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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The day John Vaesau was finally released from prison, he was so happy to be free that he almost forgot about his “gate money,” the $200 entitled by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-law\">California law\u003c/a> to help formerly incarcerated people reenter society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It didn’t even dawn on me at first because I was just so happy to be out,” Vaesau said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, as he transitioned back to life in San Francisco after 33 years behind bars, the money never arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I was thinking, ‘It’s going to come. I’ll probably get it in a couple of weeks,’” Vaesau said. “And then weeks turned into months, and months turned into a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaesau is one of two men leading a proposed class-action lawsuit filed against the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, alleging that over 1 million Californians who have served time may have been denied money owed them by law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Wednesday in Alameda County Superior Court, alleges that CDCR has routinely neglected to fulfill its obligation to provide many of those reentering society with gate money within 60 days of release from prison. The allowance is meant to help cover the cost of basic items.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the funds are diverted to cover “the Department’s cost of clothing and transportation,” according to the complaint filed by attorneys from the UC Berkeley Criminal Law & Justice Center, including former San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin, and Edelson PC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Often, costs for bus or train tickets, or clothing purchased for the newly freed person, are improperly shifted onto the people being released, attorneys said. In Vaesau’s case, he said CDCR never gave him an explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That money would have helped me out with a lot of things,” said Vaesau, who at age 16 was convicted as an adult of attempted murder but was eventually released after being resentenced under new laws. “I’m suing because I know there’s a lot of people who have been incarcerated for a long time, and right after they were done with us, they threw us out like garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR declined to comment, citing pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the law states some exceptions — such as in case an individual absconds from parole or is incarcerated for less than six months — CDCR must otherwise provide the full sum to each newly freed person. But in 1994, California prison officials created a policy that allowed for special deductions like those for clothing or transportation, which the attorneys believe is unlawful, according to Yaman Salahi, one of the lead plaintiffs’ attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assuming CDCR was following its own policy, over 1 million people released from California prisons may have been shortchanged, according to the complaint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We hope to find out in the lawsuit exactly how many people are affected and exactly how much money has been withheld from individuals that the Legislature intended to be used for their reentry support,” Salahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to follow the money,” Vaesau added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of gate money given to each individual has not changed since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13962624/involuntary-servitude-california-prop-6-san-quentin\">then-Gov. Ronald Reagan signed the law in the 1970s\u003c/a>. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/SB-1304-VETO.pdf?emrc=c0a88e\">Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill\u003c/a> that would have increased it to an inflation-adjusted $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While $200 may seem like a relatively small sum, experts say it’s not insignificant. The first 72 hours after release can set the stage for successful reentry, according to research cited in the complaint. Gate money can provide a warm bed and a hot meal for someone’s first days outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the challenges people might face are as simple as how do I make a phone call? How do I figure out where I’m going to stay tonight?” Salahi said. “There’s virtually no support provided to people who are finishing a term of imprisonment to get on their feet properly. And this is one of the critical lifelines that’s supposed to be made available to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CDCR has faced scrutiny over the reentry funds before. In 2008, a state Court of Appeal reprimanded the department for not following the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/fjhabvala\">Farida Jhabvala Romero\u003c/a> contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "PG&E Rates Are Going Up Again After California Regulators Give Approval",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:55 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electricity costs will get even higher for many Bay Area residents after California regulators approved the latest in a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pge\">PG&E\u003c/a> rate hikes at a voting meeting on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility seeks to recover $943.9 million in costs related to wildfire mitigation and damages from power outages during severe storms in recent years. It asked state regulators to approve a temporary rate increase of $5.16 per month for its average customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the third such “interim rate relief” request from PG&E within a year, according to \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Published/G000/M540/K001/540001021.PDF\">California Public Utility Commission documents\u003c/a>. In July 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cpuc-website/divisions/energy-division/documents/rate-change-advisories/20230701rate-alertpge.pdf\">regulators allowed PG&E\u003c/a> to raise rates temporarily by an average of $10.30 and then again \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/pge-rate-hike-cpuc/3475233/\">by around $5 a month\u003c/a> the following March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These smaller, temporary rate hikes are in addition to regulators’ approval of a much larger general rate adjustment proposal last year to help PG&E \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985398/california-regulators-set-to-vote-on-pges-newest-rate-increase-plan\">cover the cost of burying thousands of miles of lines underground\u003c/a> in the most wildfire-prone parts of the state, as well as other investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratepayers saw an average increase of about $30 a month on their bills beginning this year because of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Thursday’s vote, regulators heard from numerous critics and residents who complained about yet another rate hike. The commission approved it without discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E customers’ rates have more than doubled in the last decade, and while they fluctuate from month to month, average bills for electricity and gas service can approach $300 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11997987 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240726-ParkFire-112-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has said the money would recover some of the costs of its response to the winter of 2022-2023, when “it restored power to 7 million customers during a record 15 major storms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These costs were incurred beyond what has been authorized in rate proceedings,” the company said in a statement. “Interim Rate Relief helps to lower costs for customers in the long term and more appropriately allocate costs to those who were customers when the costs were incurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it was able to reduce rates in July and is trying several strategies to bring down consumer energy costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, consumer advocacy groups like The Utility Reform Network, or TURN, have consistently opposed these price hikes. In filings with state regulators, the group said, “There may never be a worse time for PG&E to propose interim rate recovery,” given the compounding impacts of all the recent cost increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said that the timing of when the rate hike will go into effect is still to be determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:55 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electricity costs will get even higher for many Bay Area residents after California regulators approved the latest in a series of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/pge\">PG&E\u003c/a> rate hikes at a voting meeting on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility seeks to recover $943.9 million in costs related to wildfire mitigation and damages from power outages during severe storms in recent years. It asked state regulators to approve a temporary rate increase of $5.16 per month for its average customer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the third such “interim rate relief” request from PG&E within a year, according to \u003ca href=\"https://docs.cpuc.ca.gov/PublishedDocs/Published/G000/M540/K001/540001021.PDF\">California Public Utility Commission documents\u003c/a>. In July 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpuc.ca.gov/-/media/cpuc-website/divisions/energy-division/documents/rate-change-advisories/20230701rate-alertpge.pdf\">regulators allowed PG&E\u003c/a> to raise rates temporarily by an average of $10.30 and then again \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/pge-rate-hike-cpuc/3475233/\">by around $5 a month\u003c/a> the following March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These smaller, temporary rate hikes are in addition to regulators’ approval of a much larger general rate adjustment proposal last year to help PG&E \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985398/california-regulators-set-to-vote-on-pges-newest-rate-increase-plan\">cover the cost of burying thousands of miles of lines underground\u003c/a> in the most wildfire-prone parts of the state, as well as other investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratepayers saw an average increase of about $30 a month on their bills beginning this year because of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Thursday’s vote, regulators heard from numerous critics and residents who complained about yet another rate hike. The commission approved it without discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E customers’ rates have more than doubled in the last decade, and while they fluctuate from month to month, average bills for electricity and gas service can approach $300 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has said the money would recover some of the costs of its response to the winter of 2022-2023, when “it restored power to 7 million customers during a record 15 major storms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These costs were incurred beyond what has been authorized in rate proceedings,” the company said in a statement. “Interim Rate Relief helps to lower costs for customers in the long term and more appropriately allocate costs to those who were customers when the costs were incurred.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it was able to reduce rates in July and is trying several strategies to bring down consumer energy costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, consumer advocacy groups like The Utility Reform Network, or TURN, have consistently opposed these price hikes. In filings with state regulators, the group said, “There may never be a worse time for PG&E to propose interim rate recovery,” given the compounding impacts of all the recent cost increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E said that the timing of when the rate hike will go into effect is still to be determined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SFPD Officers Who Pinned Hot Dog Vendor to the Ground Did Nothing Wrong, Chief Says",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a video showing officers pinning a street vendor to the ground and arresting her on Pier 33 over the weekend sparked outrage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Police Chief Bill Scott said the department would likely release body-worn camera footage that he said shows “nothing that indicated misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday morning, the woman operating a hot dog cart was restrained and handcuffed by two SFPD officers as a young child believed to be her daughter cried hysterically and approached her before being guided away by another woman on the scene, seen in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OKh8g2I1ZAU\">video footage first obtained by \u003cem>Mission Local\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, identified in multiple news reports as Ana Luisa Casimer Julca, appeared to yell in Spanish, “Ya me voy,” or “I’m leaving now,” as the two officers pinned her on her stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident drew backlash from a coalition of community groups, including the Latino Task Force, SF Latino Parity Equity Coalition and Mission Vendors Association, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/C_yGrAFvdyD/?g=5&img_index=1\">posted a statement\u003c/a> “united in absolute opposition to the inhumane treatment and abuse of street food vendors at the Port of San Francisco” on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday night’s police commission meeting, Scott said city employees with the Vending Enforcement Task Force — a coalition of the SFPD, Port of San Francisco and the Public Works and Public Health departments — went to Pier 33 on Sunday morning and gave vendors warnings. Later, they returned to find about three vendors left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One vendor’s cart was inspected by the Department of Public Health and tagged to be impounded, according to Scott, who said that when the city worker tried to take the cart, a struggle ensued with the vendor, who would appear to be Casimer Julca, over her cart. Scott said that the altercation was not “assaultive.” As the two city employees attempted to get possession of the car, two SFPD officers stepped in, according to Scott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers separated the woman from her cart, at which point she was unrestrained, he said. She then went back to the cart and grabbed it, and as the city workers tried to regain possession of it, one cut his hand, and Scott said the woman pushed the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003785 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240910-TERRY-WILLIAMS-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the back-and-forth, Scott said the police officers decided to handcuff Casimer Julca. She was arrested on suspicion of battery of the two city employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott said that he had reviewed the body-worn camera footage of the incident and said the officers used “a minimal amount of force.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To release the footage, Scott said the Police Department would need to redact the face of the child and try to get permission from some of the witnesses in the video. He said he thought the department could do so within a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing that I saw in this video that officers or anybody else involved did anything other than what they were asked to do in the way that they were asked to do it,” he told the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Rouppet, the interim acting co-president of the Latinx Democratic Club, disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a woman is telling you that she’s leaving and then the next thing you see is she’s being pinned down on the ground, and the response to that is, ‘Well, we followed the process’ — that’s laughable. It’s not even genuine,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has cracked down on illegal street vending over the past year. Last November, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11968298/sfs-mission-street-vending-ban-begins\">90-day vending ban\u003c/a> along a long section of Mission Street went into effect. It was extended six months in February and again in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the city also enacted new legislation allowing officials to remove and impound vendors’ materials if they do not vacate a location within 10 minutes of being ordered to cease vending for a safety hazard or vending without a permit, among other reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Within the last year, these folks have been targeted directly by city violence. This is directed from that focus, and what happens is it ratchets up the focus and the risk for violence,” Rouppet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed to a video that showed Department of Public Works employees \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/san-francisco-hot-dog-cart-vendor-public-works-employee-caught-on-video/13860520/\">overturning a hot dog vendor’s cart\u003c/a> on the Embarcadero last year and another incident this year in which a vendor near Mission and 19th streets had their carts taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be some protection for food vendors across the board just by state law alone, but what’s happening is they’re trying to seize their carts, which is over the top,” Rouppet said. “When you take someone’s livelihood — and you’re threatening people’s livelihoods — there’s no question why they’re resisting that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latinx Democratic Club is calling for city officials to take steps to stop violence against vendors, which Rouppet believes will require a larger conversation about how they are treated and where they can operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thinks there should “at least” be designated zones around the city for vendors to operate and more conversation between city officials, police and stakeholders like the Mission Vendors Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is clearly not working. They are not yielding the results that they were intending. I think we need to go back and redraw this entire plan altogether,” Rouppet told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a video showing officers pinning a street vendor to the ground and arresting her on Pier 33 over the weekend sparked outrage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> Police Chief Bill Scott said the department would likely release body-worn camera footage that he said shows “nothing that indicated misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sunday morning, the woman operating a hot dog cart was restrained and handcuffed by two SFPD officers as a young child believed to be her daughter cried hysterically and approached her before being guided away by another woman on the scene, seen in \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OKh8g2I1ZAU\">video footage first obtained by \u003cem>Mission Local\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, identified in multiple news reports as Ana Luisa Casimer Julca, appeared to yell in Spanish, “Ya me voy,” or “I’m leaving now,” as the two officers pinned her on her stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The incident drew backlash from a coalition of community groups, including the Latino Task Force, SF Latino Parity Equity Coalition and Mission Vendors Association, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/C_yGrAFvdyD/?g=5&img_index=1\">posted a statement\u003c/a> “united in absolute opposition to the inhumane treatment and abuse of street food vendors at the Port of San Francisco” on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday night’s police commission meeting, Scott said city employees with the Vending Enforcement Task Force — a coalition of the SFPD, Port of San Francisco and the Public Works and Public Health departments — went to Pier 33 on Sunday morning and gave vendors warnings. Later, they returned to find about three vendors left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One vendor’s cart was inspected by the Department of Public Health and tagged to be impounded, according to Scott, who said that when the city worker tried to take the cart, a struggle ensued with the vendor, who would appear to be Casimer Julca, over her cart. Scott said that the altercation was not “assaultive.” As the two city employees attempted to get possession of the car, two SFPD officers stepped in, according to Scott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers separated the woman from her cart, at which point she was unrestrained, he said. She then went back to the cart and grabbed it, and as the city workers tried to regain possession of it, one cut his hand, and Scott said the woman pushed the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the back-and-forth, Scott said the police officers decided to handcuff Casimer Julca. She was arrested on suspicion of battery of the two city employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott said that he had reviewed the body-worn camera footage of the incident and said the officers used “a minimal amount of force.