plan near the bottom of the heap (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem Blue Cross spokesperson Michael Bowman said in a statement that the period covered in the reports coincide with the COVID-19 pandemic, “when our safety net providers dealt with significant challenges with workforce and appointment availability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morga Tapia doesn’t give the insurer low marks. “It’s different for everybody. I have a good, healthy family, and what Medi-Cal covers is really fortunate for us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>'I don't want to die yet'\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In late 2021, doctors gave Lucas Moreno Ramirez a few months to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Struggling with diabetes and late-stage lung cancer, Moreno Ramirez suffered debilitating pain as he hacked and labored for breath. His doctors recommended that he stop treatment and start hospice care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He felt as if they were giving up on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They said they’re going to give me opioids for my pain and help me have a comfortable death,” said Moreno Ramirez, 68, who lives in Norwalk, in Los Angeles County. “I told them I don’t believe in that. I don’t want to die yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942525\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11942525 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Latino man, with a bushy gray mustache and thick gray hair combed back from his forehead, sits at a long table along a wall, on the other side of which a gauzy white curtain blows inward. He rests his right arm on the table, holding a blue-and-white mug. He looks at the camera, and is surrounded by cabinets with CDs, a massive water bottle, salt-and-pepper shakers, a clock on the wall and a nearby wind chime, and other homey detritus.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-2048x1367.jpg 2048w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/lucas_ramirez-3-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lucas Moreno Ramirez, a former landscaper and factory worker, has been diagnosed with both diabetes and lung cancer. Working alongside a care manager through his Medi-Cal managed-care plan, he has fought for better care and treatment for both conditions. \u003ccite>(Heidi de Marco/KHN)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A former landscaper and factory worker, Moreno Ramirez learned he had to be his own advocate, fighting for the care he believed he deserved from Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his Christian faith gave him strength, and over the next few months, he pushed the program and his doctors to keep battling his cancer, using a different treatment with fewer side effects than chemotherapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe in prayer,” he said. “But I believe in science and medication, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreno Ramirez is one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/in-alignment-calaims-plan-coordinate-care-dual-enrollees-medicare-medi-cal/\">roughly 1.6 million Californians enrolled in both Medicare, which covers people who are 65 and older or have disabilities, and Medi-Cal\u003c/a>, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kff.org/medicare/issue-brief/a-profile-of-medicare-medicaid-enrollees-dual-eligibles/?utm_campaign=KFF-2023-Medicaid&utm_medium=email&_hsmi=243959452&_hsenc=p2ANqtz--_YdJIpoiPQ6BsTqKV7XWKRpOoR_sJTFFsZI7MrJWw-BvXTcEh0PRgAq42XpbIvOpISMXOG8GW_lDUH-w2IgL2Syf6YA&utm_content=243959452&utm_source=hs_email\">kicks in to cover the costs and benefits that Medicare doesn’t\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also relies on his Medi-Cal insurer to help him navigate the Byzantine system. L.A. Care, the largest Medi-Cal plan with nearly 2.6 million members, connected him with a care manager who worked with him to identify \u003ca href=\"https://www.cancer.gov/publications/dictionaries/cancer-terms/def/tagrisso\">a different treatment called Tagrisso\u003c/a> and advocated for him to get it.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Even with the new medication, Moreno Ramirez’s coughing fits returned last year, and his symptoms grew so painful he suspected the cancer was growing. He asked to see his pulmonologist but was told the first appointment would be in June 2023. So he switched doctors and scored an appointment nearly six months sooner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My old doctor didn’t help me. I didn’t trust him,” Moreno Ramirez said. “He was always too busy for me. I told my doctors, ‘Give me a chance.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having taken his care into his own hands, he says he’s not in pain, his cough has subsided and he feels hopeful for the future. “Now I feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has also sought more attention for his diabetes and received a continuous glucose monitor to measure his blood sugar. It’s better controlled now than it has been in decades, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to stand up for yourself and advocate,” said Joann Pacelo, the care manager who helped Moreno Ramirez change doctors, get quicker referrals to specialists and get approved for in-home nursing visits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times, it’s difficult with Medi-Cal because the doctors are busy and the reimbursements are so low, but no one should be denied the care they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Healthline is a service of the California Health Care Foundation produced by Kaiser Health News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>U.S. Rep. Barbara Lee\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last month, Senator Dianne Feinstein announced she would step down. Even before she declared her intent to leave office, two California members of Congress announced they would run for her seat: Adam Schiff from Los Angeles and Katie Porter from Orange County. Recently, another contender announced she would vie for the position: Congressmember Barbara Lee joins us to discuss yet another threat to women’s health, her campaign and more.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lateefah Simon\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">BART director Lateefah Simon announced her bid to fill U.S. Rep. Lee’s seat this week. Simon has been politically active in the Bay Area for two decades and is recognized nationally as a civil rights leader. She joins us in the studio to discuss the transit agency and her run for Congress.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Something Beautiful\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A home for emerging women-led projects since 1979, the San Francisco Women’s Building is covered in a vibrant mural celebrating the accomplishments of female role models. Completed in 1994, the mural depicts the likes of Georgia O’Keefe and Rigoberta Mench\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">ú\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">a Tum alongside Aztec and Chinese goddesses. More than 170 organizations trace their roots to the building, one of the first women-owned-and-operated community centers in the country — and it’s this week’s Something Beautiful.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]S[/dropcap]ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A bit hard to swallow’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a ‘free state’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Stacey Smith, history professor, Oregon State University\"]‘Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.’[/pullquote]Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 … [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Kamilah Moore, chair, California Reparations Task Force\"]‘I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school.’[/pullquote]“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Wouldn’t want to live under a rock’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.",
