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"content": "\u003cp>No sooner had Gov. Gavin Newsom cut billions of dollars in spending to close a budget deficit in June than California received an unexpected tax windfall, one that has people in the Capitol speculating about where the avalanche of money came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More corporate taxes than expected poured into state coffers this summer, with cash receipts exceeding forecasts by nearly $2 billion since April. An especially big surge came in July, and state officials and accounting experts think the extra receipts came from a small number of companies — most likely one or more Silicon Valley tech firms, with artificial intelligence chipmaker Nvidia a leading candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx highlights a growing tension in California between its tendency to further regulate tech companies — the governor has signed six bills governing the use of artificial intelligence so far this year — and its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/01/ca-tech-tax-withholding/\">reliance on them for tax revenue\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a single day, July 16, the state received more than $800 million than expected in corporate tax payments, “by far its single biggest day of collections” for a July going back at least four decades, state deputy legislative analyst Brian Uhler told CalMatters. (He excluded 2020 because the pandemic delayed tax deadlines.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, the Finance Department said it collected about $1.4 billion in corporate taxes, nearly three times the agency’s forecast of $500 million. In June, corporate taxes were $263 million above forecast, and in May, $752 million over. “The July average was likely due to large payments by a small number of companies and may not necessarily be indicative of overall corporation tax revenue trends,” the department \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2024/08/Finance-Bulletin-August-2024.pdf\">said in its monthly bulletin (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tax records are confidential, and representatives from both the Finance Department and the Franchise Tax Board stressed that nobody at the state is allowed to discuss details or information from specific tax returns or payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July influx in corporate tax payments was likely related to changes in state tax rules adopted in June, according to state and accounting experts who spoke with CalMatters. The tax changes, intended to help close the deficit, include a suspension of a deduction businesses can claim to offset profit, called the net operating loss deduction, as well as a $5 million limit on how much businesses can claim for research and development and other tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible that companies expecting to have outsized profit realized they owed more in taxes and needed to make large estimated tax payments immediately after the changes were enacted, accounting experts said. Corporations that expect to owe taxes are required to make quarterly estimated tax payments and can incur penalties if the payments are late. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">State analysts believe\u003c/a> the new taxes could disproportionately come from “businesses in riskier or more innovative industries — such as the technology, motion picture, and transportation sectors,” as they put it when the changes were proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a red-hot tech company fits the bill of outsized profits and risky innovation: Nvidia, which is raking in record amounts of money because of the artificial intelligence boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As other companies scramble to get ahead in the AI race, they are buying Nvidia’s chips and propelling the company to new heights. On Aug. 28, Nvidia reported second-quarter net income of $16.6 billion, which was more than double its profit from the same period last year — and about the same amount spent by \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2022/11/total-cost-of-2022-state-and-federal-elections-projected-to-exceed-16-7-billion/\">all state and federal campaigns\u003c/a> in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s annual financial report from 2023 shows that it had $1.5 billion in unused California tax credits for research and development. Between the cap on that tax credit and the suspension of the loss deduction the company could have claimed against its rising profit, Nvidia probably realized it would have a larger tax bill, accounting experts told CalMatters. That’s why it may have been the company or one of the companies that made the sizable estimated tax payment to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s most recent quarterly filing provides additional clues: The company paid a total of $7.21 billion in income taxes in the second quarter, a whopping 31-fold increase from the $227 million it paid in taxes in the same period last year. For the first six months of its 2024 fiscal year, Nvidia paid $7.45 billion in income taxes, compared with $328 million in the first half of 2023. Those totals included federal and state taxes. California has a flat corporate tax rate of 8.84% of a company’s net income, while the federal tax rate is a flat 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Nvidia was largely responsible for the July tax windfall, due to an estimated tax payment, the company likely expects a lot of taxable income this year, said Francine McKenna, an independent financial journalist who writes the Dig newsletter and has taught financial accounting at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton business school. McKenna said if that’s the case, and because there’s a limit on how much the company can claim in terms of other tax credits, Nvidia will likely make another sizable estimated tax payment in the third quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Nvidia spokesperson would not comment. Neither would a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d expect payments from other companies as well, potentially,” said Brett Whitaker, a former tax executive at Ernst & Young, Nike and Mattel who now teaches corporate tax accounting at Indiana University. “They depend on these credits often to avoid paying tax, so suspending them could drive tax for many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitaker said most companies try to take advantage of R&D tax credits: “Big Four (accounting) firms have entire teams dedicated solely to this effort.” But he added that the credits are especially commonly used by tech companies and others whose businesses rely on innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to tell exactly when those other estimated tax payments will come and how significant they will be, Finance Department spokesperson H.D. Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimated tax payments are due in April, June, September and January, but those payments are not always made on time so can come in at any time, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CalMatters examination of Silicon Valley’s biggest tech companies’ financial filings with the federal Securities and Exchange Commission suggests that some of them may also be affected by the tax changes. That means the companies could make estimated tax payments that could be similar in size to the ones the state received in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apple, Google parent Alphabet and Facebook parent Meta are among the companies whose financial filings show they have past losses, which they could normally deduct, and/or unused research and development tax credits in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of last Dec. 31, Alphabet had $18.6 billion in old losses in California. The tech giant also had $6.3 billion in research and development credits.