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To release the footage, Scott said the Police Department would need to redact the face of the child and try to get permission from some of the witnesses in the video. He said he thought the department could do so within a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing that I saw in this video that officers or anybody else involved did anything other than what they were asked to do in the way that they were asked to do it,” he told the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Rouppet, the interim acting co-president of the Latinx Democratic Club, disagrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a woman is telling you that she’s leaving and then the next thing you see is she’s being pinned down on the ground, and the response to that is, ‘Well, we followed the process’ — that’s laughable. It’s not even genuine,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has cracked down on illegal street vending over the past year. Last November, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11968298/sfs-mission-street-vending-ban-begins\">90-day vending ban\u003c/a> along a long section of Mission Street went into effect. It was extended six months in February and again in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, the city also enacted new legislation allowing officials to remove and impound vendors’ materials if they do not vacate a location within 10 minutes of being ordered to cease vending for a safety hazard or vending without a permit, among other reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Within the last year, these folks have been targeted directly by city violence. This is directed from that focus, and what happens is it ratchets up the focus and the risk for violence,” Rouppet said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed to a video that showed Department of Public Works employees \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/san-francisco-hot-dog-cart-vendor-public-works-employee-caught-on-video/13860520/\">overturning a hot dog vendor’s cart\u003c/a> on the Embarcadero last year and another incident this year in which a vendor near Mission and 19th streets had their carts taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be some protection for food vendors across the board just by state law alone, but what’s happening is they’re trying to seize their carts, which is over the top,” Rouppet said. “When you take someone’s livelihood — and you’re threatening people’s livelihoods — there’s no question why they’re resisting that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Latinx Democratic Club is calling for city officials to take steps to stop violence against vendors, which Rouppet believes will require a larger conversation about how they are treated and where they can operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He thinks there should “at least” be designated zones around the city for vendors to operate and more conversation between city officials, police and stakeholders like the Mission Vendors Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is clearly not working. They are not yielding the results that they were intending. I think we need to go back and redraw this entire plan altogether,” Rouppet told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> is set to take a more aggressive approach to homeless encampments as soon as next month after the City Council approved legislation on Tuesday allowing sweeps even when shelter isn’t available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Rashi Kesarwani, who represents northwest Berkeley, authored the resolution in response to two persistent homeless encampments in her district. It passed on an 8-1 vote, with only Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a camping ban citywide,” Kesarwani said. “It is saying that we will enforce specific encampments when they pose a fire, serious health or safety risk. And we had to put forward a policy if we want our city staff to have the direction that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when asked during the meeting, homeless services coordinator Peter Radu said there is nowhere in Berkeley where camping would be legal under the resolution language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani’s proposal allows the city to authorize sweeps without shelter offers if an encampment poses a fire or health hazard or sits in the way of traffic or maintenance work. Previously, Berkeley had to provide shelter before being able to clear an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote came just hours after attorneys for a group of businesses and property owners filed \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25119695/fieldwork-et-al-v-city-of-berkeley-street-camp-lawsuit.pdf\">a lawsuit\u003c/a> alleging the city has created a public nuisance by allowing several large encampments in West Berkeley — including those cited by Kesarwani in introducing her legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It responds directly to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">recent Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that allows cities greater leeway to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">fine or jail people\u003c/a> for camping on public property, even if there isn’t enough shelter available. While the number of shelter beds in Berkeley fluctuates, Radu said there were fewer than 20 available beds as of Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970748\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970748\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460.jpg\" alt=\"tents along a street\" width=\"1024\" height=\"698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents on 8th Street at a homeless encampment near Harrison Street in Berkeley in June 2023. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Around \u003ca href=\"https://everyonehome.org/main/continuum-of-care/point-in-time-count-2024/\">450 Berkeley residents\u003c/a> remain unsheltered in 2024, according to the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani amended a portion of the resolution on Tuesday night to remove language that explicitly refers to arrests and citations of unhoused individuals — though those options are still available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would not support arresting or citing people for sleeping on the street, but I do believe we should hold everyone to the same standards,” said Councilmember Igor Tregub, who voted in favor of the resolution. He added that experiencing homelessness doesn’t automatically shield someone “from the consequences of unlawful behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The near-unanimous vote came over the fierce opposition of dozens of unhoused residents and their advocates, who condemned the council’s actions as essentially criminalizing sleeping outside. Berkeley Homeless Union officers Yesica Prado and Gordon Gilmore said they plan to take legal action against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003051 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/011_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020_9408_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conditions you describe in this resolution will simply be recreated in a new place,” said Olivia deBree, a nurse who provides medical care to Berkeley’s two largest encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its lawsuit against the city, nine West Berkeley businesses and landlords pointed directly to lawsuits from advocates for people experiencing homelessness as one reason the city has failed to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was time to even the playing field and to put pressure from the other direction,” said Ilan Wurman, an attorney for the plaintiffs. “We wanted them to know that this lawsuit was going to happen and that we expect more than just talk for a change, but actual results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the suit — filed just as the City Council took up Kesarwani’s proposal — was no accident, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seeks an injunction requiring the city to clear three camps: one in the Harrison Street corridor, one along Codornices Creek and a third on the west end of Dwight Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit relies largely on the city’s own reports to argue that the camp in the Harrison Street area has, in the words of Berkeley’s city manager, “posed both very dangerous living conditions for the people living in them, and serious impacts to the neighboring businesses, residents, and general public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an August 2023 report from the city manager’s office, those hazards included discarded hypodermic needles, dead animals, spoiled food, human feces, bottles of urine, “and other unidentifiable liquid and waste products.” City inspectors also noted that camp structures and debris blocked sidewalks and extended into the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to having to confront the conditions described in the city’s reports, the plaintiffs cite safety concerns arising from encounters with people living in the encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In one recent incident, a woman came into the (Fieldwork) brewery asking for free food,” the complaint reads. “When the manager on duty offered help, she left only to return two minutes later with a 10-foot metal pole swinging it at customers and employees; she was chased out of the building by customers and ultimately arrested by police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wurman said the city has all the authority needed to take action, “and all that is missing is political will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> is set to take a more aggressive approach to homeless encampments as soon as next month after the City Council approved legislation on Tuesday allowing sweeps even when shelter isn’t available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Rashi Kesarwani, who represents northwest Berkeley, authored the resolution in response to two persistent homeless encampments in her district. It passed on an 8-1 vote, with only Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra opposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a camping ban citywide,” Kesarwani said. “It is saying that we will enforce specific encampments when they pose a fire, serious health or safety risk. And we had to put forward a policy if we want our city staff to have the direction that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when asked during the meeting, homeless services coordinator Peter Radu said there is nowhere in Berkeley where camping would be legal under the resolution language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani’s proposal allows the city to authorize sweeps without shelter offers if an encampment poses a fire or health hazard or sits in the way of traffic or maintenance work. Previously, Berkeley had to provide shelter before being able to clear an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote came just hours after attorneys for a group of businesses and property owners filed \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25119695/fieldwork-et-al-v-city-of-berkeley-street-camp-lawsuit.pdf\">a lawsuit\u003c/a> alleging the city has created a public nuisance by allowing several large encampments in West Berkeley — including those cited by Kesarwani in introducing her legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It responds directly to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">recent Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that allows cities greater leeway to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">fine or jail people\u003c/a> for camping on public property, even if there isn’t enough shelter available. While the number of shelter beds in Berkeley fluctuates, Radu said there were fewer than 20 available beds as of Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11970748\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11970748\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460.jpg\" alt=\"tents along a street\" width=\"1024\" height=\"698\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460-800x545.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460-1020x695.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/12/GettyImages-1502059460-160x109.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents on 8th Street at a homeless encampment near Harrison Street in Berkeley in June 2023. \u003ccite>(Jane Tyska/Digital First Media/East Bay Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Around \u003ca href=\"https://everyonehome.org/main/continuum-of-care/point-in-time-count-2024/\">450 Berkeley residents\u003c/a> remain unsheltered in 2024, according to the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani amended a portion of the resolution on Tuesday night to remove language that explicitly refers to arrests and citations of unhoused individuals — though those options are still available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would not support arresting or citing people for sleeping on the street, but I do believe we should hold everyone to the same standards,” said Councilmember Igor Tregub, who voted in favor of the resolution. He added that experiencing homelessness doesn’t automatically shield someone “from the consequences of unlawful behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The near-unanimous vote came over the fierce opposition of dozens of unhoused residents and their advocates, who condemned the council’s actions as essentially criminalizing sleeping outside. Berkeley Homeless Union officers Yesica Prado and Gordon Gilmore said they plan to take legal action against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The conditions you describe in this resolution will simply be recreated in a new place,” said Olivia deBree, a nurse who provides medical care to Berkeley’s two largest encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its lawsuit against the city, nine West Berkeley businesses and landlords pointed directly to lawsuits from advocates for people experiencing homelessness as one reason the city has failed to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was time to even the playing field and to put pressure from the other direction,” said Ilan Wurman, an attorney for the plaintiffs. “We wanted them to know that this lawsuit was going to happen and that we expect more than just talk for a change, but actual results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of the suit — filed just as the City Council took up Kesarwani’s proposal — was no accident, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It seeks an injunction requiring the city to clear three camps: one in the Harrison Street corridor, one along Codornices Creek and a third on the west end of Dwight Way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit relies largely on the city’s own reports to argue that the camp in the Harrison Street area has, in the words of Berkeley’s city manager, “posed both very dangerous living conditions for the people living in them, and serious impacts to the neighboring businesses, residents, and general public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to an August 2023 report from the city manager’s office, those hazards included discarded hypodermic needles, dead animals, spoiled food, human feces, bottles of urine, “and other unidentifiable liquid and waste products.” City inspectors also noted that camp structures and debris blocked sidewalks and extended into the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to having to confront the conditions described in the city’s reports, the plaintiffs cite safety concerns arising from encounters with people living in the encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In one recent incident, a woman came into the (Fieldwork) brewery asking for free food,” the complaint reads. “When the manager on duty offered help, she left only to return two minutes later with a 10-foot metal pole swinging it at customers and employees; she was chased out of the building by customers and ultimately arrested by police.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wurman said the city has all the authority needed to take action, “and all that is missing is political will.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uc-berkeley-launches-new-palestinian-studies-program-this-fall",