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"title": "California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That? | KQED",
"description": "Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers held outsize influence in its early Legislature, enacting laws aiding enslavers, and supporting the expansion of human bondage across the country — a legacy now being reexamined as the state considers reparations.",
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"headline": "California's Legislature Has Roots in Slavery. Are Lawmakers Ready to Confront That?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">S\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ean Ryan was unaware of the most brutal chapters of American history when he started high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He spent much of his adolescence in what he described as a religious cult that his mother joined, near Redding. While children his age constructed models of Spanish missions using sugar cubes and popsicle sticks, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/editorials/la-ed-california-mission-models-20170919-story.html\">longtime popular assignment in California’s fourth-grade classrooms\u003c/a>, Ryan was placed in a series of rotating apprenticeships. Starting when he was 8, Ryan chainsawed tree limbs with lumberjacks near Mount Shasta, paved roads in Arizona and went to Reno for a plumbing gig — work organized by his mother’s church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan moved in with his father in San José when he was 14. He enrolled in school in the adjacent suburb of Los Gatos, an upscale community tucked in the foothills of the Santa Cruz Mountains. His first class — U.S. history — required reading about the Trail of Tears, the forced displacement of 60,000 Indigenous people from their ancestral homes in the southeastern part of the United States. Thousands died as they were marched to reservations west of the Mississippi River.\u003cu> \u003c/u>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brutality of American history, like the forced labor of Indigenous people in the 18th and 19th centuries to build the Spanish missions, startled Ryan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just cried in front of the whole class,” Ryan, now 53, recalled. “They were like, ‘What is going on?’ And I was like, ‘I never knew any of this stuff. This is all completely new to me.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was an insatiable desire to learn more about his family’s history. Did his ancestors have a role in the subjugation and forced removal of people? Ryan’s research revealed that he had a direct connection to California’s foundational years, when a veneer of frontier freedom and prosperity concealed an agenda anchored in racist hostility and terror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942343\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942343 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg\" alt=\"A bearded white man with glasses holds an old photo of another white man, dressed formally in 19th century garb.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1484\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/Sean-Ryan-photo-3-1536x1187.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sean Ryan holds a daguerreotype of his great-great-great grandfather, James Madison Estill, an early California legislator who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme to reinstate enslavement in the new state. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Sean Ryan)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It began with a photo. A great-aunt on Ryan’s mother’s side heard about his interest in genealogy, and asked whether a box of records she had would help his hunt. Among the documents included was a picture of his great-great-great grandfather: James Madison Estill, a founder of California’s system of mass incarceration, who was an early California legislator and who enslaved more than a dozen people as he advanced a scheme in the 1850s to reinstate enslavement in the newly formed state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is now going through a similar unearthing of its past. The state’s Reparations Task Force is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">examining the historic harms of slavery and anti-Black racism in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California entered the nation as a free state, pro-slavery lawmakers, including enslavers like Estill, held outsize influence in its early Legislature. They enacted laws aiding enslavers, and supported the expansion of human bondage across the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3121\">The bill creating the Reparations Task Force\u003c/a> was passed with bipartisan support in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. It was heralded as a transformative step for racial justice. When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed the bill that September, he vowed the state would not “turn away from this moment to make right the discrimination and disadvantages that Black Californians and people of color still face.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday and Saturday, that task force will meet in Sacramento, the state Capitol where Estill and his allies sought to create a western outpost for the ideals that would galvanize the Confederacy. On the task force agenda: how to potentially provide financial compensation for the descendants of enslaved people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slavery is an afterthought in the popular California origin story of rugged Gold Rush frontierism. But hundreds of enslaved Black people were involuntarily brought to the state to work in the gold mines by Southerners who hoped to replicate the system of chattel slavery and plantation agriculture on the Pacific Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, the \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/ab3121-reparations-interim-report-2022.pdf\">task force released a preliminary report (PDF)\u003c/a> detailing California’s history of enslavement and its many decades of discriminatory policies — in housing, education, health care, criminal justice and other areas — that established the systemic racism that persists. In July, the task force will present recommendations on how Black residents should be compensated for this enduring oppression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942341\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942341 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg\" alt=\"An older bald, Black man wearing a jacket and tie, sitting at a desk, smiling pleasantly at the camera with his hands folded in front of him on a desk.