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>As of the same date, Meta had $2.78 billion in past losses in the state, as well as $4.08 billion in unspecified state tax credits from prior periods. And as of Sept. 30, 2023, Apple had $3 billion in research and development credits. All these companies are highly profitable, and whatever deductions and credits they were expecting to use are now either on hold or limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb167?slug=CA_202320240SB167\">the analysis of the budget bill that included the tax changes\u003c/a>, California’s deduction suspension and tax-credit limits could increase state revenue by $5.95 billion this fiscal year, $5.5 billion the following fiscal year and $3.4 billion the year after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11972309,news_11992607,forum_2010101906396\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax changes split state lawmakers mostly along party lines when the governor proposed them in his budget earlier this year. Democrats characterized the changes as necessary, while Republicans decried them as a burden on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener from San Francisco, a supporter of the changes, said in an emailed statement to CalMatters: “It is important not to read too much into any single month revenue numbers, but we believe that tough decisions we made this year will strengthen the state’s fiscal health going forward while protecting our core programs and benefiting the overall economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican from Roseville, an opponent of the changes and a former accountant, told CalMatters he checked with his fiscal staff as well as the Legislative Analyst’s Office about the bigger-than-expected corporate tax payments in July. “It’s reasonable to consider that it’s because of tax changes, but they really don’t know,” he said.”It does appear to be from large deposits from a few companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niello said the state has disallowed the deduction for operating losses in nearly half of the years between 2008 and 2027, citing a finding by the Legislative Analyst’s Office in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">a May report\u003c/a>. The deductions are supposed to help make taxes roughly even for businesses with similar total profits over the course of multiple years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suspending that deduction “appears to be a go-to measure by the state for accounting for revenue shortfalls,” Niello said. “It’s something that businesses cannot rely on now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the tax changes, California tech firms have navigated various legislative fights and new regulations this year. The biggest battle was over a bill to force them to test powerful artificial intelligence models for their potential to enable cyberattacks, the creation of weapons of mass destruction, and other threats to infrastructure. Several big tech companies opposed the legislation, saying it would hinder innovation, while prominent whistleblowers said it would help mitigate the reckless pursuit of tech profits. The measure, from Wiener, cleared the Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/california-artificial-intelligence-bill-veto/\">only to be vetoed\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom this past weekend. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/\">governor also signed into law bills\u003c/a> that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">protect voters from deepfakes\u003c/a> and allow victims of doxxing to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/doxxing-bill-california/\">sue their attackers in civil court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No sooner had Gov. Gavin Newsom cut billions of dollars in spending to close a budget deficit in June than California received an unexpected tax windfall, one that has people in the Capitol speculating about where the avalanche of money came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More corporate taxes than expected poured into state coffers this summer, with cash receipts exceeding forecasts by nearly $2 billion since April. An especially big surge came in July, and state officials and accounting experts think the extra receipts came from a small number of companies — most likely one or more Silicon Valley tech firms, with artificial intelligence chipmaker Nvidia a leading candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx highlights a growing tension in California between its tendency to further regulate tech companies — the governor has signed six bills governing the use of artificial intelligence so far this year — and its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/01/ca-tech-tax-withholding/\">reliance on them for tax revenue\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a single day, July 16, the state received more than $800 million than expected in corporate tax payments, “by far its single biggest day of collections” for a July going back at least four decades, state deputy legislative analyst Brian Uhler told CalMatters. (He excluded 2020 because the pandemic delayed tax deadlines.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, the Finance Department said it collected about $1.4 billion in corporate taxes, nearly three times the agency’s forecast of $500 million. In June, corporate taxes were $263 million above forecast, and in May, $752 million over. “The July average was likely due to large payments by a small number of companies and may not necessarily be indicative of overall corporation tax revenue trends,” the department \u003ca href=\"https://dof.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/352/2024/08/Finance-Bulletin-August-2024.pdf\">said in its monthly bulletin (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tax records are confidential, and representatives from both the Finance Department and the Franchise Tax Board stressed that nobody at the state is allowed to discuss details or information from specific tax returns or payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the July influx in corporate tax payments was likely related to changes in state tax rules adopted in June, according to state and accounting experts who spoke with CalMatters. The tax changes, intended to help close the deficit, include a suspension of a deduction businesses can claim to offset profit, called the net operating loss deduction, as well as a $5 million limit on how much businesses can claim for research and development and other tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s possible that companies expecting to have outsized profit realized they owed more in taxes and needed to make large estimated tax payments immediately after the changes were enacted, accounting experts said. Corporations that expect to owe taxes are required to make quarterly estimated tax payments and can incur penalties if the payments are late. \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">State analysts believe\u003c/a> the new taxes could disproportionately come from “businesses in riskier or more innovative industries — such as the technology, motion picture, and transportation sectors,” as they put it when the changes were proposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, a red-hot tech company fits the bill of outsized profits and risky innovation: Nvidia, which is raking in record amounts of money because of the artificial intelligence boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As other companies scramble to get ahead in the AI race, they are buying Nvidia’s chips and propelling the company to new heights. On Aug. 28, Nvidia reported second-quarter net income of $16.6 billion, which was more than double its profit from the same period last year — and about the same amount spent by \u003ca href=\"https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2022/11/total-cost-of-2022-state-and-federal-elections-projected-to-exceed-16-7-billion/\">all state and federal campaigns\u003c/a> in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s annual financial report from 2023 shows that it had $1.5 billion in unused California tax credits for research and development. Between the cap on that tax credit and the suspension of the loss deduction the company could have claimed against its rising profit, Nvidia probably realized it would have a larger tax bill, accounting experts told CalMatters. That’s why it may have been the company or one of the companies that made the sizable estimated tax payment to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nvidia’s most recent quarterly filing provides additional clues: The company paid a total of $7.21 billion in income taxes in the second quarter, a whopping 31-fold increase from the $227 million it paid in taxes in the same period last year. For the first six months of its 2024 fiscal year, Nvidia paid $7.45 billion in income taxes, compared with $328 million in the first half of 2023. Those totals included federal and state taxes. California has a flat corporate tax rate of 8.84% of a company’s net income, while the federal tax rate is a flat 21%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Nvidia was largely responsible for the July tax windfall, due to an estimated tax payment, the company likely expects a lot of taxable income this year, said Francine McKenna, an independent financial journalist who writes the Dig newsletter and has taught financial accounting at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton business school. McKenna said if that’s the case, and because there’s a limit on how much the company can claim in terms of other tax credits, Nvidia will likely make another sizable estimated tax payment in the third quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An Nvidia spokesperson would not comment. Neither would a spokesperson for Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d expect payments from other companies as well, potentially,” said Brett Whitaker, a former tax executive at Ernst & Young, Nike and Mattel who now teaches corporate tax accounting at Indiana University. “They depend on these credits often to avoid paying tax, so suspending them could drive tax for many.