"title": "UC Berkeley Launches New Palestinian Studies Program This Fall",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> will launch an endowed program and chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies — one of the first in the nation — amid an ongoing war between Israel and Hamas that has fueled high student demand and interest in better understanding the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ussama Makdisi, a UC Berkeley history professor and leading scholar of modern Arab history, was named the program’s inaugural chair. Makdisi said the program, announced Monday, represents an opportunity to build more understanding about the Palestinian people, who are often seen through the lens of conflict but who have a rich history of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it would also allow students and faculty to connect Palestinian history more deeply with related fields such as Indigenous, Latinx and Black studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important for us to contextualize and understand more deeply all the beauty, all the complexity of a pluralist people who have been very unfairly maligned and defamed. And at the same time, it can teach us a lot about ourselves,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a beautiful history that needs to be brought out. Of course, there are also tragic aspects to the history that we’re seeing play out right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $3.25 million gift by anonymous donors led to the establishment of the program and the May Ziadeh Chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies, which holds a mandate of providing students with an opportunity to discuss and learn freely about Palestinian and Arab history, culture, politics and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>May Ziadeh was a pioneering Palestinian-Lebanese feminist, poet and writer, who played a key role in the Arab cultural renaissance in the modern Middle East. Ziadeh “personified the deep interconnections between Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world,” the University said in a release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994014 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2020/01/RS36479_GettyImages-110129474_Justin-Sullivan-qut-1020x701.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University has also contributed $500,000 to student-facing activities, undergraduate scholarships and conferences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi said there has been a high demand for courses about Palestinian history and culture since he first began teaching at the University in 2022, but it has increased since the war kicked off by Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a tremendous hunger to know more about Palestinian history, more about Palestinian society, more about Palestinian culture, more about their life, more about their context,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people in this country are just not exposed to any of this knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi joined UC Berkeley in 2022 from Rice University, where he was the first holder of the Arab-American Educational Foundation Chair of Arab Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s new program, which will be housed in the University’s Social Science Department, is believed to be one of a few to focus on Palestinians in the nation, according\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-10/uc-berkeley-launches-palestinian-studies-amid-high-demand\"> to the\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when understanding the complexities of the Middle East is more crucial than ever, this gift allows the Social Sciences to take a leading role in fostering critical scholarship and dialogue,” Berkeley Social Sciences Dean Raka Ray said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi also highlighted the urgency of grappling with this history in light of the obliteration of education institutions, teachers, and students in Gaza, which the UN has termed “scholasticide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a huge amount of work ahead of us,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program will host its inaugural conference on Nov. 12 and 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement of the program came just as students returned to Berkeley’s campuses after a turbulent spring that saw mass protests and encampments over University investments in weapons companies. After state legislators decided to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/news/uc/state-withholds-25m-from-uc-until-systemwide-free-speech-rules-enforced/article_7d1339d4-44db-11ef-bc87-d33ae1af64bb.html\">withhold $25 million in funding\u003c/a> from the UC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001778/students-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-tread-a-fine-line-as-fall-semester-begins-at-bay-area-universities\">university leaders announced policy changes to campus free speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historians understand that there’s a desperate need to provide our students a better sense of what’s going on now,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s also important to provide what Berkeley is all about — a first-class education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> will launch an endowed program and chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies — one of the first in the nation — amid an ongoing war between Israel and Hamas that has fueled high student demand and interest in better understanding the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ussama Makdisi, a UC Berkeley history professor and leading scholar of modern Arab history, was named the program’s inaugural chair. Makdisi said the program, announced Monday, represents an opportunity to build more understanding about the Palestinian people, who are often seen through the lens of conflict but who have a rich history of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it would also allow students and faculty to connect Palestinian history more deeply with related fields such as Indigenous, Latinx and Black studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important for us to contextualize and understand more deeply all the beauty, all the complexity of a pluralist people who have been very unfairly maligned and defamed. And at the same time, it can teach us a lot about ourselves,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a beautiful history that needs to be brought out. Of course, there are also tragic aspects to the history that we’re seeing play out right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $3.25 million gift by anonymous donors led to the establishment of the program and the May Ziadeh Chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies, which holds a mandate of providing students with an opportunity to discuss and learn freely about Palestinian and Arab history, culture, politics and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>May Ziadeh was a pioneering Palestinian-Lebanese feminist, poet and writer, who played a key role in the Arab cultural renaissance in the modern Middle East. Ziadeh “personified the deep interconnections between Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world,” the University said in a release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University has also contributed $500,000 to student-facing activities, undergraduate scholarships and conferences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi said there has been a high demand for courses about Palestinian history and culture since he first began teaching at the University in 2022, but it has increased since the war kicked off by Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a tremendous hunger to know more about Palestinian history, more about Palestinian society, more about Palestinian culture, more about their life, more about their context,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people in this country are just not exposed to any of this knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi joined UC Berkeley in 2022 from Rice University, where he was the first holder of the Arab-American Educational Foundation Chair of Arab Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s new program, which will be housed in the University’s Social Science Department, is believed to be one of a few to focus on Palestinians in the nation, according\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-10/uc-berkeley-launches-palestinian-studies-amid-high-demand\"> to the\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when understanding the complexities of the Middle East is more crucial than ever, this gift allows the Social Sciences to take a leading role in fostering critical scholarship and dialogue,” Berkeley Social Sciences Dean Raka Ray said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi also highlighted the urgency of grappling with this history in light of the obliteration of education institutions, teachers, and students in Gaza, which the UN has termed “scholasticide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a huge amount of work ahead of us,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program will host its inaugural conference on Nov. 12 and 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement of the program came just as students returned to Berkeley’s campuses after a turbulent spring that saw mass protests and encampments over University investments in weapons companies. After state legislators decided to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/news/uc/state-withholds-25m-from-uc-until-systemwide-free-speech-rules-enforced/article_7d1339d4-44db-11ef-bc87-d33ae1af64bb.html\">withhold $25 million in funding\u003c/a> from the UC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001778/students-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-tread-a-fine-line-as-fall-semester-begins-at-bay-area-universities\">university leaders announced policy changes to campus free speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historians understand that there’s a desperate need to provide our students a better sense of what’s going on now,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s also important to provide what Berkeley is all about — a first-class education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Santa Cruz Students, Professor Sue Over Campus Bans After Pro-Palestinian Protest",
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"content": "\u003cp>As pro-Palestinian activism resumes on college campuses this fall, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> activists is suing the school for issuing what they believe were illegal campus bans to protesters last spring. Their goal is to prevent the school from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, lawyers filed a lawsuit on behalf of two students and a professor who were among more than 110 people arrested during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">protest in May\u003c/a>. They say that campus officials issued up to two-week bans to many of the people arrested, leaving some without housing, campus resources, or places to take their final exams for the spring quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They flunked classes and had difficulty obtaining enough food during this period of time,” Rachel Lederman, a member of the legal team, said. “One of my clients couldn’t access an important health care appointment at the campus health center because she was banned from campus. The effects were pretty devastating, even though the ban was short term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late on May 30, police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment set up in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s mountainous campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that when students and professors heard police were arriving, many joined to stand in solidarity with the protesters. Throughout the night, she said police surrounded and squeezed in on them and eventually arrested and detained 112 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were released, many were told they were temporarily banned from campus and could face a misdemeanor charge if they did not comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit filed by Lederman and the protesters’ legal team claims that UCSC officials illegally imposed a California penal code that allows the school to “withdraw permission for a person to be on campus.” The statute limits these temporary bans to 14 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that the California Supreme Court has limited the scope of the legal code so that a ban without a hearing can only be imposed if a person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t present any such threat,” Lederman told KQED. “There was no violence or disruption caused by this protest. The only disruption was caused by these bans that instantly banished students from campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that some students were able to have hearings that resulted in an earlier end to their campus bans, but those didn’t take place until at least a week after they were issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11988397 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876789-1020x676.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Cruz officials said that they had not been served the suit as of Tuesday morning but that they are committed to upholding community members’ rights of free expression and speech and “remain confident that decisions made in the spring were necessary and critical to preserve safety, access, and operations of the campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad, one of the students named in the suit, was a resident adviser and was compensated for her work through free housing and meal points. The campus ban meant she wasn’t able to access it either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t really have a way to get food. She doesn’t receive parental support; she depends on the meal points that she receives in compensation for her R.A. job,” Lederman said. “She also couldn’t do her R.A. job, even though residents were still contacting her for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad said that she failed her classes when she couldn’t access her computer, complete assignments, or attend classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Irshad is considering taking time off of school due to the stress and concerns for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ban prevented me from accessing my meal plan, my job, and my housing. It was incredibly destabilizing physically, emotionally, and financially,” she said in a statement published by the\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Civil Liberties Union NorCal branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bans occurred during the last two weeks of the spring quarter, and according to Professor Christine Hong, who is also joining the lawsuit over her ban, it was up to individual instructors to decide whether to offer students a remote option for their final exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong said she arrived at the protest around 11 p.m. after hearing from a student that police were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, faculty have served as a buffer between students and the police at different protests. We’ve also been there to witness what has happened, and I also went because I also was joining in the protest,” Hong, who is the director of the campus Center for Racial Justice, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her banishment prevented her from accessing her personal library, which was on campus, and her office. She also wasn’t able to record the necessary asynchronous lectures in the campus’s recording studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong had a hearing after ten days, and her campus ban was overturned that evening. The lawsuit is asking for an injunction to prevent the school from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to make sure that both UC Santa Cruz and others don’t use this tactic again to just banish students and faculty from campus for speaking out for Palestine,” Lederman told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmizuguchi\">Keith Mizuguchi\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As pro-Palestinian activism resumes on college campuses this fall, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> activists is suing the school for issuing what they believe were illegal campus bans to protesters last spring. Their goal is to prevent the school from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, lawyers filed a lawsuit on behalf of two students and a professor who were among more than 110 people arrested during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">protest in May\u003c/a>. They say that campus officials issued up to two-week bans to many of the people arrested, leaving some without housing, campus resources, or places to take their final exams for the spring quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They flunked classes and had difficulty obtaining enough food during this period of time,” Rachel Lederman, a member of the legal team, said. “One of my clients couldn’t access an important health care appointment at the campus health center because she was banned from campus. The effects were pretty devastating, even though the ban was short term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late on May 30, police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment set up in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s mountainous campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that when students and professors heard police were arriving, many joined to stand in solidarity with the protesters. Throughout the night, she said police surrounded and squeezed in on them and eventually arrested and detained 112 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were released, many were told they were temporarily banned from campus and could face a misdemeanor charge if they did not comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit filed by Lederman and the protesters’ legal team claims that UCSC officials illegally imposed a California penal code that allows the school to “withdraw permission for a person to be on campus.” The statute limits these temporary bans to 14 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that the California Supreme Court has limited the scope of the legal code so that a ban without a hearing can only be imposed if a