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4305-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, in his office in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But at the state Capitol, the preliminary report has been largely ignored \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11916026/no-the-reparations-task-force-report-isnt-a-watershed-moment-action-will-be\">in the months since its release\u003c/a>, according to state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), a member of the task force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sad to report not a single one of my colleagues have even mentioned this report, and I doubt very seriously if any of them have really taken time to read it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They need to read this report, they need to understand what’s there and understand the history instead of the whitewash that we’ve been allowed to perpetuate itself as American history for almost 400 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A bit hard to swallow’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Estill, whose surname is also documented in some places as “Estell,” brought his family from Kentucky to Missouri in the 1840s. He sought fortune by starting a military prison, a grain mill and a postal route. When the ventures stalled, Estill journeyed on to California. He left his wife and young children behind, but took his most prized possessions: the people he owned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the census taken on Nov. 20, 1850, just 10 weeks into California’s statehood, Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County, with real estate valued at $15,000. Listed beneath his name are 14 men and one woman — with surnames of either Brown or Smith — who ranged in age from 18 to 40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cpre>June Brown\r\nJoe Brown\r\nIsaac Brown\r\nJohn Brown\r\nBill Brown\r\nPeter Brown\r\nThomas Brown\r\nMid Brown\r\nBolin Brown\r\nComins Brown\r\nJoe Smith\r\nHigins Smith\r\nWhitehead Smith\r\nGeneral Smith\r\nMinerva Smith\u003c/pre>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942342\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 463px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942342\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A hand-written census ledger, with a list of names.\" width=\"463\" height=\"631\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-scaled.jpg 1879w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-800x1090.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1020x1390.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-160x218.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1127x1536.jpg 1127w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1503x2048.jpg 1503w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/James-Estill-1850-Solano-census-record-1920x2616.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 463px) 100vw, 463px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">On this copy of a page from the 1850 census, James Estill was recorded as a farmer in Solano County. His assets included 14 men and one woman. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Ancestry.com)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The following note is scribbled in the margin next to the list of names: “These men were slaves in Missouri and have contracted to work in this state and then be free after two years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As soon as Estill was elected to the state Senate in 1851, representing Napa and Solano counties, he began to pursue laws that would allow him to keep his human property in California, a “free state,” and advance the institution of chattel slavery. As some of his peers found fortunes mining for gold, Estill charted a path toward a more lucrative American hustle: the construction and management of state prisons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estill won a contract to run the prison system the year he was elected to the Legislature. He pocketed profits from the forced labor of incarcerated people, who, under his authority, built a monument to mass incarceration: San Quentin State Prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No man has received one tenth the money from the State that General Estill did; and no man made greater profit on what he received,” read a scathing obituary in \u003cem>The Sacramento Bee\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deeper Ryan dug into his great-great-great grandfather’s past, the more he found the man “despicable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a great research project, but at the end of the day, it was kind of a bit hard to swallow,” Ryan said. “It was obvious people hated him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s research was guided by a trove of records, articles and photographs. The same documents don’t exist for the descendants of enslaved people, like the Browns and the Smiths listed on the 1850 census — a vexing issue for the task force currently grappling with who could become eligible for compensation from the state of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pursuit of his family history took Ryan around the world. He learned that Estill’s granddaughter was married to an anatomist who moved his family to Bangkok for work. Inspired, Ryan moved with his family to Bangkok and stayed overseas for a decade. Now he lives with his wife and four kids in Oregon, where he works as an oceanographer on devices that collect energy from waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve definitely made life choices based on some of this stuff,” said Ryan. “To me, finding out about the history of my family was very cathartic, I guess. It filled a lot of holes. I really kind of dug into it and it became very important to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fugitives in a ‘free state’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pro-slavery politicians like Estill were instrumental in California’s formation as a state. The issue of slavery was clearly on the minds of the delegates who gathered in Monterey to write California’s constitution in the fall of 1849. In fact, the slavery debate literally shaped the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historians of early California history like Franklin Tuthill and Rockwell D. Hunt have detailed how the state’s current eastern boundary was forged through a debate with pro-slavery delegates who wanted to create a massive state that would stretch into present-day Utah. They believed that a state so large would inevitably be broken into two states: one where slavery would be allowed, the other free. Even though the delegates officially banned slavery in California, the meeting at Colton Hall in Monterey was “understood to be under the management, imaginary if not real, of southern men,” according to historian Hubert Howe Bancroft. And men like William Gwin, a Mississippi enslaver who moved to California and became one of its first U.S. senators, would dominate early state politics under the pro-slavery “Chivalry” wing of the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would say in terms of the people who came to California thinking about elected office, rather than just the gold mining, that tended to be Southerners,” said Alex Vassar of the California State Library, who wrote a book on the history of state legislators. “And so they brought their values, they brought the customs of their place and their time to California with them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some, Vassar said, “actually served in the state Legislature owning slaves.