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitaker said most companies try to take advantage of R&D tax credits: “Big Four (accounting) firms have entire teams dedicated solely to this effort.” But he added that the credits are especially commonly used by tech companies and others whose businesses rely on innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to tell exactly when those other estimated tax payments will come and how significant they will be, Finance Department spokesperson H.D. Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estimated tax payments are due in April, June, September and January, but those payments are not always made on time so can come in at any time, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CalMatters examination of Silicon Valley’s biggest tech companies’ financial filings with the federal Securities and Exchange Commission suggests that some of them may also be affected by the tax changes. That means the companies could make estimated tax payments that could be similar in size to the ones the state received in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apple, Google parent Alphabet and Facebook parent Meta are among the companies whose financial filings show they have past losses, which they could normally deduct, and/or unused research and development tax credits in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of last Dec. 31, Alphabet had $18.6 billion in old losses in California. The tech giant also had $6.3 billion in research and development credits.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>As of the same date, Meta had $2.78 billion in past losses in the state, as well as $4.08 billion in unspecified state tax credits from prior periods. And as of Sept. 30, 2023, Apple had $3 billion in research and development credits. All these companies are highly profitable, and whatever deductions and credits they were expecting to use are now either on hold or limited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb167?slug=CA_202320240SB167\">the analysis of the budget bill that included the tax changes\u003c/a>, California’s deduction suspension and tax-credit limits could increase state revenue by $5.95 billion this fiscal year, $5.5 billion the following fiscal year and $3.4 billion the year after that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax changes split state lawmakers mostly along party lines when the governor proposed them in his budget earlier this year. Democrats characterized the changes as necessary, while Republicans decried them as a burden on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener from San Francisco, a supporter of the changes, said in an emailed statement to CalMatters: “It is important not to read too much into any single month revenue numbers, but we believe that tough decisions we made this year will strengthen the state’s fiscal health going forward while protecting our core programs and benefiting the overall economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican from Roseville, an opponent of the changes and a former accountant, told CalMatters he checked with his fiscal staff as well as the Legislative Analyst’s Office about the bigger-than-expected corporate tax payments in July. “It’s reasonable to consider that it’s because of tax changes, but they really don’t know,” he said.”It does appear to be from large deposits from a few companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niello said the state has disallowed the deduction for operating losses in nearly half of the years between 2008 and 2027, citing a finding by the Legislative Analyst’s Office in \u003ca href=\"https://www.lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4902\">a May report\u003c/a>. The deductions are supposed to help make taxes roughly even for businesses with similar total profits over the course of multiple years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suspending that deduction “appears to be a go-to measure by the state for accounting for revenue shortfalls,” Niello said. “It’s something that businesses cannot rely on now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the tax changes, California tech firms have navigated various legislative fights and new regulations this year. The biggest battle was over a bill to force them to test powerful artificial intelligence models for their potential to enable cyberattacks, the creation of weapons of mass destruction, and other threats to infrastructure. Several big tech companies opposed the legislation, saying it would hinder innovation, while prominent whistleblowers said it would help mitigate the reckless pursuit of tech profits. The measure, from Wiener, cleared the Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/california-artificial-intelligence-bill-veto/\">only to be vetoed\u003c/a> by Gov. Gavin Newsom this past weekend. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/new-california-laws-2024/\">governor also signed into law bills\u003c/a> that would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">protect voters from deepfakes\u003c/a> and allow victims of doxxing to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/doxxing-bill-california/\">sue their attackers in civil court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County’s\u003c/a> superintendent of schools was fired overnight after more than six years in the role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School board members voted to terminate Mary Ann Dewan from her role without cause during a closed session meeting on Wednesday night. It was the second board discussion this year evaluating her employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been a complete honor and privilege to serve Santa Clara County, its schools, community, staff and students,” Dewan said in a statement. “I have dedicated my life to service of our community and hold the work of the County Office of Education in high esteem. I am incredibly proud of all we have done together to advance equity, inclusion, diversity and partnership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dewan has worked for the Santa Clara County Office of Education since 2013, acting as the superintendent since February 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February of this year, the county board of education held a closed session meeting to discuss Dewan’s performance, spurring questions about why her performance review had taken months and whether she would keep her job, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/is-santa-clara-county-office-of-education-school-superintendents-job-on-the-line/\">the \u003cem>San José Spotlight\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday night, many people praised Dewan during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brittney O’Brien, literacy coordinator for learning acceleration at the county Office of Education, said Dewan’s “leadership has had a huge profound impact not on me, but on our entire community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007485 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SanJoseStateUniversityGetty1-1020x573.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Anna Mendoza, a parent, questioned how much the words of support reflect feelings among county education staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of good sayings about Dr. Dewan,” Mendoza said. “But if you had all staff who would come here and state how they feel or present, they get retaliated against. Their position gets removed, so that’s the reason you see that. It’s all people in higher positions that come and speak highly of you because of the political power you hold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2022, the union representing special education workers in Santa Clara schools filed a workplace safety complaint against the county’s Office of Education. In February, the \u003cem>Spotlight\u003c/em> reported that Sarah Gianocaro, the president of SEIU’s Santa Clara County Office of Education chapter, said there had been multiple preventable injuries to both staff and students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, multiple students and their family members also spoke about a lack of resources for special education students, specifically those with hearing impairments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am stressed about my future and depressed. I cannot begin to stress how important this situation is,” said Ebraheem Berry, who is in an adult transition program. Berry said there has been mixed information about whether he can go through the program, which is integral to his success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what the reason for Dewan’s termination is. Neither she nor the Office of Education responded immediately to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County’s\u003c/a> superintendent of schools was fired overnight after more than six years in the role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School board members voted to terminate Mary Ann Dewan from her role without cause during a closed session meeting on Wednesday night. It was the second board discussion this year evaluating her employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has been a complete honor and privilege to serve Santa Clara County, its schools, community, staff and students,” Dewan said in a statement. “I have dedicated my life to service of our community and hold the work of the County Office of Education in high esteem. I am incredibly proud of all we have done together to advance equity, inclusion, diversity and partnership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dewan has worked for the Santa Clara County Office of Education since 2013, acting as the superintendent since February 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February of this year, the county board of education held a closed session meeting to discuss Dewan’s performance, spurring questions about why her performance review had taken months and whether she would keep her job, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/is-santa-clara-county-office-of-education-school-superintendents-job-on-the-line/\">the \u003cem>San José Spotlight\u003c/em> reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday night, many people praised Dewan during public comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brittney O’Brien, literacy coordinator for learning acceleration at the county Office of Education, said Dewan’s “leadership has had a huge profound impact not on me, but on our entire community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Anna Mendoza, a parent, questioned how much the words of support reflect feelings among county education staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of good sayings about Dr. Dewan,” Mendoza said. “But if you had all staff who would come here and state how they feel or present, they get retaliated against. Their position gets removed, so that’s the reason you see that. It’s all people in higher positions that come and speak highly of you because of the political power you hold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November 2022, the union representing special education workers in Santa Clara schools filed a workplace safety complaint against the county’s Office of Education. In February, the \u003cem>Spotlight\u003c/em> reported that Sarah Gianocaro, the president of SEIU’s Santa Clara County Office of Education chapter, said there had been multiple preventable injuries to both staff and students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, multiple students and their family members also spoke about a lack of resources for special education students, specifically those with hearing impairments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am stressed about my future and depressed. I cannot begin to stress how important this situation is,” said Ebraheem Berry, who is in an adult transition program. Berry said there has been mixed information about whether he can go through the program, which is integral to his success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is unclear what the reason for Dewan’s termination is. Neither she nor the Office of Education responded immediately to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When we think about air pollution, most of us focus on its effects on our lungs and maybe our hearts. But new \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1878929324000975?via%3Dihub\">research\u003c/a> reveals something more troubling: the air we breathe may affect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/children\">children’s\u003c/a> brains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-davis\">UC Davis\u003c/a> scientists systematically reviewed 40 different studies looking at how outdoor air pollution impacts the development of children’s brains. The research linked exposure to pollutants to changes in the brain. This includes differences in white matter, crucial for things like memory and learning, and even early signs of neurodegenerative diseases like Alzheimer’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing notable differences in brain outcomes between kids exposed to higher pollution levels and those with lower exposure,” said Camelia Hostinar, associate professor of psychology at UC Davis and the study’s corresponding author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children are especially vulnerable to air pollution for a few reasons. Their bodies and brains are still developing, and they breathe faster than adults, meaning they take in more air (and more pollutants) relative to their body size. And they spend a lot of time outside — whether that’s playing in the yard, walking to school, or just hanging out with friends. That outdoor time increases their exposure, particularly in cities or near freeways where pollution levels can spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What should concern us in these studies and what they show is that fossil fuel pollution is literally damaging, not only things like the vasculature of infants and children’s brains but also what we call the cortical thickness, which is associated with cognitive capacities or cognitive deficits,” said Dr. Lisa Patel, a pediatrician for Stanford Children’s Health, who was not involved in the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The impact of pollution on young brains\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pollutants like fine particulate matter, what researchers refer to as PM2.5, and nitrogen dioxide from car exhaust, power plants and wildfires can penetrate deep into the lungs and bloodstream. From there, they can travel to the brain, where they can trigger inflammation, which contributes to cell loss within the central nervous system. This process may trigger \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/299999970_How_Air_Pollution_Alters_Brain_Development_The_Role_of_Neuroinflammation\">cognitive decline, an increased risk for dementia\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0197018619305078\">autism\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0013935119307273\">attention deficit hyperactivity disorder\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Davis research team examined studies primarily from the U.S., Mexico and Europe, with one each from Asia and Australia. Some used advanced imaging techniques like MRI scans, while others tested chemical compounds or even looked for signs of brain tumors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12000147 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/iStock-515594796_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are observational studies, so we can’t definitively say air pollution causes these brain changes,” said Dr. John Balmes, a physician-scientist at UCSF and UC Berkeley, whose \u003ca href=\"https://ehp.niehs.nih.gov/doi/10.1289/EHP10812\">research\u003c/a> has shown links between early-life pollution exposure and reduced IQ by age 10. He was not involved in the UC Davis study. “But when so many studies show consistent results, the association becomes strong — strong enough to move toward causality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers also looked at animal models to explore potential causal links. In these models, exposure to pollution led to brain changes similar to what’s observed in human children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between what the animal models show, what these pathology results show, and what we know from the adult literature, connecting what we know from animal studies to humans is a reasonable assertion,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reducing the risks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On days like Wednesday and Thursday, when the air district issues a Spare the Air Alert for the Bay Area due to unhealthy smog levels, health officials urge people, especially children and sensitive groups, to limit outdoor activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids should probably not be exercising vigorously outside if they don’t have to,” Balmes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel suggested several other steps to reduce exposure to air pollution, particularly for children. Installing portable air purifiers in homes and schools can significantly improve indoor air quality, especially near high-traffic areas. If you’re looking for a new home, try to avoid areas near major roads or industrial zones. For those already living near pollution sources, weatherizing your home by sealing cracks and gaps to prevent dirty air from sneaking in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Davis researchers also encouraged other scientists to include air pollution data in studies related to brain health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone researching brain development or health outcomes should be asking about air pollution exposure,” said Sally Hang, a Ph.D. student at UC Davis and the study’s first co-author. “It’s a simple yet critical factor that could deepen our understanding of how to protect future generations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As research mounts on connecting air pollution to poorer neurodevelopment, policymakers may need to rethink what they consider safe levels of