person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t present any such threat,” Lederman told KQED. “There was no violence or disruption caused by this protest. The only disruption was caused by these bans that instantly banished students from campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that some students were able to have hearings that resulted in an earlier end to their campus bans, but those didn’t take place until at least a week after they were issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Cruz officials said that they had not been served the suit as of Tuesday morning but that they are committed to upholding community members’ rights of free expression and speech and “remain confident that decisions made in the spring were necessary and critical to preserve safety, access, and operations of the campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad, one of the students named in the suit, was a resident adviser and was compensated for her work through free housing and meal points. The campus ban meant she wasn’t able to access it either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t really have a way to get food. She doesn’t receive parental support; she depends on the meal points that she receives in compensation for her R.A. job,” Lederman said. “She also couldn’t do her R.A. job, even though residents were still contacting her for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad said that she failed her classes when she couldn’t access her computer, complete assignments, or attend classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Irshad is considering taking time off of school due to the stress and concerns for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ban prevented me from accessing my meal plan, my job, and my housing. It was incredibly destabilizing physically, emotionally, and financially,” she said in a statement published by the\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Civil Liberties Union NorCal branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bans occurred during the last two weeks of the spring quarter, and according to Professor Christine Hong, who is also joining the lawsuit over her ban, it was up to individual instructors to decide whether to offer students a remote option for their final exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong said she arrived at the protest around 11 p.m. after hearing from a student that police were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, faculty have served as a buffer between students and the police at different protests. We’ve also been there to witness what has happened, and I also went because I also was joining in the protest,” Hong, who is the director of the campus Center for Racial Justice, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her banishment prevented her from accessing her personal library, which was on campus, and her office. She also wasn’t able to record the necessary asynchronous lectures in the campus’s recording studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong had a hearing after ten days, and her campus ban was overturned that evening. The lawsuit is asking for an injunction to prevent the school from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to make sure that both UC Santa Cruz and others don’t use this tactic again to just banish students and faculty from campus for speaking out for Palestine,” Lederman told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmizuguchi\">Keith Mizuguchi\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Building codes aren’t typically dinner table conversation, but policymakers and environmental advocates are quick to say they matter deeply in the race to cut emissions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that goal in mind, state energy policymakers are set to vote Wednesday on an updated set of requirements for new construction designed to make electrifying buildings more attractive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new code before the California Energy Commission, which would regulate how new buildings, additions and alterations are constructed, addresses the appliances that create the majority of a building’s emissions: furnaces and water heaters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plans would require a greater standard of building efficiency. To get there, some components — like certain levels of insulation — would be mandatory; the code would also encourage the use of electric appliances like heat pumps and heat pump water heaters, making it far easier to reach those standards. It does not prohibit the use of gas appliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heat pumps can warm or cool a building’s air, serving the same role as a furnace and air conditioner rolled into one. Most furnaces use gas, while a heat pump uses electricity. Heat pumps can also warm and cool water, like a water heater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More efficient buildings could have a major impact. Buildings produce roughly a quarter of California’s emissions, and reducing those emissions requires replacing windows, insulating homes and swapping out gas-burning appliances for efficient, electric ones. Electric appliances are powered by a grid that is continuously getting greener as energy from zero-emission sources continues to increase in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very positive development that takes a meaningful step forward in getting fossil fuels out of both new and existing buildings,” Matt Vespa, senior attorney at environmental law nonprofit Earthjustice, said of the new code proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the CEC has really gone to the fullest extent they can under what authority they have in encouraging all-electric new homes,” Vespa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such building codes can have strong effects on the market, Vespa said, noting that after the 2022 building codes began to prioritize electrifying homes, California saw “a larger share of new homes being all electric. This will push it even further.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition to the codes comes largely from equipment builders and manufacturers. The Air-Conditioning, Heating, and Refrigeration Institute, representing more than 330 manufacturers, has pushed back on the proposed codes, citing “several concerns and suggested improvements” in its comments submitted to the CEC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among their concerns are HVAC system requirements for small to medium offices and schools with different temperature controls throughout their buildings. The proposed building code does not require electric HVAC systems on these buildings but does incentivize using specific heat pumps, which AHRI said are “completely untenable for designers, building owners, and equipment manufacturers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although builders can choose gas-powered options for HVAC systems instead of heat pumps, they would need to compensate for building efficiency in other ways, making it less attractive to install the gas-powered system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building standards are updated by the California Energy Commission, the state’s energy policy and planning administrator, every three years. The new codes will take effect on Jan. 1, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The codes are one lever for California policymakers as they try to meet a state target of carbon neutrality — when the amount of carbon dioxide emitted by the state is equal to the amount it absorbs — by 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also has a goal of installing 6 million heat pumps by 2030, and the most recent numbers show California is a quarter of the way there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Building codes aren’t typically dinner table conversation, but policymakers and environmental advocates are quick to say they matter deeply in the race to cut emissions in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With that goal in mind, state energy policymakers are set to vote Wednesday on an updated set of requirements for new construction designed to make electrifying buildings more attractive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new code before the California Energy Commission, which would regulate how new buildings, additions and alterations are constructed, addresses the appliances that create the majority of a building’s emissions: furnaces and water heaters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plans would require a greater standard of building efficiency. To get there, some components — like certain levels of insulation — would be mandatory; the code would also encourage the use of electric appliances like heat pumps and heat pump water heaters, making it far easier to reach those standards. It does not prohibit the use of gas appliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heat pumps can warm or cool a building’s air, serving the same role as a furnace and air conditioner rolled into one. Most furnaces use gas, while a heat pump uses electricity. Heat pumps can also warm and cool water, like a water heater.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More efficient buildings could have a major impact. Buildings produce roughly a quarter of California’s emissions, and reducing those emissions requires replacing windows, insulating homes and swapping out gas-burning appliances for efficient, electric ones. Electric appliances are powered by a grid that is continuously getting greener as energy from zero-emission sources continues to increase in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very positive development that takes a meaningful step forward in getting fossil fuels out of both new and existing buildings,” Matt Vespa, senior attorney at environmental law nonprofit Earthjustice, said of the new code proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the CEC has really gone to the fullest extent they can under what authority they have in encouraging all-electric new homes,” Vespa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such building codes can have strong effects on the market, Vespa said, noting that after the 2022 building codes began to prioritize electrifying homes, California saw “a larger share of new homes being all electric. This will push it even further.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opposition to the codes comes largely from equipment builders and manufacturers. The Air-Conditioning, Heating, and Refrigeration Institute, representing more than 330 manufacturers, has pushed back on the proposed codes, citing “several concerns and suggested improvements” in its comments submitted to the CEC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among their concerns are HVAC system requirements for small to medium offices and schools with different temperature controls throughout their buildings. The proposed building code does not require electric HVAC systems on these buildings but does incentivize using specific heat pumps, which AHRI said are “completely untenable for designers, building owners, and equipment manufacturers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although builders can choose gas-powered options for HVAC systems instead of heat pumps, they would need to compensate for building efficiency in other ways, making it less attractive to install the gas-powered system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building standards are updated by the California Energy Commission, the state’s energy policy and planning administrator, every three years. The new codes will take effect on Jan. 1, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The codes are one lever for California policymakers as they try to meet a state target of carbon neutrality — when the amount of carbon dioxide emitted by the state is equal to the amount it absorbs — by 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also has a goal of installing 6 million heat pumps by 2030, and the most recent numbers show California is a quarter of the way there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Twenty-two years ago this month, Donato Cabrera felt like he hit a low point. Instead of conducting orchestras, he was selling CDs at the Metropolitan Opera gift shop in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was in his early 30s with a bachelor’s degree and two advanced degrees, each focused on musical performance. Working in a music store was fine when he was a teenager living in Reno. It was not OK when he had expensive rent in Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera, now 54, has served as music and artistic director of the California Symphony since 2013. Previously, he held conducting roles with the San Francisco Opera and San Francisco Symphony Orchestra, among many other places. But back in 2002, he wasn’t sure how he was going to exit the gift shop and get back to performing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, a former graduate school classmate was visiting New York and happened to stop by the gift shop. She said she knew of a job that would be perfect for him with Music Academy of the West, a summer festival in Santa Barbara that was hiring an assistant conductor. He applied and landed the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in Santa Barbara, he built a friendship with someone who worked for the San Francisco Opera, which had a job opening for an associate conductor. He landed that role and, in 2005, moved to San Francisco, where he has built an impressive resume. He’s led orchestras for symphonies, operas, ballets and music festivals throughout the United States and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Cabrera talked about his career, how he incorporates his heritage into what has been a traditionally white space and the California Symphony’s 2024–25 season that begins Sept. 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a living from art, especially in a specialized field like classical music, is challenging and one Cabrera, who was born in Pasadena and was raised in Las Vegas and Reno, didn’t know was a possibility for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was during visits to his paternal grandmother’s house in East L.A. that sparked his love of music. After family meals, she would sit down at her piano and play Mexican waltzes and military marches from memory. She learned to play that music by ear from her father, a musician who traveled all over Mexico performing traditional music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera was around 8 years old when, on the drive home from one of those visits, he told his parents he wanted to learn piano. His maternal grandmother bought him one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really those two folks, both of my grandmothers — one with the musical inspiration, the cultural information that she shared with us — and the other grandmother, through financial assistance, who pushed me forward into this very strange career of being a conductor,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s story illustrates how culture is transmitted from one generation to the next, but not just by way of exposure or osmosis, as we often think. How many of us have purposely drowned out our parents’ music for more modern, cooler options?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Cabrera sought to embody music the way his grandmother did. Culture isn’t just meant to be consumed. It should also be internalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After finishing high school, he enrolled at the University of Nevada, Reno, with plans to become a high school music director. He thought learning to conduct an orchestra would help him become a better teacher, so he volunteered to lead the university’s student orchestra. The director gave him a chance since it was a small school, but a more prestigious program would have left the task to graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s professors at UNR pushed him to go to grad school to become a professional conductor. He earned a master’s degree at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Mentors from that school told him he needed to go to New York City, which led him to the conducting program at the Manhattan School of Music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how thankful I am for these mentors of mine who encouraged me to shoot for the stars when I thought I was happy enough with where I was heading,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in grad school, he recalled questioning whether he belonged in the world of classical music, an environment that felt elitist and rooted solely in European traditions. The idea that Latines don’t have a connection to orchestral music is false, Cabrera said. Mexican composers were creating operas in the early 1700s. Most major Latin American cities have a symphony, something Cabrera knows firsthand because he’s conducted in Mexico and Chile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What always kept me going was my love and passion for the music,” he said. “It was up to me to get over my preconceptions of my surroundings and my preconceptions of the people around me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002635\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1331px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002635\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-800x1202.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1020x1533.