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Vassar has documented members such as state Sen. William B. Norman, who brought an enslaved person from Mississippi to California, and Charles S. Fairfax, who traveled west from his family’s Virginia slave plantation and eventually became speaker of the state Assembly. The Marin County town where Fairfax built his manor now bears his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1850s, enslavers and their allies were part of the legislative majority in California that took two dramatic actions in support of enslavement: passing the state’s fugitive slave law and backing the explosive Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, the federal law allowing the expansion of slavery into the territories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that it wasn’t just always a symbolic issue,” said Stacey Smith, associate professor of history at Oregon State University, who is advising California’s Reparations Task Force. “Certainly there were specific members of the state Legislature and the congressional delegation who had a direct interest in enslaving people in California and keeping control over them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal Fugitive Slave Act, which required residents and law enforcement in free states to assist with the capture and return of escaped enslaved people, was included in the agreement that ushered California into the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the federal law only dealt with enslaved persons escaping across state lines, and California’s enslavers had no legal recourse if their captives escaped within the new, free state. To account for this, pro-slavery lawmakers drafted the state’s own fugitive slave bill, that would give enslavers a one-year window to recapture formerly enslaved people they had brought to California pre-statehood, and forcibly take them out of the state and back to slaveholding states in the South. The legislation, officially “an Act respecting Fugitives from labor, and Slaves brought into this State prior to her admission into the Union,” passed the Assembly in February of 1852.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11942340\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11942340 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg\" alt=\"A white marble bust of a man, with hair that's a bit long on top and a slight beard, whose chest is draped in a toga.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1371\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1020x728.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/IMG_4303-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A bust of David Broderick, a California state senator in the 1850s known for his opposition to slavery, on display at the California State Library in Sacramento. Broderick was killed in a duel, purportedly over his anti-slavery stance. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Senate, where the proposal had been defeated the year before, the Chivalry had to overcome opposition from anti-slavery Democrats, most notably San Francisco Sen. David Broderick. The bill was carried in the state Senate by Estill. Lawmakers deliberated the bill for days before a final vote. Opponents hatched a series of roadblocks, desperately trying to weaken the proposal with amendments or at least find a majority willing to adjourn for the night. But Estill and his allies prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate Journal for April 13, 1852, shows that after more than a dozen procedural votes, the bill passed 14–9, and was signed by Gov. John Bigler. One-year extensions of the law were subsequently passed in 1853 and 1854. Not included in the record is the fact that Estill was fighting to protect his ownership of the 15 people who toiled without compensation on his Solano County farm, less than 50 miles down the Sacramento River.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t just wanting to promote the ‘Southern values’ of protecting slavery and slave property in California,” said Smith, who \u003ca href=\"https://uncpress.org/book/9781469626536/freedoms-frontier/\">chronicled the history of unfree labor in California in her book \u003cem>Freedom’s Frontier\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. “He had a direct, personal economic interest in a fugitive slave law that would allow him to take enslaved people back to the Southern states when he decided that he no longer wanted to have them working in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith found records of dozens of Black Californians arrested under the act, apprehended by law enforcement in a state that promised freedom. Black people, some of whom came to California to escape racial terror, lived with the fear that they could be seized in the middle of the night and extradited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you had been brought at the height of the Gold Rush, let’s say in early 1849 up through mid-1850 … [then] until March of 1855, so five, six years later, you could be enslaved and returned back to the slave states under California law,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pushing to expand slavery\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The national uproar over the Kansas-Nebraska Act turned the political tide against California’s fugitive slave law and made the support of slavery a losing issue for the state’s Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law allowed new territories to decide whether to permit slavery within their borders, replacing the generation-old Missouri Compromise, which had banned slavery in new territories north of latitude 36° 30’, spanning the northern borders of Tennessee, Arkansas and Texas. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was evidence that Southerners were not only intent on preserving slavery, they wanted to expand it. The law incensed opponents of slavery, scrambled national and state party alliances and, in the words of historian James McPherson, “may have been the most important single event pushing the nation toward war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite California’s official status as a free state, its representatives in Congress supported the law. And in the weeks leading up to the final vote, the state Legislature passed a resolution supporting “the Nebraska bill,” as it was known at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s show of support for the Kansas-Nebraska Act was nonbinding, but it spoke volumes. The only other legislature in a free state to back the proposal, Smith said, was Illinois — home of the bill’s author, U.S. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fairly unusual for a free state to pass an endorsement of the Kansas-Nebraska Act when a lot of other people in Northern states — free states, especially the Northeast — are just clamoring for the overturn of the [law],” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voter backlash in California to the Kansas-Nebraska Act \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/41170744\">helped launch the California Republican Party\u003c/a>, slowing the momentum for further extensions of the state’s fugitive slave law. Pro-slavery lawmakers retained control in Sacramento until the Civil War, at times resorting to violence to achieve their goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A pro-slavery legislator assaulted an anti-slavery colleague with a cane on the floor of the Senate during debates to extend the fugitive slave law, according to Smith. And in 1859, Broderick, the prominent anti-slavery Democrat, was killed in a duel on the shores of Lake Merced in San Francisco by the Chivalry’s David Terry, a former state Supreme Court justice. As he lay dying, Broderick \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/goga/learn/historyculture/broderick-terry-duel.htm\">reportedly said his anti-slavery stances were what pushed his political opponents to violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broderick quickly became a martyr for opponents of slavery, and his bust is still on display in the chambers of the state Senate. As the Gold Rush waned, many of the Southerners in California’s government left the state. Some, like Gwin, backed the Confederacy in the Civil War. The decade-long reign of the Chivalry and their enslavers’ agenda became a historical footnote.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reparations and atonement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“I think, for the most part, when I say something like ‘slavery in California,’ most people who’ve gone to school in California will say, ‘Oh, the mission system,’” said Smith. “It’s just these other stories, especially about enslaved African Americans, that are a lot less familiar to most Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kamilah Moore, a reparatory justice scholar who chairs the state Reparations Task Force, said confronting the Legislature’s pro-slavery history should start in the state’s K–12 schools. She said the task force would like to see a curriculum that acknowledges and teaches California’s role in maintaining the institution of slavery.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I grew up in California, born and raised, and so were my parents. And none of us learned about this history in school,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the task force presents its financial recommendations to the Legislature this summer, the possibility of monetary compensation for the descendants of 19th-century Black Americans will likely stir up the most interest and debate in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At KQED’s gubernatorial debate in October, when asked where he stood on the issue of potential payments, Newsom demurred, saying he would first “want to see the recommendations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, we created the work group to adjudicate the merits of different strategies,” Newsom said. “And so this task force is convening, we’ll see where their recommendations come out and we’ll make a determination after the fact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore is interested in atonement by the Legislature. Lawmakers today routinely celebrate its history at the vanguard of environmentalism and protections for labor, abortion and LGBTQ rights. But that history also includes support for the brutality of chattel slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of our work as the task force is thinking about how we can get the California state Legislature not only to adopt our final recommendations as proposed, but then also for the body itself to take some self-accountability,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Wouldn’t want to live under a rock’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ryan’s pursuit of his family history introduced him to members of his extended family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Along the way, I’ve been finding a lot of new families that are like first cousins, second cousins, third cousins and then getting to share my information with them, and that’s been a lot of fun getting to meet people,” Ryan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of his relatives found Estill’s story too painful to confront — like the cousin in New York whose first name was Estill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She had seen those pictures of him and knew that he existed but had no idea what his history was or his dealings and stuff,” Ryan said. “And so she was very upset.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other relatives have told Ryan to stop doing his research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people are very sensitive to it,” he said. “I never would have thought that — although, by finding out all this stuff about Estill I can kind of understand it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “But I also wouldn’t want to live under a rock. So you have to kind of learn from history, right? You don’t want to whitewash history.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "¿Qué es el programa de acción diferida de la administración Biden para trabajadores indocumentados?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940316/fear-of-deportation-keeps-some-workers-from-reporting-labor-abuses-a-new-biden-program-aims-to-change-that\">Leer en inglés\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Ir a:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"#funciona\">\u003cstrong>Cómo funciona la solicitud de acción diferida\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>A medida que progresan las investigaciones sobre posibles violaciones laborales en las dos granjas de hongos de Half Moon Bay donde se produjo un tiroteo masivo el mes pasado, los abogados laborales y de inmigración del Área de la Bahía dicen que están tratando de correr la voz sobre las nuevas protecciones federales anunciadas recientemente por la administración del presidente Biden que podrían proteger a los trabajadores indocumentados de la deportación si hablan sobre los abusos en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando el gobernador Gavin Newsom visitó Half Moon Bay tras la matanza del 23 de enero, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">la cual cobró la vida de siete trabajadores agrícolas inmigrantes,\u003c/a> expresó su conmoción al enterarse que los empleados vivieran en contenedores de transporte y dijo que algunos le habían contado que ganaban sólo 9 dólares la hora.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Patricia Ortiz, Directora jurídica del programa de inmigración, California Rural Legal Assistance\"]\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable. Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que tienen acceso las personas en otras partes del estado, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Quieren saber el salario mínimo de California? No es de 9 dólares la hora\", dijo Newsom. \"Sin atención sanitaria, sin ayudas, sin servicios. Pero ellos cuidan de nuestra salud. Prestando un servicio a todos y cada uno de nosotros, todos los días\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las autoridades estatales comenzaron inmediatamente a recabar información sobre California Terra Garden y Concord Farms, las dos granjas atacadas, y consiguieron entrar dos horas después de que las fuerzas del orden abrieron de nuevo los sitios el 25 de enero, según Peter Melton, portavoz del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales del estado. Confirmó que su agencia está investigando a ambas empresas por posibles infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melton subrayó que la agencia no solicita ni rastrea el estatus migratorio de los trabajadores, y añadió: \"En California, los trabajadores agrícolas y de la mayoría de las demás industrias están protegidos por las leyes laborales y las normas de seguridad y salud en el lugar de trabajo de California, independientemente de su estatus migratorio\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por una cuestión de política, el Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU. no quiso confirmar si también está investigando las granjas. Pero el vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, Joaquín Jiménez Ureña, dijo que la semana anterior investigadores federales estuvieron en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Tuve la oportunidad de reunirme con ellos\", dijo. \"Compartieron conmigo lo que están investigando. Quieren colaborar con nosotros para asegurarse de que los trabajadores agrícolas estén bien atendidos con salarios y vivienda, y que se les comunique cualquier incidente que ocurra en las granjas.\"\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vulnerables a la explotación\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A pesar de las protecciones laborales de California, los trabajadores inmigrantes suelen tener miedo a denunciar por temor a las represalias de los empleadores y a la amenaza de la deportación, afirman los defensores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Casi el 60% de los trabajadores agrícolas del estado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/eta/national-agricultural-workers-survey/research/data-tables\">son inmigrantes indocumentados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), según los últimos datos del Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incluso los trabajadores agrícolas que trabajan legalmente, con \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/espanol\">visados agrícolas temporales H-2A\u003c/a>, pueden ser reacios a quejarse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">porque dependen de sus empleadores para mantener sus visados de trabajo\u003c/a>. Y para los inmigrantes indocumentados, el temor es aún mayor, dice Patricia Ortiz, directora legal del programa de inmigración de la organización sin fines de lucro California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11919450\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/07/FarmworkersIlloVignet-1020x659-1.jpg\"]\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable\", dijo Ortiz. \"Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que la gente en otras partes del estado tiene acceso, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-anuncia-mejoras-en-los-procesos-para-apoyar-las-investigaciones-de-cumplimiento\">un nuevo programa simplificado y acelerado de solicitud de \"acción diferida\"\u003c/a>, destinado a ayudar al gobierno a acabar con los empleadores abusivos, podría animar a más trabajadores indocumentados a denunciar condiciones injustas o inseguras, dijo Ortiz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores que demuestren que están cooperando con una investigación laboral pueden solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección contra la deportación a través de un proceso acelerado anunciado en enero por el Secretario de Seguridad Nacional (DHS, por sus siglas en inglés), Alejandro Mayorkas. La protección, que se concederá caso por caso, se basa en \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/memo_from_secretary_mayorkas_on_worksite_enforcement.pdf\">un memorando de octubre de 2021 en el que se describe la estrategia del DHS para hacer cumplir la ley en los lugares de trabajo (PDF)\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Los empresarios sin escrúpulos que se aprovechan de la vulnerabilidad de los trabajadores extranjeros perjudican a todos los trabajadores y ponen en desventaja a las empresas que respetan las normas\", declaró Mayorkas al anunciar el nuevo programa en enero. \"Responsabilizaremos a estos depredadores animando a todos los trabajadores a hacer valer sus derechos\".\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Difundir el mensaje\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortiz dice que grupos de defensa de los inmigrantes como el suyo han estado organizando apresuradamente cursos de formación y seminarios web para informar sobre el programa a otros proveedores de servicios jurídicos que trabajan con inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Jiménez Ureña, vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, que también ayuda dirigir la organización sin fines de lucro ALAS, o Ayudando Latinos a Soñar, que apoya a trabajadores agrícolas en el condado de San Mateo, dijo que desconocía la iniciativa federal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el tiroteo masivo y las posibles infracciones laborales en las granjas de hongos, la Agencia de Trabajo y Desarrollo Laboral de la administración del gobernador Newsom ha empezado a compartir información sobre el nuevo programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La administración ha estado en estrecho contacto con el condado de San Mateo y las organizaciones comunitarias en relación con asistencia migratoria y las nuevas orientaciones del DHS sobre posibles ayudas de inmigración para los trabajadores que hayan sufrido infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\", dijo Erin Hickey, portavoz de la agencia, en un correo electrónico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los líderes sindicales de California llevaron a cabo un curso de formación sobre el nuevo programa en Los Ángeles. Y un grupo de abogados del Área de la Bahía programaron una videollamada para debatir cómo podrían beneficiar a sus clientes estas protecciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Un giro de 180 grados\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sergio Benavides, un abogado de inmigración de Hayward dijo que ya hace tiempo es que la administración Biden debería haberse enfocado en las protecciones laborales para los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Para mí representa un giro completo de 180 grados con respecto a la era del expresidente Trump\", dijo. \"La administración Biden está diciendo, 'Oigan, trabajadores, queremos ayudarlos. Queremos protegerlos. Queremos investigar las violaciones de la ley. Por favor, salgan a la luz'\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Benavides advirtió que la acción diferida es sólo temporal, y dijo que los inmigrantes deberían consultar primero a un abogado para decidir si les beneficiaría solicitarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay otras formas de alivio de la inmigración que podrían ser más duraderas para los inmigrantes indocumentados, incluidos los de las granjas de setas de Half Moon Bay, dijo. Una de ellas, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/programas-humanitarios/victimas-de-la-trata-de-personas-y-de-otros-crimenes/victimas-de-actos-criminales-estatus-u-de-no-inmigrante\">el visado U\u003c/a>, puede conducir a una tarjeta verde y, en última instancia, a la ciudadanía para las víctimas de determinados delitos que cooperen con las fuerzas del orden o los investigadores gubernamentales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y la eficacia del nuevo programa federal dependerá de lo bien que se administre, dijo Benavides. Aunque el DHS dice que el proceso de solicitud será \"agilizado y acelerado\", otras solicitudes de inmigración suelen retrasarse, señaló.