pollution, particularly when it comes to the most vulnerable among us — our children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are observational studies, so we can’t definitively say air pollution causes these brain changes,” said Dr. John Balmes, a physician-scientist at UCSF and UC Berkeley, whose \u003ca href=\"https://ehp.niehs.nih.gov/doi/10.1289/EHP10812\">research\u003c/a> has shown links between early-life pollution exposure and reduced IQ by age 10. He was not involved in the UC Davis study. “But when so many studies show consistent results, the association becomes strong — strong enough to move toward causality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers also looked at animal models to explore potential causal links. In these models, exposure to pollution led to brain changes similar to what’s observed in human children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between what the animal models show, what these pathology results show, and what we know from the adult literature, connecting what we know from animal studies to humans is a reasonable assertion,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reducing the risks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On days like Wednesday and Thursday, when the air district issues a Spare the Air Alert for the Bay Area due to unhealthy smog levels, health officials urge people, especially children and sensitive groups, to limit outdoor activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids should probably not be exercising vigorously outside if they don’t have to,” Balmes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel suggested several other steps to reduce exposure to air pollution, particularly for children. Installing portable air purifiers in homes and schools can significantly improve indoor air quality, especially near high-traffic areas. If you’re looking for a new home, try to avoid areas near major roads or industrial zones. For those already living near pollution sources, weatherizing your home by sealing cracks and gaps to prevent dirty air from sneaking in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Davis researchers also encouraged other scientists to include air pollution data in studies related to brain health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anyone researching brain development or health outcomes should be asking about air pollution exposure,” said Sally Hang, a Ph.D. student at UC Davis and the study’s first co-author. “It’s a simple yet critical factor that could deepen our understanding of how to protect future generations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As research mounts on connecting air pollution to poorer neurodevelopment, policymakers may need to rethink what they consider safe levels of pollution, particularly when it comes to the most vulnerable among us — our children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a>’s sideshow ordinance that makes it illegal to watch a street takeover is being challenged in federal court, where lawyers for a local reporter will ask a judge to block its enforcement on the basis that it violates his First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Fermoso, who covers road safety for\u003cem> The Oaklandside\u003c/em>, said he can’t report on sideshows because the ordinance makes it illegal to spectate within 200 feet of one. Violators could be hit with a maximum $1,000 fine, three months in jail or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike San Francisco’s recent move to crack down on sideshows, which have raised concerns over noise, disruptions and gun violence that sometimes accompanies them, Alameda County’s ordinance does not carve out exceptions for the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fermoso filed a federal lawsuit on July 2 against Alameda County and Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez, who co-authored the ordinance, alleging that it “effectively prohibits recording or reporting on the sideshow, because viewing, observing, watching, or witnessing an event is inherently necessary to recording or reporting on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment Coalition, which is representing Fermoso, will ask the court on Thursday for a preliminary injunction to block the county from enforcing the ordinance against him as a reporter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m in public — whether I’m a journalist or anybody else — and I see something happening, I’m entitled to record that,” said David Loy, one of the First Amendment Coalition attorneys representing Fermoso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002515 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240830-SFSIDESHOWLEGISLATION-07-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the ordinance passed last summer, Fermoso said he canceled all future plans to report on sideshows because he “reasonably feared citation, arrest, or criminal prosecution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their motion for an injunction, attorneys for Fermoso said the ordinance “compels this self-censorship and violates Fermoso’s First Amendment right to gather and report the news.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers representing Alameda County and the sheriff argue that the ordinance isn’t subject to First Amendment scrutiny because it’s “a generally applicable regulation of conduct that only incidentally affects speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The plaintiffs] contend that the First Amendment protects a right just to observe criminal conduct, and the First Amendment does not protect any such right,” said Matthew Zinn, one of the defendants’ lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants also argue that the ordinance has never been enforced because the sheriff’s office hasn’t been aware of any reported sideshows in unincorporated parts of the county since the ordinance was adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a witness declaration in support of the injunction states otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The individual, who lives in unincorporated Alameda County, wrote in the declaration that sideshows have occurred at least once or twice a week since Aug. 1, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Lawyers for a local Oakland reporter will ask a judge to block the law, which makes it illegal to watch within 200 feet of a street takeover, from being enforced against him.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alameda-county\">Alameda County\u003c/a>’s sideshow ordinance that makes it illegal to watch a street takeover is being challenged in federal court, where lawyers for a local reporter will ask a judge to block its enforcement on the basis that it violates his First Amendment rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jose Fermoso, who covers road safety for\u003cem> The Oaklandside\u003c/em>, said he can’t report on sideshows because the ordinance makes it illegal to spectate within 200 feet of one. Violators could be hit with a maximum $1,000 fine, three months in jail or both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike San Francisco’s recent move to crack down on sideshows, which have raised concerns over noise, disruptions and gun violence that sometimes accompanies them, Alameda County’s ordinance does not carve out exceptions for the press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fermoso filed a federal lawsuit on July 2 against Alameda County and Sheriff Yesenia Sanchez, who co-authored the ordinance, alleging that it “effectively prohibits recording or reporting on the sideshow, because viewing, observing, watching, or witnessing an event is inherently necessary to recording or reporting on it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The First Amendment Coalition, which is representing Fermoso, will ask the court on Thursday for a preliminary injunction to block the county from enforcing the ordinance against him as a reporter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I’m in public — whether I’m a journalist or anybody else — and I see something happening, I’m entitled to record that,” said David Loy, one of the First Amendment Coalition attorneys representing Fermoso.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the ordinance passed last summer, Fermoso said he canceled all future plans to report on sideshows because he “reasonably feared citation, arrest, or criminal prosecution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their motion for an injunction, attorneys for Fermoso said the ordinance “compels this self-censorship and violates Fermoso’s First Amendment right to gather and report the news.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers representing Alameda County and the sheriff argue that the ordinance isn’t subject to First Amendment scrutiny because it’s “a generally applicable regulation of conduct that only incidentally affects speech.