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1022x1536.jpg 1022w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Donato Cabrera, a Mexican-American conductor, serves as the artistic and music director of the California Symphony. \u003ccite>(Lindsay Hale / Courtesy of Donato Cabrera )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People might think that the bulk of what a conductor does is stand in front of the orchestra and wave their arms. That’s actually about 1% of the job, Cabrera said. Most of his work involves preparation, organization and planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really engaged in all aspects of what a nonprofit performing arts organization does,” he said. “As a music director, I choose all of the repertoire, all of the soloists. Each season has a narrative. The flow of the music that’s being performed, programmed over the course of many years — that’s on my shoulders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walnut Creek-based California Symphony will start the season with a program highlighting Ludwig van Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9, a masterpiece that was the composer’s final completed symphony. The rest of the season, which includes a total of five concerts and runs through June, will showcase the last works of Johannes Brahms, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera spearheaded an effort to translate the California Symphony’s website into Spanish, bringing a measurable increase in Latine attendance. The symphony found that Latinos made up about 7% of households that attended performances from 2017 to 2024, almost doubling attendance during the seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His goal, he said, is for anyone who walks into a performance to immediately feel welcome and have more knowledge and understanding of the music when they leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many people when they go to a concert, they want to hear what they know. They want to sing along to all the songs,” he said. “(Orchestral) music is for everyone, not just for people that grow up with it in their home or people of a certain strata. It’s there for everyone to enjoy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Twenty-two years ago this month, Donato Cabrera felt like he hit a low point. Instead of conducting orchestras, he was selling CDs at the Metropolitan Opera gift shop in New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was in his early 30s with a bachelor’s degree and two advanced degrees, each focused on musical performance. Working in a music store was fine when he was a teenager living in Reno. It was not OK when he had expensive rent in Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera, now 54, has served as music and artistic director of the California Symphony since 2013. Previously, he held conducting roles with the San Francisco Opera and San Francisco Symphony Orchestra, among many other places. But back in 2002, he wasn’t sure how he was going to exit the gift shop and get back to performing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One day, a former graduate school classmate was visiting New York and happened to stop by the gift shop. She said she knew of a job that would be perfect for him with Music Academy of the West, a summer festival in Santa Barbara that was hiring an assistant conductor. He applied and landed the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in Santa Barbara, he built a friendship with someone who worked for the San Francisco Opera, which had a job opening for an associate conductor. He landed that role and, in 2005, moved to San Francisco, where he has built an impressive resume. He’s led orchestras for symphonies, operas, ballets and music festivals throughout the United States and Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent interview, Cabrera talked about his career, how he incorporates his heritage into what has been a traditionally white space and the California Symphony’s 2024–25 season that begins Sept. 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making a living from art, especially in a specialized field like classical music, is challenging and one Cabrera, who was born in Pasadena and was raised in Las Vegas and Reno, didn’t know was a possibility for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was during visits to his paternal grandmother’s house in East L.A. that sparked his love of music. After family meals, she would sit down at her piano and play Mexican waltzes and military marches from memory. She learned to play that music by ear from her father, a musician who traveled all over Mexico performing traditional music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera was around 8 years old when, on the drive home from one of those visits, he told his parents he wanted to learn piano. His maternal grandmother bought him one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was really those two folks, both of my grandmothers — one with the musical inspiration, the cultural information that she shared with us — and the other grandmother, through financial assistance, who pushed me forward into this very strange career of being a conductor,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s story illustrates how culture is transmitted from one generation to the next, but not just by way of exposure or osmosis, as we often think. How many of us have purposely drowned out our parents’ music for more modern, cooler options?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Cabrera sought to embody music the way his grandmother did. Culture isn’t just meant to be consumed. It should also be internalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After finishing high school, he enrolled at the University of Nevada, Reno, with plans to become a high school music director. He thought learning to conduct an orchestra would help him become a better teacher, so he volunteered to lead the university’s student orchestra. The director gave him a chance since it was a small school, but a more prestigious program would have left the task to graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera’s professors at UNR pushed him to go to grad school to become a professional conductor. He earned a master’s degree at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. Mentors from that school told him he needed to go to New York City, which led him to the conducting program at the Manhattan School of Music.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t tell you how thankful I am for these mentors of mine who encouraged me to shoot for the stars when I thought I was happy enough with where I was heading,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While in grad school, he recalled questioning whether he belonged in the world of classical music, an environment that felt elitist and rooted solely in European traditions. The idea that Latines don’t have a connection to orchestral music is false, Cabrera said. Mexican composers were creating operas in the early 1700s. Most major Latin American cities have a symphony, something Cabrera knows firsthand because he’s conducted in Mexico and Chile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What always kept me going was my love and passion for the music,” he said. “It was up to me to get over my preconceptions of my surroundings and my preconceptions of the people around me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002635\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1331px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002635\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1331\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED.jpg 1331w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-800x1202.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1020x1533.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/CABRERA_CALIFORNIASYMPH1_BYLINDSAYHALE-KQED-1022x1536.jpg 1022w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1331px) 100vw, 1331px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Donato Cabrera, a Mexican-American conductor, serves as the artistic and music director of the California Symphony. \u003ccite>(Lindsay Hale / Courtesy of Donato Cabrera )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>People might think that the bulk of what a conductor does is stand in front of the orchestra and wave their arms. That’s actually about 1% of the job, Cabrera said. Most of his work involves preparation, organization and planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really engaged in all aspects of what a nonprofit performing arts organization does,” he said. “As a music director, I choose all of the repertoire, all of the soloists. Each season has a narrative. The flow of the music that’s being performed, programmed over the course of many years — that’s on my shoulders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Walnut Creek-based California Symphony will start the season with a program highlighting Ludwig van Beethoven’s Symphony No. 9, a masterpiece that was the composer’s final completed symphony. The rest of the season, which includes a total of five concerts and runs through June, will showcase the last works of Johannes Brahms, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart and Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cabrera spearheaded an effort to translate the California Symphony’s website into Spanish, bringing a measurable increase in Latine attendance. The symphony found that Latinos made up about 7% of households that attended performances from 2017 to 2024, almost doubling attendance during the seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His goal, he said, is for anyone who walks into a performance to immediately feel welcome and have more knowledge and understanding of the music when they leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many people when they go to a concert, they want to hear what they know. They want to sing along to all the songs,” he said. “(Orchestral) music is for everyone, not just for people that grow up with it in their home or people of a certain strata. It’s there for everyone to enjoy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "elk-grove-woman-led-neo-nazi-terror-group-that-sought-to-spark-race-war-feds-say",
"title": "Elk Grove Woman Led Neo-Nazi Terror Group That Sought to Spark Race War, Feds Say",
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"headTitle": "Elk Grove Woman Led Neo-Nazi Terror Group That Sought to Spark Race War, Feds Say | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Sacramento-area woman known as the “Lolita of the Far Right” and identified as one of the leaders of an online white supremacist terrorist group has been arrested and charged with soliciting murder and hate crimes around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department charged Dallas Humber, 34, of Elk Grove and Matthew Allison, 37, of Boise, Idaho, with 15 counts, including soliciting hate crimes, soliciting the murder of federal officials and conspiring to provide material support to terrorists as part of a group known as the Terrorgram Collective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The defendants’ goal was to ignite a race war, accelerate the collapse of what they viewed as an irreparably corrupt government, and bring about a white ethnostate,” Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke, who leads the department’s Civil Rights Division, said in a press conference on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humber and Allison used the social media platform Telegram to celebrate white supremacist attacks around the world, provide advice for carrying out terrorist acts and solicit racially motivated violence, according to an indictment unsealed Monday in federal court in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This indictment reflects the department’s response to the new technological face of white supremacist violence, as those seeking mass violence expand their reach online to encourage, solicit, and facilitate terrorist activities,” Clarke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology evolves, and we keep up. These charges reveal that the department will come after violent white supremacists with every legitimate means at our disposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also disseminated a hit list of “high-value targets,” including a sitting U.S. senator and a federal judge who were viewed as enemies of white supremacy, prosecutors alleged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003647\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1123\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-1536x862.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-1920x1078.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A neighborhood in Elk Grove, California. \u003ccite>(Matt Gush/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Humber and Allison were motivated by white supremacist accelerationism, a fringe philosophy that calls for escalating violence and destruction to bring about social collapse to replace democratic government with a new white nationalist order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their social media group, the Terrorgram Collective, is a network of neo-Nazi propaganda channels that fuse the glorification of political violence with a distinctive, heavily edited visual aesthetic, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. These channels share memes extolling the idea of race war, instructions for 3-D printing weapons, extremist literature and manifestos, and praise for white supremacist terrorists, dubbed “Saints.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these channels came into existence in 2019, and by 2020, they had grown their subscriber counts from tens or hundreds into the thousands, according to the SPLC, which monitors hate groups by tracking data from Telegram’s API (application programming interface).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, Humber was already well acquainted with the online far right, according to the antifascist watchdog site \u003ca href=\"https://leftcoastrightwatch.org/articles/heres-the-gore-artist-turning-terrorgram-manuals-manifestos-into-audiobooks/\">Left Coast Right Watch\u003c/a>, which outlined a “two-decade trek through the underworld of the internet” during which she primarily posted using aliases such as “Ms. Gorehound” and “pretty_dictator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a trail of online breadcrumbs, antifascist researchers identified and unmasked Humber’s identity in early 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/dallas-humber-terrorgram-narrator-mass-shootings_n_64010e78e4b0d14ed6a6a545\">HuffPost reported that year\u003c/a>. The researchers pieced together a story of a young woman radicalized in her adolescence by posting online in far-right corners of websites like LiveJournal and DeviantArt, developing a following as a teen for creating and sharing Nazi-inspired anime art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humber and Allison joined Terrorgram in 2019, and in the summer of 2022, they became leaders after one previous leader was arrested and another became aware that he was being investigated, according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are also accused of disseminating instructional manuals and videos to carry out lethal and effective attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acts allegedly incited by Humber and Allison “are not just words,” said Assistant Attorney General Matt Olsen from the Justice Department’s National Security Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003327 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240903-RACISTASSAULT_AAR_11-KQED-1020x1275.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2022, a 19-year-old identifying as a white supremacist in Slovakia shot and killed two people and injured a third outside a popular gay bar in Bratislava. In his manifesto, he directly credited the Terrorgram Collective for their “writing, art, and political texts” and thanked them for their “practical guides,” according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The terroristic network immediately exploited the events in Bratislava and dubbed the gunman “Terrorgram’s First Saint.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately after the shooting, Humber recorded an audiobook of the shooter’s 65-page manifesto and stated that the gunman’s words would “resonate intensely with [the listener’s] soul,” according to Left Coast Right Watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, after an attack on an energy substation in North Carolina, Humber praised Terrogram for the network’s efforts to encourage such acts, Olsen said in Monday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, another active participant in the channels was arrested for planning a similar attack in New Jersey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just last month, an 18-year-old in Turkey livestreamed himself stabbing five people outside a mosque. The attacker shared multiple terrorism publications with others before committing the attack. Humber allegedly posted in a group chat after the attacks, saying: “He is 100% our guy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be difficult to overstate the danger and risks that this group posed. And their reach is as far as the internet because of the platform that they’ve created,” Olsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humber was set to appear in federal court in Sacramento on Monday afternoon for her initial appearance on these charges. Allison will appear in federal court in Boise, Idaho, on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted of all charges, they face a maximum of 220 years in prison, according to the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges against the Terrorgram Collective leaders were announced weeks after the arrest of Telegram CEO Pavel Durov at the Paris airport in August on charges of publishing extremist and illegal content. Durov’s arrest has sparked discussions about free speech and whether tech platforms can and should be held responsible for user-generated content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Sacramento-area woman known as the “Lolita of the Far Right” and identified as one of the leaders of an online white supremacist terrorist group has been arrested and charged with soliciting murder and hate crimes around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Justice Department charged Dallas Humber, 34, of Elk Grove and Matthew Allison, 37, of Boise, Idaho, with 15 counts, including soliciting hate crimes, soliciting the murder of federal officials and conspiring to provide material support to terrorists as part of a group known as the Terrorgram Collective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The defendants’ goal was to ignite a race war, accelerate the collapse of what they viewed as an irreparably corrupt government, and bring about a white ethnostate,” Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke, who leads the department’s Civil Rights Division, said in a press conference on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humber and Allison used the social media platform Telegram to celebrate white supremacist attacks around the world, provide advice for carrying out terrorist acts and solicit racially motivated violence, according to an indictment unsealed Monday in federal court in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This indictment reflects the department’s response to the new technological face of white supremacist violence, as those seeking mass violence expand their reach online to encourage, solicit, and facilitate terrorist activities,” Clarke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology evolves, and we keep up. These charges reveal that the department will come after violent white supremacists with every legitimate means at our disposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group also disseminated a hit list of “high-value targets,” including a sitting U.S. senator and a federal judge who were viewed as enemies of white supremacy, prosecutors alleged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003647\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003647\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1123\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-800x449.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-1020x573.