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La gente puede tener derecho a prestaciones y las solicita, pero tarda años y hay estos enormes retrasos\", dijo. \"Van a intentar acelerarlo. ¿Pero qué significa eso? No sé si el gobierno de Biden tiene el personal necesario para asegurarse de que estas solicitudes se tramitan más rápido.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"funciona\">\u003c/a>Cómo funciona este programa\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si está pensando en solicitar la acción diferida sobre la deportación, aquí tiene algunos detalles que debe conocer:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Un abogado de inmigración puede ayudarle a decidir si le conviene presentar la solicitud. También pueden decirle si hay otras formas de ayuda migratoria a las que pueda optar, incluidas protecciones más permanentes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Para solicitarla, debe presentar, entre otros formularios:\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud firmada en la que explique su reclamación y que está participando en una investigación de una agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una carta de apoyo de la agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Documentos que prueben su empleo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Prueba de su identidad y nacionalidad.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Información biográfica.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud de permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>La protección contra la expulsión es temporal, hasta dos años. Puede renovarse si la investigación laboral está en curso. Tenga en cuenta que el DHS dice que puede poner fin a la acción diferida \"en cualquier momento, a su discreción\".\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Si su solicitud es aprobada y puede demostrar \"necesidad económica\", también puede obtener un permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>En algunos casos, el USCIS puede remitir las solicitudes al Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de EE.UU. (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés), especialmente si está en proceso de deportación. Pueden pedir al ICE que les ayude a decidir si le conceden la acción diferida.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>El Servicio de Ciudadanía e Información de EE.UU. ha creado una oficina para tramitar las solicitudes de forma acelerada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/apoyo-del-dhs-la-aplicacion-de-las-leyes-laborales-y-de-empleo\">La información completa sobre el proceso de solicitud está disponible aquí, en español e inglés.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable. Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que tienen acceso las personas en otras partes del estado, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"¿Quieren saber el salario mínimo de California? No es de 9 dólares la hora\", dijo Newsom. \"Sin atención sanitaria, sin ayudas, sin servicios. Pero ellos cuidan de nuestra salud. Prestando un servicio a todos y cada uno de nosotros, todos los días\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las autoridades estatales comenzaron inmediatamente a recabar información sobre California Terra Garden y Concord Farms, las dos granjas atacadas, y consiguieron entrar dos horas después de que las fuerzas del orden abrieron de nuevo los sitios el 25 de enero, según Peter Melton, portavoz del Departamento de Relaciones Industriales del estado. Confirmó que su agencia está investigando a ambas empresas por posibles infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melton subrayó que la agencia no solicita ni rastrea el estatus migratorio de los trabajadores, y añadió: \"En California, los trabajadores agrícolas y de la mayoría de las demás industrias están protegidos por las leyes laborales y las normas de seguridad y salud en el lugar de trabajo de California, independientemente de su estatus migratorio\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por una cuestión de política, el Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU. no quiso confirmar si también está investigando las granjas. Pero el vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, Joaquín Jiménez Ureña, dijo que la semana anterior investigadores federales estuvieron en la ciudad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Tuve la oportunidad de reunirme con ellos\", dijo. \"Compartieron conmigo lo que están investigando. Quieren colaborar con nosotros para asegurarse de que los trabajadores agrícolas estén bien atendidos con salarios y vivienda, y que se les comunique cualquier incidente que ocurra en las granjas.\"\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Vulnerables a la explotación\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A pesar de las protecciones laborales de California, los trabajadores inmigrantes suelen tener miedo a denunciar por temor a las represalias de los empleadores y a la amenaza de la deportación, afirman los defensores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Casi el 60% de los trabajadores agrícolas del estado \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/eta/national-agricultural-workers-survey/research/data-tables\">son inmigrantes indocumentados\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés), según los últimos datos del Departamento de Trabajo de EE.UU.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Incluso los trabajadores agrícolas que trabajan legalmente, con \u003ca href=\"https://www.dol.gov/agencies/whd/espanol\">visados agrícolas temporales H-2A\u003c/a>, pueden ser reacios a quejarse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">porque dependen de sus empleadores para mantener sus visados de trabajo\u003c/a>. Y para los inmigrantes indocumentados, el temor es aún mayor, dice Patricia Ortiz, directora legal del programa de inmigración de la organización sin fines de lucro California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA, por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\"Los trabajadores agrícolas se encuentran en una situación muy vulnerable\", dijo Ortiz. \"Están en zonas rurales, donde tal vez están aislados de la información a la que la gente en otras partes del estado tiene acceso, en cuanto a sus derechos y qué recursos tienen para hacerlos valer\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2023/01/13/dhs-anuncia-mejoras-en-los-procesos-para-apoyar-las-investigaciones-de-cumplimiento\">un nuevo programa simplificado y acelerado de solicitud de \"acción diferida\"\u003c/a>, destinado a ayudar al gobierno a acabar con los empleadores abusivos, podría animar a más trabajadores indocumentados a denunciar condiciones injustas o inseguras, dijo Ortiz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los trabajadores que demuestren que están cooperando con una investigación laboral pueden solicitar un permiso de trabajo y dos años de protección contra la deportación a través de un proceso acelerado anunciado en enero por el Secretario de Seguridad Nacional (DHS, por sus siglas en inglés), Alejandro Mayorkas. La protección, que se concederá caso por caso, se basa en \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/sites/default/files/publications/memo_from_secretary_mayorkas_on_worksite_enforcement.pdf\">un memorando de octubre de 2021 en el que se describe la estrategia del DHS para hacer cumplir la ley en los lugares de trabajo (PDF)\u003c/a> (enlace sólo en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Los empresarios sin escrúpulos que se aprovechan de la vulnerabilidad de los trabajadores extranjeros perjudican a todos los trabajadores y ponen en desventaja a las empresas que respetan las normas\", declaró Mayorkas al anunciar el nuevo programa en enero. \"Responsabilizaremos a estos depredadores animando a todos los trabajadores a hacer valer sus derechos\".