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The plaintiffs] contend that the First Amendment protects a right just to observe criminal conduct, and the First Amendment does not protect any such right,” said Matthew Zinn, one of the defendants’ lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defendants also argue that the ordinance has never been enforced because the sheriff’s office hasn’t been aware of any reported sideshows in unincorporated parts of the county since the ordinance was adopted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, a witness declaration in support of the injunction states otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The individual, who lives in unincorporated Alameda County, wrote in the declaration that sideshows have occurred at least once or twice a week since Aug. 1, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The state’s Department of Justice on Wednesday appeared to suggest it was open to settling its lawsuit against a Catholic hospital in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/northern-california\">Northern California\u003c/a> accused of denying a pregnant woman emergency abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007119/california-sues-a-catholic-hospital-for-denying-patient-an-emergency-abortion\">lawsuit\u003c/a> on Monday, alleging that policy at Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka prevented doctors from performing a potentially life-saving emergency abortion on Dr. Anna Nusslock, who was 15 weeks pregnant with twins when her water broke, so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garry Olney, chief executive for Providence’s Northern California service area, apologized in a statement to employees, saying Nusslock’s treatment did not meet Providence’s “high standards for safe, quality, compassionate care.” A spokesperson pointed to the Catholic Church’s U.S. health care directives that allow for “operations, treatments, and medications that have as their direct purpose the cure of a proportionately serious pathological condition of a pregnant woman” that cannot be safely postponed until the child is viable, “even if they will result in the death of the unborn child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are immediately revisiting our training, education and escalation processes in emergency medical situations to ensure that this does not happen again and to ensure that our care teams have the training and support they need to deliver the best possible care for each patient we serve,” Olney’s message reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital did not clarify whether it has a policy that bans medical intervention when a fetal heartbeat can be detected unless the patient’s life is sufficiently at risk. According to the lawsuit, a doctor at Providence St. Joseph told Nusslock that she could not perform an in-clinic abortion procedure known as dilation and evacuation unless Nusslock’s life was at risk, nor could she induce contractions with misoprostol while the fetuses still had a heartbeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Providence is committed to changing its policies to comply with the law and ensuring this never happens again, our office is prepared to work constructively with them to resolve this litigation and to protect patients,” a spokesperson for the California Department of Justice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the lawsuit, Nusslock was experiencing contractions and bleeding and was told that her twins would not survive — and that her health would also be at risk if she did not receive an emergency abortion. But a Providence St. Joseph doctor, the suit alleges, told Nusslock the only care she could provide was expectant management or closely monitoring her symptoms for changes that would allow intervention. She suggested that Nusslock travel to another hospital to receive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007157 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GavinNewsomAP2-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nusslock ultimately drove — with towels and buckets, “in case something happen[ed] in the car” — to Mad River Community Hospital 12 miles away in Arcata, where a doctor performed an emergency abortion. They said Nusslock was “actively hemorrhaging” on the operating table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit claims that though Providence “will ostensibly intervene” if a pregnant patient is “on the verge of death,” California law requires that, as a licensed facility, it must act in the event of serious injury or illness as well. It also alleges that Providence discriminates against pregnant patients by not giving them comprehensive emergency care as it would others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s office said it believes that others might have had experiences similar to Nusslock, and is asking that they share their experiences with the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked the court to issue an injunction prohibiting the hospital and its affiliates from violating the state laws it says required them to provide Nusslock with care, along with requiring them to pay monetary damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in California, a champion for reproductive freedom, we are not immune from practices like the one we’re seeing today, and we will not stand by as it occurs,” Bonta said during a press conference on Monday. “We will take action as we’re doing today and move to end it immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state’s Department of Justice on Wednesday appeared to suggest it was open to settling its lawsuit against a Catholic hospital in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/northern-california\">Northern California\u003c/a> accused of denying a pregnant woman emergency abortion care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Rob Bonta announced the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007119/california-sues-a-catholic-hospital-for-denying-patient-an-emergency-abortion\">lawsuit\u003c/a> on Monday, alleging that policy at Providence St. Joseph Hospital in Eureka prevented doctors from performing a potentially life-saving emergency abortion on Dr. Anna Nusslock, who was 15 weeks pregnant with twins when her water broke, so long as “fetal heart tones” were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garry Olney, chief executive for Providence’s Northern California service area, apologized in a statement to employees, saying Nusslock’s treatment did not meet Providence’s “high standards for safe, quality, compassionate care.” A spokesperson pointed to the Catholic Church’s U.S. health care directives that allow for “operations, treatments, and medications that have as their direct purpose the cure of a proportionately serious pathological condition of a pregnant woman” that cannot be safely postponed until the child is viable, “even if they will result in the death of the unborn child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are immediately revisiting our training, education and escalation processes in emergency medical situations to ensure that this does not happen again and to ensure that our care teams have the training and support they need to deliver the best possible care for each patient we serve,” Olney’s message reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital did not clarify whether it has a policy that bans medical intervention when a fetal heartbeat can be detected unless the patient’s life is sufficiently at risk. According to the lawsuit, a doctor at Providence St. Joseph told Nusslock that she could not perform an in-clinic abortion procedure known as dilation and evacuation unless Nusslock’s life was at risk, nor could she induce contractions with misoprostol while the fetuses still had a heartbeat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Providence is committed to changing its policies to comply with the law and ensuring this never happens again, our office is prepared to work constructively with them to resolve this litigation and to protect patients,” a spokesperson for the California Department of Justice said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the lawsuit, Nusslock was experiencing contractions and bleeding and was told that her twins would not survive — and that her health would also be at risk if she did not receive an emergency abortion. But a Providence St. Joseph doctor, the suit alleges, told Nusslock the only care she could provide was expectant management or closely monitoring her symptoms for changes that would allow intervention. She suggested that Nusslock travel to another hospital to receive care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nusslock ultimately drove — with towels and buckets, “in case something happen[ed] in the car” — to Mad River Community Hospital 12 miles away in Arcata, where a doctor performed an emergency abortion. They said Nusslock was “actively hemorrhaging” on the operating table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit claims that though Providence “will ostensibly intervene” if a pregnant patient is “on the verge of death,” California law requires that, as a licensed facility, it must act in the event of serious injury or illness as well. It also alleges that Providence discriminates