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-1536x862.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ElkGroveCaliforniaGetty1-1920x1078.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A neighborhood in Elk Grove, California. \u003ccite>(Matt Gush/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Humber and Allison were motivated by white supremacist accelerationism, a fringe philosophy that calls for escalating violence and destruction to bring about social collapse to replace democratic government with a new white nationalist order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their social media group, the Terrorgram Collective, is a network of neo-Nazi propaganda channels that fuse the glorification of political violence with a distinctive, heavily edited visual aesthetic, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. These channels share memes extolling the idea of race war, instructions for 3-D printing weapons, extremist literature and manifestos, and praise for white supremacist terrorists, dubbed “Saints.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these channels came into existence in 2019, and by 2020, they had grown their subscriber counts from tens or hundreds into the thousands, according to the SPLC, which monitors hate groups by tracking data from Telegram’s API (application programming interface).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, Humber was already well acquainted with the online far right, according to the antifascist watchdog site \u003ca href=\"https://leftcoastrightwatch.org/articles/heres-the-gore-artist-turning-terrorgram-manuals-manifestos-into-audiobooks/\">Left Coast Right Watch\u003c/a>, which outlined a “two-decade trek through the underworld of the internet” during which she primarily posted using aliases such as “Ms. Gorehound” and “pretty_dictator.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following a trail of online breadcrumbs, antifascist researchers identified and unmasked Humber’s identity in early 2023, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huffpost.com/entry/dallas-humber-terrorgram-narrator-mass-shootings_n_64010e78e4b0d14ed6a6a545\">HuffPost reported that year\u003c/a>. The researchers pieced together a story of a young woman radicalized in her adolescence by posting online in far-right corners of websites like LiveJournal and DeviantArt, developing a following as a teen for creating and sharing Nazi-inspired anime art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humber and Allison joined Terrorgram in 2019, and in the summer of 2022, they became leaders after one previous leader was arrested and another became aware that he was being investigated, according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They are also accused of disseminating instructional manuals and videos to carry out lethal and effective attacks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The acts allegedly incited by Humber and Allison “are not just words,” said Assistant Attorney General Matt Olsen from the Justice Department’s National Security Division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In October 2022, a 19-year-old identifying as a white supremacist in Slovakia shot and killed two people and injured a third outside a popular gay bar in Bratislava. In his manifesto, he directly credited the Terrorgram Collective for their “writing, art, and political texts” and thanked them for their “practical guides,” according to the indictment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The terroristic network immediately exploited the events in Bratislava and dubbed the gunman “Terrorgram’s First Saint.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately after the shooting, Humber recorded an audiobook of the shooter’s 65-page manifesto and stated that the gunman’s words would “resonate intensely with [the listener’s] soul,” according to Left Coast Right Watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, after an attack on an energy substation in North Carolina, Humber praised Terrogram for the network’s efforts to encourage such acts, Olsen said in Monday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, another active participant in the channels was arrested for planning a similar attack in New Jersey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just last month, an 18-year-old in Turkey livestreamed himself stabbing five people outside a mosque. The attacker shared multiple terrorism publications with others before committing the attack. Humber allegedly posted in a group chat after the attacks, saying: “He is 100% our guy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be difficult to overstate the danger and risks that this group posed. And their reach is as far as the internet because of the platform that they’ve created,” Olsen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Humber was set to appear in federal court in Sacramento on Monday afternoon for her initial appearance on these charges. Allison will appear in federal court in Boise, Idaho, on Tuesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If convicted of all charges, they face a maximum of 220 years in prison, according to the Justice Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The charges against the Terrorgram Collective leaders were announced weeks after the arrest of Telegram CEO Pavel Durov at the Paris airport in August on charges of publishing extremist and illegal content. Durov’s arrest has sparked discussions about free speech and whether tech platforms can and should be held responsible for user-generated content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 8 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years after state officials announced an ambitious plan to conserve 30% of California’s lands and coastal waters by 2030, the state is already close to reaching that goal, Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s office said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the start of the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.californianature.ca.gov/\">30×30 initiative\u003c/a>, California has added nearly 1.5 million acres, or about 2,350 square miles, of conserved land, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/83b5c08cae8b47d3b7c623f2de1f0dcc\">dashboard from the California Natural Resources Agency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of June 2024, 25.2% of California’s lands and 16.2% of its coastal waters are already under long-term conservation and care — with six years until the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2020, I signed an executive order to conserve 30% of lands and 30% of coastal waters in California by 2030,” Newsom said in a video announcement. “And four years into this effort, we’re on track to achieve this target, with over a quarter of our lands protected. We won’t stop working to protect California’s unparalleled natural beauty for generations to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond conservation, the initiative also aims to protect biodiversity, expand public access to nature and build statewide resilience to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative kicked off in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://ago-item-storage.s3.amazonaws.com/8da9faef231c4e31b651ae6dff95254e/Final_Pathwaysto30x30_042022_508.pdf?X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjEPj%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJHMEUCIQCOLOlGhR9v60LQI2gDZvCLelD7ElwDRNcARxqEesHbrAIgaOX5FN7I45%2BgW5LXwpzYUlfZeSatA994i3BF1bGFjUUqtAUIIRAAGgw2MDQ3NTgxMDI2NjUiDFxtI8eoCHUUSPCuySqRBVJFD2SoDMsSumPUt9qotmVpvta73tSJX50lqYF4qVXlvrWp14UgkG2Fi7AuO9%2BKD%2FbvRsU2s%2FN2BgfRyO4%2FuWi4MVHbppS3gnu%2BLGl8RtyCwWHSQkjdRkM5roHQ%2BkhOcJ3RNzSi1UPZSnnfDtVRUbLojfc9Skf%2Bwa9kzixflO3Zwu%2BHsBZmkDhfuPyGDrrJXsb4gEPmHzkfEHQMmmP2agKdLZ5jbRiBWTTOBr4QYspYdJTS2f1ir%2FA%2BWFktn82oXudEsLUIrbSKZmOGYQ8FVNnR%2BUO1hGlKhjWaTkHRxl5mPXsObEnsROJT6l%2Fyl0qLuenyqliIBIdWpD3Uqv9L3B5YxHYd2CxzJ%2FFW9BKfQ3L8Bu%2FB7UOXeNG65UwyHZvxh8%2Bu9mhzIOqa8H60evFUxXiotq%2Bgs9VcV2yPDx6ULg95Edl1jahZDLG4X%2F6pNBGmcqfZYteE43ws5OhmrjZ%2BtHFlcWo7M2ZQOi7m6kZMwPArFI15az68GfJMEV7k6kHqrQn8mAe0Qx0LoabUUxQU1kaSH5myG1BblbPr4q1zg3Hd5mdVVcj%2FGvQN7cUBVbQ1573sjshhQzwlAIjUs6M8d1zzzBu4VG7R29nrjW1Fr1r1hPlEKIc0%2F8pZxca4L8IsEVVM9Hw94CCFT6IYDqF1mu8tV7nz%2BPLba1ttQkSpDXaq%2B1b5M9PiQQo7iFChDp8e5%2FOJ%2BzTClIKnPOzZ1OlCK3c2naWw%2Bud9aY2fima3NuvPfDC%2BvzJ0UCsfiJMhaB2g7jQbXbXjgg3qnUAaGDI0JSSL19qs4yJol9XtkD9RhyhhqcgmSA%2Fev9qY%2BuJWOoNXVeTPep5nSJPHbo1MPqtvOBRNWa%2FcW95TI6L9%2Bka6BsoiXDCKru62BjqxAQgb71%2BGCUuvcV5Xh5MV%2FR6J%2F%2B7WPE3iGRcOp4FaCsKj28KeXUgEA0WK678eKW7ECxULlZMLPzZoX21LDicmsGVkwCIMCtY88G1%2BuGZj3Hf7WeCJMi1OilkkbNViYh3xf%2FSShOo74Y3sUfdRhlObpTgT006kkNwEtuV0JnKUZcjVgi3ik8qIZ6un5dDneGtEAdnNvKCIIRdRSNj6T6ANyXWK3pzcDRnCd5OA5sbTxDUgKw%3D%3D&X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20240907T014004Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=300&X-Amz-Credential=ASIAYZTTEKKE36ILQKXV%2F20240907%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=41636e7563ba5076febae07f5092c23a7504e8efa43dc6a14a2e3c5c24f7aa4b\">when officials released a detailed road map\u003c/a> for the plan. The state had 631,000 acres conserved between April of that year and May 2023 and has added 861,000 acres since then, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003410\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Dillon Beach Ranch area, including the 1.5-mile Estero de San Antonio, are within the ancestral homelands of the Coast Miwok, and their descendants are still present there today. \u003ccite>(Courtesy David Dines/Western Rivers Conservancy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the increase includes acres that are newly conserved, it also includes land where the state previously lacked data about levels of protection and management for biodiversity. Through “painstaking and ongoing work,” officials tracked down conserved and protected land across 52 counties to show that these areas meet California’s 30×30 definition, according to the progress report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the biggest recent gains were the expansion of two national monuments — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984763/biden-expands-2-national-monuments-in-california-significant-to-tribal-nations\">San Gabriel Mountains National Monument\u003c/a> in Southern California and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/107169/berryessa-snow-mountain-becomes-californias-newest-national-monument\">Bay Area’s Berryessa-Snow Mountain National Monument\u003c/a> — which enhanced protections for about 120,000 acres of federal lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003399 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/DillonBeach1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also made progress toward the goal through its first-ever \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/Initiatives/Tribalaffairs/Tribal-Nature-Based-Solutions-Program\">ancestral land return effort\u003c/a>, which provided $100 million in grant funding for the return of roughly 38,950 acres to Indigenous communities. Among the recent recipients were the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria, who received funding to help reacquire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003399/lush-marin-county-coastal-land-returned-to-graton-rancheria\">466 acres of their lands\u003c/a> in the North Bay that were privately owned until 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As community leaders globally look for ways to increase biodiversity conservation, California’s plan is paving the way for similar efforts at the national level, with states such as Nevada, South Carolina, Hawaii, Maine and New York now working toward their own 30×30 goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January 2021, the Biden administration issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/27/executive-order-on-tackling-the-climate-crisis-at-home-and-abroad/\">executive order\u003c/a> to tackle the climate crisis and committed the United States to 30×30 through its America the Beautiful initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, California Secretary of Natural Resources Wade Crowfoot sat down with KQED to explain the state’s goal to transform more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992481/californias-plans-for-slowing-climate-change-through-nature-based-solutions\">half of its land acres\u003c/a> to sequester carbon and fight climate change. This effort will help reach the 30×30 goal, Crawfoot said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those targets, known as nature-based solutions, include millions of acres that will be managed to reduce wildfire risk, protect water supplies and enhance biodiversity, among other outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While conservation activists have celebrated the gains as positive progress, some have responded to the state’s announcement with calls for even greater investment and action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://www.iucncongress2020.org/motion/101\">Scientists worldwide agre\u003c/a>e that in order to avoid the worst impacts of climate change on people and help protect wildlife at risk of extinction, we must — at a minimum — protect 30% of our lands and coastal waters by 2030,” Juan Altamirano, director of government affairs at the Trust for Public Land, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is making progress towards 30×30, but there is much work remaining. Nearly five million acres of lands and coastal waters still must be conserved in less than six years. To meet this moment, we are calling for accelerated action, the designation of three national monuments, and the passage of Proposition 4 in November,” Altamirano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop4-110524.pdf\">Proposition 4\u003c/a> would authorize a $10 billion bond to spend on environmental and climate projects, with the biggest chunk, $1.9 billion, for drinking water improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental groups and renewable energy advocates have been clamoring for increased spending on climate change and the environment in recent years, particularly after Newsom and the Legislature approved a $54.3 billion spending package called the California Climate Commitment in 2022, only to scale it back to $44.6 billion this budget-plagued year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 8 a.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years after state officials announced an ambitious plan to conserve 30% of California’s lands and coastal waters by 2030, the state is already close to reaching that goal, Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>’s office said Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the start of the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.californianature.ca.gov/\">30×30 initiative\u003c/a>, California has added nearly 1.5 million acres, or about 2,350 square miles, of conserved land, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/83b5c08cae8b47d3b7c623f2de1f0dcc\">dashboard from the California Natural Resources Agency\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of June 2024, 25.2% of California’s lands and 16.2% of its coastal waters are already under long-term conservation and care — with six years until the deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 2020, I signed an executive order to conserve 30% of lands and 30% of coastal waters in California by 2030,” Newsom said in a video announcement. “And four years into this effort, we’re on track to achieve this target, with over a quarter of our lands protected. We won’t stop working to protect California’s unparalleled natural beauty for generations to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beyond conservation, the initiative also aims to protect biodiversity, expand public access to nature and build statewide resilience to climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative kicked off in 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://ago-item-storage.s3.amazonaws.com/8da9faef231c4e31b651ae6dff95254e/Final_Pathwaysto30x30_042022_508.pdf?X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjEPj%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJHMEUCIQCOLOlGhR9v60LQI2gDZvCLelD7ElwDRNcARxqEesHbrAIgaOX5FN7I45%2BgW5LXwpzYUlfZeSatA994i3BF1bGFjUUqtAUIIRAAGgw2MDQ3NTgxMDI2NjUiDFxtI8eoCHUUSPCuySqRBVJFD2SoDMsSumPUt9qotmVpvta73tSJX50lqYF4qVXlvrWp14UgkG2Fi7AuO9%2BKD%2FbvRsU2s%2FN2BgfRyO4%2FuWi4MVHbppS3gnu%2BLGl8RtyCwWHSQkjdRkM5roHQ%2BkhOcJ3RNzSi1UPZSnnfDtVRUbLojfc9Skf%2Bwa9kzixflO3Zwu%2BHsBZmkDhfuPyGDrrJXsb4gEPmHzkfEHQMmmP2agKdLZ5jbRiBWTTOBr4QYspYdJTS2f1ir%2FA%2BWFktn82oXudEsLUIrbSKZmOGYQ8FVNnR%2BUO1hGlKhjWaTkHRxl5mPXsObEnsROJT6l%2Fyl0qLuenyqliIBIdWpD3Uqv9L3B5YxHYd2CxzJ%2FFW9BKfQ3L8Bu%2FB7UOXeNG65UwyHZvxh8%2Bu9mhzIOqa8H60evFUxXiotq%2Bgs9VcV2yPDx6ULg95Edl1jahZDLG4X%2F6pNBGmcqfZYteE43ws5OhmrjZ%2BtHFlcWo7M2ZQOi7m6kZMwPArFI15az68GfJMEV7k6kHqrQn8mAe0Qx0LoabUUxQU1kaSH5myG1BblbPr4q1zg3Hd5mdVVcj%2FGvQN7cUBVbQ1573sjshhQzwlAIjUs6M8d1zzzBu4VG7R29nrjW1Fr1r1hPlEKIc0%2F8pZxca4L8IsEVVM9Hw94CCFT6IYDqF1mu8tV7nz%2BPLba1ttQkSpDXaq%2B1b5M9PiQQo7iFChDp8e5%2FOJ%2BzTClIKnPOzZ1OlCK3c2naWw%2Bud9aY2fima3NuvPfDC%2BvzJ0UCsfiJMhaB2g7jQbXbXjgg3qnUAaGDI0JSSL19qs4yJol9XtkD9RhyhhqcgmSA%2Fev9qY%2BuJWOoNXVeTPep5nSJPHbo1MPqtvOBRNWa%2FcW95TI6L9%2Bka6BsoiXDCKru62BjqxAQgb71%2BGCUuvcV5Xh5MV%2FR6J%2F%2B7WPE3iGRcOp4FaCsKj28KeXUgEA0WK678eKW7ECxULlZMLPzZoX21LDicmsGVkwCIMCtY88G1%2BuGZj3Hf7WeCJMi1OilkkbNViYh3xf%2FSShOo74Y3sUfdRhlObpTgT006kkNwEtuV0JnKUZcjVgi3ik8qIZ6un5dDneGtEAdnNvKCIIRdRSNj6T6ANyXWK3pzcDRnCd5OA5sbTxDUgKw%3D%3D&X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20240907T014004Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=300&X-Amz-Credential=ASIAYZTTEKKE36ILQKXV%2F20240907%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=41636e7563ba5076febae07f5092c23a7504e8efa43dc6a14a2e3c5c24f7aa4b\">when officials released a detailed road map\u003c/a> for the plan. The state had 631,000 acres conserved between April of that year and May 2023 and has added 861,000 acres since then, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003410\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003410\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Estero-de-San-Antonio-2_David-Dines-Western-Rivers-Conservancy-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Dillon Beach Ranch area, including the 1.5-mile Estero de San Antonio, are within the ancestral homelands of the Coast Miwok, and their descendants are still present there today. \u003ccite>(Courtesy David Dines/Western Rivers Conservancy)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the increase includes acres that are newly conserved, it also includes land where the state previously lacked data about levels of protection and management for biodiversity. Through “painstaking and ongoing work,” officials tracked down conserved and protected land across 52 counties to show that these areas meet California’s 30×30 definition, according to the progress report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the