\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Difundir el mensaje\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortiz dice que grupos de defensa de los inmigrantes como el suyo han estado organizando apresuradamente cursos de formación y seminarios web para informar sobre el programa a otros proveedores de servicios jurídicos que trabajan con inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Jiménez Ureña, vicealcalde de Half Moon Bay, que también ayuda dirigir la organización sin fines de lucro ALAS, o Ayudando Latinos a Soñar, que apoya a trabajadores agrícolas en el condado de San Mateo, dijo que desconocía la iniciativa federal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tras el tiroteo masivo y las posibles infracciones laborales en las granjas de hongos, la Agencia de Trabajo y Desarrollo Laboral de la administración del gobernador Newsom ha empezado a compartir información sobre el nuevo programa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La administración ha estado en estrecho contacto con el condado de San Mateo y las organizaciones comunitarias en relación con asistencia migratoria y las nuevas orientaciones del DHS sobre posibles ayudas de inmigración para los trabajadores que hayan sufrido infracciones en el lugar de trabajo.\", dijo Erin Hickey, portavoz de la agencia, en un correo electrónico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los líderes sindicales de California llevaron a cabo un curso de formación sobre el nuevo programa en Los Ángeles. Y un grupo de abogados del Área de la Bahía programaron una videollamada para debatir cómo podrían beneficiar a sus clientes estas protecciones.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Un giro de 180 grados\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sergio Benavides, un abogado de inmigración de Hayward dijo que ya hace tiempo es que la administración Biden debería haberse enfocado en las protecciones laborales para los inmigrantes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Para mí representa un giro completo de 180 grados con respecto a la era del expresidente Trump\", dijo. \"La administración Biden está diciendo, 'Oigan, trabajadores, queremos ayudarlos. Queremos protegerlos. Queremos investigar las violaciones de la ley. Por favor, salgan a la luz'\".\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero Benavides advirtió que la acción diferida es sólo temporal, y dijo que los inmigrantes deberían consultar primero a un abogado para decidir si les beneficiaría solicitarla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hay otras formas de alivio de la inmigración que podrían ser más duraderas para los inmigrantes indocumentados, incluidos los de las granjas de setas de Half Moon Bay, dijo. Una de ellas, \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/programas-humanitarios/victimas-de-la-trata-de-personas-y-de-otros-crimenes/victimas-de-actos-criminales-estatus-u-de-no-inmigrante\">el visado U\u003c/a>, puede conducir a una tarjeta verde y, en última instancia, a la ciudadanía para las víctimas de determinados delitos que cooperen con las fuerzas del orden o los investigadores gubernamentales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y la eficacia del nuevo programa federal dependerá de lo bien que se administre, dijo Benavides. Aunque el DHS dice que el proceso de solicitud será \"agilizado y acelerado\", otras solicitudes de inmigración suelen retrasarse, señaló.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"La gente puede tener derecho a prestaciones y las solicita, pero tarda años y hay estos enormes retrasos\", dijo. \"Van a intentar acelerarlo. ¿Pero qué significa eso? No sé si el gobierno de Biden tiene el personal necesario para asegurarse de que estas solicitudes se tramitan más rápido.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"funciona\">\u003c/a>Cómo funciona este programa\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si está pensando en solicitar la acción diferida sobre la deportación, aquí tiene algunos detalles que debe conocer:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Un abogado de inmigración puede ayudarle a decidir si le conviene presentar la solicitud. También pueden decirle si hay otras formas de ayuda migratoria a las que pueda optar, incluidas protecciones más permanentes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Para solicitarla, debe presentar, entre otros formularios:\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud firmada en la que explique su reclamación y que está participando en una investigación de una agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una carta de apoyo de la agencia laboral.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Documentos que prueben su empleo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Prueba de su identidad y nacionalidad.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Información biográfica.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Una solicitud de permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>La protección contra la expulsión es temporal, hasta dos años. Puede renovarse si la investigación laboral está en curso. Tenga en cuenta que el DHS dice que puede poner fin a la acción diferida \"en cualquier momento, a su discreción\".\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Si su solicitud es aprobada y puede demostrar \"necesidad económica\", también puede obtener un permiso de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>En algunos casos, el USCIS puede remitir las solicitudes al Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas de EE.UU. (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés), especialmente si está en proceso de deportación. Pueden pedir al ICE que les ayude a decidir si le conceden la acción diferida.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>El Servicio de Ciudadanía e Información de EE.UU. ha creado una oficina para tramitar las solicitudes de forma acelerada.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/apoyo-del-dhs-la-aplicacion-de-las-leyes-laborales-y-de-empleo\">La información completa sobre el proceso de solicitud está disponible aquí, en español e inglés.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y editado por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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