against pregnant patients by not giving them comprehensive emergency care as it would others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorney general’s office said it believes that others might have had experiences similar to Nusslock, and is asking that they share their experiences with the Department of Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t yet know the full scope of this problem or how many patients have suffered, but we do know that unless we act, this will happen again and again,” Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He asked the court to issue an injunction prohibiting the hospital and its affiliates from violating the state laws it says required them to provide Nusslock with care, along with requiring them to pay monetary damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even in California, a champion for reproductive freedom, we are not immune from practices like the one we’re seeing today, and we will not stand by as it occurs,” Bonta said during a press conference on Monday. “We will take action as we’re doing today and move to end it immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">Carly Severn\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort against Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gained the backing of a prominent East Bay politician ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">November’s election\u003c/a> with the endorsement of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorney Pam Price has failed the residents of Alameda County,” Swalwell told KQED on Wednesday. “She has essentially put in place pro-criminal policies where the cops catch the bad guys and she releases them back into the community, and that has made us less safe and has created anxiety among citizens. And you see the effects of this all throughout the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price was elected in 2022 on a platform focused on reducing incarceration and racial disparities in the criminal legal system. Her policies include not charging some types of sentencing enhancements and not charging minors as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell specifically pointed out Price’s refusal to seek gun enhancements, saying that “if you’re taking an approach of not going after violent criminals, people who use guns — if that’s your baseline, the most dangerous people who have access to the most dangerous weapons are not being charged with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Price said gun enhancements are applied on a case-by-case basis, as outlined by office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/SPECIAL-DIRECTIVE-23-01-FAQ.04142023.pdf\">policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort to recall Price says her policies led to a \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">spike in crime in the county in 2023\u003c/a>. So far this year, available \u003ca href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1638302557778\">crime data\u003c/a> for Oakland shows the rate there has been declining, mirroring a \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/13/violent-crime-oakland-and-nationwide-declining-2024/#:~:text=Between%20Jan.,Shootings%20are%20down%2023%25.\">national downtrend\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/five-things-about-deterrence\">Research from the National Institute of Justice\u003c/a>, meanwhile, suggests that more severe jail and prison sentences are not an effective deterrent of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham, victim’s advocate and leader of the recall campaign, speaks during a press conference outside of Hayward City Hall in Hayward on Oct. 2, 2024, announcing Congressman Eric Swalwell’s support for the recall of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a press conference in Hayward Wednesday, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County in the House of Representatives, said he saw the need for criminal justice reforms, pointing out that sentences for people whose crimes stem from addiction or mental health should be minimized. He also said Price’s policies are too friendly to people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has long been a critic of Price. When Price ran for office in 2022, he donated to her opponent. Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/eric-swalwell-pamela-price-19458135.php\">they squabbled online\u003c/a>, with Swalwell, a former Alameda County prosecutor, accusing Price of being “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepSwalwell/status/1788945467868635556\">soft on crime\u003c/a>” after the robbery of a Dublin mail carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/PPrice_Cares/status/1790070830900064588\">retorted by accusing Swalwell\u003c/a> of holding Price to a higher standard than her predecessor — Swalwell’s former boss, Nancy O’Malley — and pointed out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/thieves-targeting-mail-keys-in-east-bay-usps-carrier-robberies\">robberies targeting mail carriers are a longstanding problem\u003c/a> that Swalwell only started blaming the district attorney’s office for after a Black woman was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been highly critical of O’Malley, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/12/pamela-price-alameda-county-district-attorney-interview-recall/\">accusing her\u003c/a> of leaving behind an office in disarray. In 2019, O’Malley gave the introductory remarks at the campaign launch of Swalwell’s short-lived run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its 2023 Annual Report, Price’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">took action on approximately the same percentage of cases\u003c/a> brought to it by police as in the previous four years under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_2775' label='Alameda County 2024 Elections: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates & Issues on Your Ballot' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell gained national attention when he became the House manager leading the second impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump in 2021. He later \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/05/politics/trump-lawsuit-insurrection-eric-swalwell/index.html\">sued Trump\u003c/a> over the Jan. 6 insurrection. That case is ongoing. Since then, Swalwell has kept up a drumbeat of media critiques of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears to be the first elected official from the county to endorse the recall effort against Price. \u003ca href=\"https://www.protectthewin.org/endorsements\">A handful\u003c/a> of local leaders and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/sheng-thao-pamela-price-recalls-19761967.php\">Alameda County Democratic Party Central Committee\u003c/a> have endorsed the campaign to keep Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, the pro-Price campaign questioned the motives of Swalwell’s endorsement and sought to frame it as out of step with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman Swalwell’s actions have raised questions about whom he truly represents and what impact his support may have on Democratic values in our community,” a spokesperson for the campaign said. “His support for an effort that undermines a fellow Democrat and rejects the position of local Democrats has left many of his constituents feeling betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement comes as both the recall campaign and the anti-recall effort kick into high gear in the last month before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This past week, one of the recall campaign committees, called Supporters of Recall Pamela Price, received $152,500 in donations from the San Leandro Police Officers Association, the Deputy Sheriffs’ Association of Alameda County and a San Rafael-based group called Revitalize East Bay. Meanwhile, yard signs opposing the recall are popping up in front of houses and roadway medians across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin) has long opposed embattled District Attorney Pamela Price. Now, he’s made his endorsement of her recall official.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 5:30 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort against Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price gained the backing of a prominent East Bay politician ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">November’s election\u003c/a> with the endorsement of Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“District Attorney Pam Price has failed the residents of Alameda County,” Swalwell told KQED on Wednesday. “She has essentially put in place pro-criminal policies where the cops catch the bad guys and she releases them back into the community, and that has made us less safe and has created anxiety among citizens. And you see the effects of this all throughout the county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price was elected in 2022 on a platform focused on reducing incarceration and racial disparities in the criminal legal system. Her policies include not charging some types of sentencing enhancements and not charging minors as adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell specifically pointed out Price’s refusal to seek gun enhancements, saying that “if you’re taking an approach of not going after violent criminals, people who use guns — if that’s your baseline, the most dangerous people who have access to the most dangerous weapons are not being charged with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Price said gun enhancements are applied on a case-by-case basis, as outlined by office \u003ca href=\"https://www.alcoda.