biggest recent gains were the expansion of two national monuments — the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984763/biden-expands-2-national-monuments-in-california-significant-to-tribal-nations\">San Gabriel Mountains National Monument\u003c/a> in Southern California and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/107169/berryessa-snow-mountain-becomes-californias-newest-national-monument\">Bay Area’s Berryessa-Snow Mountain National Monument\u003c/a> — which enhanced protections for about 120,000 acres of federal lands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also made progress toward the goal through its first-ever \u003ca href=\"https://resources.ca.gov/Initiatives/Tribalaffairs/Tribal-Nature-Based-Solutions-Program\">ancestral land return effort\u003c/a>, which provided $100 million in grant funding for the return of roughly 38,950 acres to Indigenous communities. Among the recent recipients were the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria, who received funding to help reacquire \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003399/lush-marin-county-coastal-land-returned-to-graton-rancheria\">466 acres of their lands\u003c/a> in the North Bay that were privately owned until 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As community leaders globally look for ways to increase biodiversity conservation, California’s plan is paving the way for similar efforts at the national level, with states such as Nevada, South Carolina, Hawaii, Maine and New York now working toward their own 30×30 goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January 2021, the Biden administration issued an \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/27/executive-order-on-tackling-the-climate-crisis-at-home-and-abroad/\">executive order\u003c/a> to tackle the climate crisis and committed the United States to 30×30 through its America the Beautiful initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, California Secretary of Natural Resources Wade Crowfoot sat down with KQED to explain the state’s goal to transform more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992481/californias-plans-for-slowing-climate-change-through-nature-based-solutions\">half of its land acres\u003c/a> to sequester carbon and fight climate change. This effort will help reach the 30×30 goal, Crawfoot said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those targets, known as nature-based solutions, include millions of acres that will be managed to reduce wildfire risk, protect water supplies and enhance biodiversity, among other outcomes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While conservation activists have celebrated the gains as positive progress, some have responded to the state’s announcement with calls for even greater investment and action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://www.iucncongress2020.org/motion/101\">Scientists worldwide agre\u003c/a>e that in order to avoid the worst impacts of climate change on people and help protect wildlife at risk of extinction, we must — at a minimum — protect 30% of our lands and coastal waters by 2030,” Juan Altamirano, director of government affairs at the Trust for Public Land, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is making progress towards 30×30, but there is much work remaining. Nearly five million acres of lands and coastal waters still must be conserved in less than six years. To meet this moment, we are calling for accelerated action, the designation of three national monuments, and the passage of Proposition 4 in November,” Altamirano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2024/prop4-110524.pdf\">Proposition 4\u003c/a> would authorize a $10 billion bond to spend on environmental and climate projects, with the biggest chunk, $1.9 billion, for drinking water improvements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Environmental groups and renewable energy advocates have been clamoring for increased spending on climate change and the environment in recent years, particularly after Newsom and the Legislature approved a $54.3 billion spending package called the California Climate Commitment in 2022, only to scale it back to $44.6 billion this budget-plagued year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'A Revolving Door': Why Getting Housing Doesn't Always Mean an End to Homelessness",
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"headTitle": "‘A Revolving Door’: Why Getting Housing Doesn’t Always Mean an End to Homelessness | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A couple of years ago, Larry Williams was living out of his Nissan Sentra and recovering from gunshot wounds that left him alternating between a wheelchair, crutches and a cane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, now 30, had gotten caught in the crossfire at Oakland’s Juneteenth festival at Lake Merritt in 2021, not long after the pandemic put an end to his job as a security guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He got a break in the spring of 2022 when an outreach worker signed him up for housing. Resources and support aligned to get him off the streets and into his own East Oakland apartment. He even got some help paying for furniture and other necessities. But there was a catch: That rental assistance came with an expiration date, and time was up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last of his subsidized rent payments was issued in May. Now he’s on the hook for the full $1,875 per month rent, while his only income is $1,300 a month in disability benefits, and Williams is on the verge of moving back into his car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a moment when Gov. Gavin Newsom is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">demanding cities\u003c/a> get more people off the streets, Williams’ experience shows why that can be so difficult. He and his mother describe navigating a maze of assessments, nonprofits and public agencies that left them frustrated and discouraged. Meanwhile, providers describe working within a system crippled by scarcity and Byzantine regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their experience mirrors a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">scathing critique\u003c/a> from the state auditor in April, which blasted Newsom’s administration for failing to track and evaluate its efforts to address homelessness despite allocating some $24 billion between 2019 and 2023. The report found that an alarming rate of people who entered some form of housing cycled back to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re creating a revolving door,” Williams’ mother, Francine Edwards, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams was able to take advantage of a “rapid rehousing” program, temporary rental assistance meant to serve as a bridge to permanent housing. But advocates say the short-term help can also set up people like Williams, who lives on a fixed income, to fail. According to Alameda County officials, nearly 10% of program participants returned to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rapid rehousing programs were originally created to help people get back on their feet after temporary setbacks, like a job loss. Today, in the absence of enough permanent housing, they’re often applied to people with much higher needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re putting very vulnerable homeless families on rapid rehousing and then expecting them to stabilize in 18 months, and in many cases, it’s not a sustainable situation,” said Mary Kate Johnson, director of regional homelessness prevention for the policy nonprofit, All Home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003126\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003126\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francine Edwards holds a photo on her phone of her son’s x-ray at Lake Merritt in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2024, after he was caught in gun crossfire during a Juneteenth celebration in 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rapid rehousing programs provide rental assistance for up to two years while people try to increase their household income through work, benefits, or by getting roommates. Financial help usually tapers off as beneficiaries are expected to pick up a greater share of the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts caution that supportive services, such as job training or substance use counseling, are essential to setting people up for success. Without that extra support, it’s unlikely the subsidy alone will keep someone exiting homelessness in stable housing, said Jovan Yglecias, chief program officer for Bay Area Community Services, a nonprofit that runs housing programs and homeless services throughout the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because you’re not addressing any of the antecedents, you’re not addressing any of the issues, whether they’re social, economic or otherwise, that prevent that person from obtaining long-term stability,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams and his mom say this support is what was missing for him. It was just a few months ago that he fully understood he’d need to find a way to transition off of the rent subsidy, he said. “I was like, ‘An exit plan? What are you talking about?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of his two years at an apartment near Lake Merritt, Williams said workers coordinating his services came and went, leaving him without a point of contact for a few weeks. When he did connect with staff, they seemed overwhelmed by their caseloads, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t even get a hold of these people,” he said. “They dropped the ball on me all the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time he fully understood he was facing the possibility of eviction, he said he’d completely lost faith in his latest coordinator and stopped responding to her texts and calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian Wan, chief executive officer for Abode Services, the provider that managed Williams’ case, declined to comment on his specific situation but said typical caseloads range from 20 to 30 clients per coordinator. She acknowledged that high turnover at Abode — and across the entire homeless services industry — is a challenge. At Abode, entry-level salaries hover around $60,000 a year, a competitive figure, Wan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to live at $60,000 a year,” she said. “It’s a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say the issue starts at the federal level, where wages set by government contracts are artificially low, especially in high-cost regions like the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 15 years she’s been working with rapid rehousing, Wan has seen success rates decline as the program has begun tilting toward people who are increasingly worse off, including those who are chronically homeless, on fixed incomes and face bigger barriers to staying housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a steeper hill to climb,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providers like Abode don’t get to choose which housing programs are offered to clients; it’s the city or county that’s contracted them that decides eligibility. She wants to see them to rethink who they offer the program to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the limitations, Wan said the temporary help is the best of bad options for many people, including people on fixed incomes, as long as they can find roommates to share the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not trying rapid rehousing often means a choice of staying unsheltered for a really long time,” she said. “It’s the imperfect tool that we have available to us that works for a lot of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101906733,news_11999880,news_12002010\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abode’s data from fiscal years 2022 through 2024 show about 70% of people in rapid rehousing were still housed when they left the program, a figure that mirrors data from rapid rehousing programs across Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates say those who end up back on the streets are, in some cases, worse off than before they received assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people have been on the streets for 15 years and then they go into housing and that ends with the sheriff yanking them out of the housing, it makes it harder to house them later because their experience was so bad,” said Ian Cordova Morales, head of the Berkeley nonprofit Where Do We Go and a housing navigator with the Homeless Action Center. “There’s so many reasons we want to do it right the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s currently assisting Williams and said he’s recently heard from a number of other people who may be facing eviction from rapid rehousing placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Alameda County’s eviction moratorium was lifted last year, the East Bay Community Law Center saw a wave of eviction filings against formerly unhoused people who’d been put in rapid rehousing programs during the pandemic, said Meghan Gordon, who helps lead the center’s housing practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, not only can people end up with an eviction on their record, they can be left with substantial debt. “It’s a really, really challenging and demoralizing experience for clients,” Gordon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A housing services specialist who is not involved in Williams’ case but reviewed his case files said it may have been the best option available for him at the time. Permanent housing spots are reserved for the most vulnerable, and despite his disability, he may not have made the bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving, CEO of the nonprofit Destination Home, said some people, especially seniors, families making minimum wage and those with disabilities or chronic health conditions, may never make enough money to afford the Bay Area’s costly market rents. But, she said, there simply isn’t enough affordable housing to go around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That idea of getting back up on your feet is becoming less and less of a reality,” she said\u003cem>.\u003c/em> “So we try to patch all these things and expect that if we provide enough case management or enough hopes and dreams, that’s going to magically change their situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only solution, she said, is to create affordable homes — by building them and by expanding federal rental assistance, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbo.gov/budget-options/other/51473\">only reaches a quarter of eligible families\u003c/a> today because of limited funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams is still looking for a solution. His mom said that, because of her efforts, he’s now working with the California Department of Rehabilitation to sort out job prospects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s hoping he might be able to get another job as a security guard, he said, but “I don’t know when my body is going to be back to not hurting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for his apartment, he said, “I haven’t heard anything good to help me out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A couple of years ago, Larry Williams was living out of his Nissan Sentra and recovering from gunshot wounds that left him alternating between a wheelchair, crutches and a cane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, now 30, had gotten caught in the crossfire at Oakland’s Juneteenth festival at Lake Merritt in 2021, not long after the pandemic put an end to his job as a security guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He got a break in the spring of 2022 when an outreach worker signed him up for housing. Resources and support aligned to get him off the streets and into his own East Oakland apartment. He even got some help paying for furniture and other necessities. But there was a catch: That rental assistance came with an expiration date, and time was up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last of his subsidized rent payments was issued in May. Now he’s on the hook for the full $1,875 per month rent, while his only income is $1,300 a month in disability benefits, and Williams is on the verge of moving back into his car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a moment when Gov. Gavin Newsom is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">demanding cities\u003c/a> get more people off the streets, Williams’ experience shows why that can be so difficult. He and his mother describe navigating a maze of assessments, nonprofits and public agencies that left them frustrated and discouraged. Meanwhile, providers describe working within a system crippled by scarcity and Byzantine regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their experience mirrors a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">scathing critique\u003c/a> from the state auditor in April, which blasted Newsom’s administration for failing to track and evaluate its efforts to address homelessness despite allocating some $24 billion between 2019 and 2023. The report found that an alarming rate of people who entered some form of housing cycled back to the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re creating a revolving door,” Williams’ mother, Francine Edwards, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams was able to take advantage of a “rapid rehousing” program, temporary rental assistance meant to serve as a bridge to permanent housing. But advocates say the short-term help can also set up people like Williams, who lives on a fixed income, to fail. According to Alameda County officials, nearly 10% of program participants returned to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rapid rehousing programs were originally created to help people get back on their feet after temporary setbacks, like a job loss. Today, in the absence of enough permanent housing, they’re often applied to people with much higher needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re putting very vulnerable homeless families on rapid rehousing and then expecting them to stabilize in 18 months, and in many cases, it’s not a sustainable situation,” said Mary Kate Johnson, director of regional homelessness prevention for the policy nonprofit, All Home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003126\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003126\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-RAPIDREHOUSING-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Francine Edwards holds a photo on her phone of her son’s x-ray at Lake Merritt in Oakland on Sept. 3, 2024, after he was caught in gun crossfire during a Juneteenth celebration in 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Rapid rehousing programs provide rental assistance for up to two years while people try to increase their household income through work, benefits, or by getting roommates. Financial help usually tapers off as beneficiaries are expected to pick up a greater share of the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts caution that supportive services, such as job training or substance use counseling, are essential to setting people up for success. Without that extra support, it’s unlikely the subsidy alone will keep someone exiting homelessness in stable housing, said Jovan Yglecias, chief program officer for Bay Area Community Services, a nonprofit that runs housing programs and homeless services throughout the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because you’re not addressing any of the antecedents, you’re not addressing any of the issues, whether they’re social, economic or otherwise, that prevent that person from obtaining long-term stability,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams and his mom say this support is what was missing for him. It was just a few months ago that he fully understood he’d need to find a way to transition off of the rent subsidy, he said. “I was like, ‘An exit plan? What are you talking about?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the course of his two years at an apartment near Lake Merritt, Williams said workers coordinating his services came and went, leaving him without a point of contact for a few weeks. When he did connect with staff, they seemed overwhelmed by their caseloads, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t even get a hold of these people,” he said. “They dropped the ball on me all the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time he fully understood he was facing the possibility of eviction, he said he’d completely lost faith in his latest coordinator and stopped responding to her texts and calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vivian Wan, chief executive officer for Abode Services, the provider that managed Williams’ case, declined to comment on his specific situation but said typical caseloads range from 20 to 30 clients per coordinator. She acknowledged that high turnover at Abode — and across the entire homeless services industry — is a challenge. At Abode, entry-level salaries hover around $60,000 a year, a competitive figure, Wan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really hard to live at $60,000 a year,” she said. “It’s a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say the issue starts at the federal level, where wages set by government contracts are artificially low, especially in high-cost regions like the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 15 years she’s been working with rapid rehousing, Wan has seen success rates decline as the program has begun tilting toward people who are increasingly worse off, including those who are chronically homeless, on fixed incomes and face bigger barriers to staying housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a steeper hill to climb,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providers like Abode don’t get to choose which housing programs are offered to clients; it’s the city or county that’s contracted them that decides eligibility. She wants to see them to rethink who they offer the program to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the limitations, Wan said the temporary help is the best of bad options for many people, including people on fixed incomes, as long as they can find roommates to share the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not trying rapid rehousing often means a choice of staying unsheltered for a really long time,” she said. “It’s the imperfect tool that we have available to us that works for a lot of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abode’s data from fiscal years 2022 through 2024 show about 70% of people in rapid rehousing were still housed when they left the program, a figure that mirrors data from rapid rehousing programs across Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates say those who end up back on the streets are, in some cases, worse off than before they received assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people have been on the streets for 15 years and then they go into housing and that ends with the sheriff yanking them out of the housing, it makes it harder to house them later because their experience was so bad,” said Ian Cordova Morales, head of the Berkeley nonprofit Where Do We Go and a housing navigator with the Homeless Action Center. “There’s so many reasons we want to do it right the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s currently assisting Williams and said he’s recently heard from a number of other people who may be facing eviction from rapid rehousing placements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Alameda County’s eviction moratorium was lifted last year, the East Bay Community Law Center saw a wave of eviction filings against formerly unhoused people who’d been put in rapid rehousing programs during the pandemic, said Meghan Gordon, who helps lead the center’s housing practice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, not only can people end up with an eviction on their record, they can be left with substantial debt. “It’s a really, really challenging and demoralizing experience for clients,” Gordon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A housing services specialist who is not involved in Williams’ case but reviewed his case files said it may have been the best option available for him at the time. Permanent housing spots are reserved for the most vulnerable, and despite his disability, he may not have made the bar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Loving, CEO of the nonprofit Destination Home, said some people, especially seniors, families making minimum wage and those with disabilities or chronic health conditions, may never make enough money to afford the Bay Area’s costly market rents. But, she said, there simply isn’t enough affordable housing to go around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That idea of getting back up on your feet is becoming less and less of a reality,” she said\u003cem>.\u003c/em> “So we try to patch all these things and expect that if we provide enough case management or enough hopes and dreams, that’s going to magically change their situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only solution, she said, is to create affordable homes — by building them and by expanding federal rental assistance, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbo.gov/budget-options/other/51473\">only reaches a quarter of eligible families\u003c/a> today because of limited funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams is still looking for a solution. His mom said that, because of her efforts, he’s now working with the California Department of Rehabilitation to sort out job prospects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s hoping he might be able to get another job as a security guard, he said, but “I don’t know when my body is going to be back to not hurting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for his apartment, he said, “I haven’t heard anything good to help me out.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A UCSF Student Advocate Spoke Up for Faculty of Color. Then She Was Fired",
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"content": "\u003cp>Updated at 1:05 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> Because of an editing error, an earlier version of this story incorrectly referred to the university that suspended 22 students for establishing an encampment to protest the Israel-Hamas war. It was the University of San Francisco, not UC San Francisco. The earlier version also erroneously reported that Denise Caramagno had reached out to former clients. This story has been corrected.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denise Caramagno has worked as a violence prevention advocate at UC San Francisco for almost a decade. Last month, she received an email notifying her of the university’s intent to fire her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UCSF hired me to support people who experienced different kinds of violence and harm. And part of my job was prevention of violence,” she said during a protest outside of the university’s campus on Friday. “I saw my colleagues being silenced as they spoke about genocide in Gaza. I spoke out. I felt a professional obligation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they’re firing me for doing the job they hired me to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Bay Area universities are back in session for the fall semester, and with the return of classes comes the return of student organizers whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986812/some-bay-area-universities-reach-deal-to-end-encampments-but-students-say-their-fight-continues\">mass demonstrations and encampments rocked campuses\u003c/a> across the country in the spring, including at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rupa Marya, a UCSF professor of internal medicine, wrote a series of posts on X that claimed the “presence of Zionism” in U.S. medicine should be examined as a “structural impediment to health equity.” The posts sparked backlash, including from state Sen. Scott Weiner, who \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1742966467484868909?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1742966467484868909%7Ctwgr%5E4efe6d1fc94503206ec77c65018bd1c0e629682f%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2F48hills.org%2F2024%2F09%2Fucsf-fires-staffer-who-challenged-schools-stance-on-palestine%2F\">wrote\u003c/a> that the posts played into an antisemitic trope accusing Jewish doctors of harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, UCSF released a statement, without reference to Mayra or her posts, that said a “conspiracy theory” circulating on social media was “stating that ‘Zionist’ doctors are a threat to Arab, Palestinian, South Asian, Muslim and Black patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This sweeping, baseless and racist generalization must be condemned,” the statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003443\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003443\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rupa Marya, whose posts on X prompted Caramagno to speak out, addressed attendees during Friday’s press conference. \u003ccite>(Katie DeBenedetti/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caramagno responded on social media, writing that UCSF was “coordinating an attack on its own faculty of color who are asking legitimate questions about social determinants of health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her post led to complaints from staff, which were sent to her. Initially, she was told that she hadn’t violated any policies, but after forwarding one complaint to colleagues, she was notified that she wasn’t allowed to share the complaint against her. In August, she received an email that the university intended to terminate her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m being fired for speaking out in support of my Black and brown colleagues who are experts in health disparities,” she said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11986194 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/9AC167B8-3D82-4AF2-9121-585F5E8B99EB-e1715732459324.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement responding to claims by Caramagno that she was being fired for doing her job, UCSF said,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Privacy laws prevent us from commenting on any specific individual or situation. However, what is being discussed on social media is factually inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university still employs Marya. She said that for more than 20 years, she has advocated for communities of color, including during the Black Lives Matter movement, as well as for immigrant patients, women and LGBTQ communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never come up against the kind of repression and, specifically, racist repression that I’ve seen and experienced since I’ve said ‘stop bombing hospitals,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the protest, which was attended by about 100 doctors, nurses, students and staff, Caramagno stood on the sidewalk just off campus grounds. She has not been allowed to enter since the university initiated a formal investigation about a month ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her official termination date was Aug. 29, but the process has not officially ended, according to Caramagno, who said she has an upcoming hearing. She told KQED that she was not allowed to contact any of her roughly 30 active clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure how they’re being supported, and I feel genuine concern for the people who need support,” Caramagno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Denise Caramagno claims she was terminated for posting in support of colleagues she says were being silenced for speaking about genocide in Gaza. The university’s administration disagrees.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Updated at 1:05 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> Because of an editing error, an earlier version of this story incorrectly referred to the university that suspended 22 students for establishing an encampment to protest the Israel-Hamas war. It was the University of San Francisco, not UC San Francisco. The earlier version also erroneously reported that Denise Caramagno had reached out to former clients. This story has been corrected.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denise Caramagno has worked as a violence prevention advocate at UC San Francisco for almost a decade. Last month, she received an email notifying her of the university’s intent to fire her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UCSF hired me to support people who experienced different kinds of violence and harm. And part of my job was prevention of violence,” she said during a protest outside of the university’s campus on Friday. “I saw my colleagues being silenced as they spoke about genocide in Gaza. I spoke out. I felt a professional obligation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they’re firing me for doing the job they hired me to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Bay Area universities are back in session for the fall semester, and with the return of classes comes the return of student organizers whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986812/some-bay-area-universities-reach-deal-to-end-encampments-but-students-say-their-fight-continues\">mass demonstrations and encampments rocked campuses\u003c/a> across the country in the spring, including at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rupa Marya, a UCSF professor of internal medicine, wrote a series of posts on X that claimed the “presence of Zionism” in U.S. medicine should be examined as a “structural impediment to health equity.” The posts sparked backlash, including from state Sen. Scott Weiner, who \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1742966467484868909?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1742966467484868909%7Ctwgr%5E4efe6d1fc94503206ec77c65018bd1c0e629682f%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2F48hills.org%2F2024%2F09%2Fucsf-fires-staffer-who-challenged-schools-stance-on-palestine%2F\">wrote\u003c/a> that the posts played into an antisemitic trope accusing Jewish doctors of harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, UCSF released a statement, without reference to Mayra or her posts, that said a “conspiracy theory” circulating on social media was “stating that ‘Zionist’ doctors are a threat to Arab, Palestinian, South Asian, Muslim and Black patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This sweeping, baseless and racist generalization must be condemned,” the statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003443\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003443\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rupa Marya, whose posts on X prompted Caramagno to speak out, addressed attendees during Friday’s press conference. \u003ccite>(Katie DeBenedetti/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caramagno responded on social media, writing that UCSF was “coordinating an attack on its own faculty of color who are asking legitimate questions about social determinants of health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her post led to complaints from staff, which were sent to her. Initially, she was told that she hadn’t violated any policies, but after forwarding one complaint to colleagues, she was notified that she wasn’t allowed to share the complaint against her. In August, she received an email that the university intended to terminate her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m being fired for speaking out in support of my Black and brown colleagues who are experts in health disparities,” she said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement responding to claims by Caramagno that she was being fired for doing her job, UCSF said,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Privacy laws prevent us from commenting on any specific individual or situation. However, what is being discussed on social media is factually inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university still employs Marya. She said that for more than 20 years, she has advocated for communities of color, including during the Black Lives Matter movement, as well as for immigrant patients, women and LGBTQ communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never come up against the kind of repression and, specifically, racist repression that I’ve seen and experienced since I’ve said ‘stop bombing hospitals,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the protest, which was attended by about 100 doctors, nurses, students and staff, Caramagno stood on the sidewalk just off campus grounds. She has not been allowed to enter since the university initiated a formal investigation about a month ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her official termination date was Aug. 29, but the process has not officially ended, according to Caramagno, who said she has an upcoming hearing. She told KQED that she was not allowed to contact any of her roughly 30 active clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure how they’re being supported, and I feel genuine concern for the people who need support,” Caramagno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
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"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
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"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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