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/SPECIAL-DIRECTIVE-23-01-FAQ.04142023.pdf\">policy\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort to recall Price says her policies led to a \u003ca href=\"https://openjustice.doj.ca.gov/exploration/crime-statistics/crimes-clearances\">spike in crime in the county in 2023\u003c/a>. So far this year, available \u003ca href=\"https://cityofoakland2.app.box.com/s/sjiq7usfy27gy9dfe51hp8arz5l1ixad/file/1638302557778\">crime data\u003c/a> for Oakland shows the rate there has been declining, mirroring a \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/13/violent-crime-oakland-and-nationwide-declining-2024/#:~:text=Between%20Jan.,Shootings%20are%20down%2023%25.\">national downtrend\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://nij.ojp.gov/topics/articles/five-things-about-deterrence\">Research from the National Institute of Justice\u003c/a>, meanwhile, suggests that more severe jail and prison sentences are not an effective deterrent of crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241002-SWALWELL-PRICE-RECALL-BL-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham, victim’s advocate and leader of the recall campaign, speaks during a press conference outside of Hayward City Hall in Hayward on Oct. 2, 2024, announcing Congressman Eric Swalwell’s support for the recall of Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a press conference in Hayward Wednesday, Swalwell, who represents southeastern Alameda County in the House of Representatives, said he saw the need for criminal justice reforms, pointing out that sentences for people whose crimes stem from addiction or mental health should be minimized. He also said Price’s policies are too friendly to people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell has long been a critic of Price. When Price ran for office in 2022, he donated to her opponent. Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/eric-swalwell-pamela-price-19458135.php\">they squabbled online\u003c/a>, with Swalwell, a former Alameda County prosecutor, accusing Price of being “\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/RepSwalwell/status/1788945467868635556\">soft on crime\u003c/a>” after the robbery of a Dublin mail carrier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price’s campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/PPrice_Cares/status/1790070830900064588\">retorted by accusing Swalwell\u003c/a> of holding Price to a higher standard than her predecessor — Swalwell’s former boss, Nancy O’Malley — and pointed out that \u003ca href=\"https://www.ktvu.com/news/thieves-targeting-mail-keys-in-east-bay-usps-carrier-robberies\">robberies targeting mail carriers are a longstanding problem\u003c/a> that Swalwell only started blaming the district attorney’s office for after a Black woman was elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price has been highly critical of O’Malley, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/09/12/pamela-price-alameda-county-district-attorney-interview-recall/\">accusing her\u003c/a> of leaving behind an office in disarray. In 2019, O’Malley gave the introductory remarks at the campaign launch of Swalwell’s short-lived run for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its 2023 Annual Report, Price’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985311/alameda-county-district-attorneys-report-shows-prosecution-rates-remain-steady\">took action on approximately the same percentage of cases\u003c/a> brought to it by police as in the previous four years under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swalwell gained national attention when he became the House manager leading the second impeachment proceedings against former President Donald Trump in 2021. He later \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2021/03/05/politics/trump-lawsuit-insurrection-eric-swalwell/index.html\">sued Trump\u003c/a> over the Jan. 6 insurrection. That case is ongoing. Since then, Swalwell has kept up a drumbeat of media critiques of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He appears to be the first elected official from the county to endorse the recall effort against Price. \u003ca href=\"https://www.protectthewin.org/endorsements\">A handful\u003c/a> of local leaders and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/joegarofoli/article/sheng-thao-pamela-price-recalls-19761967.php\">Alameda County Democratic Party Central Committee\u003c/a> have endorsed the campaign to keep Price in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on Wednesday, the pro-Price campaign questioned the motives of Swalwell’s endorsement and sought to frame it as out of step with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Congressman Swalwell’s actions have raised questions about whom he truly represents and what impact his support may have on Democratic values in our community,” a spokesperson for the campaign said. “His support for an effort that undermines a fellow Democrat and rejects the position of local Democrats has left many of his constituents feeling betrayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement comes as both the recall campaign and the anti-recall effort kick into high gear in the last month before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This past week, one of the recall campaign committees, called Supporters of Recall Pamela Price, received $152,500 in donations from the San Leandro Police Officers Association, the Deputy Sheriffs’ Association of Alameda County and a San Rafael-based group called Revitalize East Bay. Meanwhile, yard signs opposing the recall are popping up in front of houses and roadway medians across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006820 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-GEORGIAPACIFICDRYWALL-35-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 100 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/amazon\">Amazon\u003c/a> warehouse workers in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> have asked the company to voluntarily recognize their new union with the Teamsters, a move that experts said is unlikely to yield a contract deal without additional government or community pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the Amazon DCK6 facility in the city’s Bayview neighborhood, who have been organizing with the Teamsters since last year, said they are pushing for better pay and safer conditions. Many work part-time and lack basic benefits, according to a union \u003ca href=\"https://teamster.org/2024/10/amazon-warehouse-workers-in-san-francisco-join-teamsters-union/\">press release\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need good pay and benefits to take care of our families too. That’s why we formed a union with the Teamsters,” warehouse worker Jocelyn Vargas said in a statement. “We are essential workers, and it’s time Amazon treats us that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement sent to KQED on Wednesday evening, a spokesperson for Amazon said: “Because this union has a track record of misrepresenting the facts, we’re skeptical that their claims here are accurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon, one of the world’s largest online retailers, has for years weathered a wave of unrest and growing unionization efforts among its employees, who have cited \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929057/amazon-workers-strike-at-third-largest-air-hub-in-us-file-labor-complaint\">insufficient pay\u003c/a> and safety concerns, including a high\u003ca href=\"https://www.thenation.com/article/economy/amazon-injury-rate/\"> injury rate\u003c/a> and excessive indoor heat. The company’s net income was \u003ca href=\"https://ir.aboutamazon.com/news-release/news-release-details/2024/Amazon.com-Announces-Fourth-Quarter-Results/default.aspx\">$30.4 billion\u003c/a> last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the e-commerce giant has resisted worker efforts to unionize and negotiate contracts, the Teamsters’ increasing involvement is a “game changer,” said Bill Gould, who teaches labor and employment law at Stanford University, because of the resources and expertise brought by one of America’s largest unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 5,500 Amazon workers with the independent Amazon Labor Union in Staten Island, N.Y., which struggled to get recognized by the company, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/18/g-s1-4989/amazon-union-teamsters-join-forces\">voted this summer to join\u003c/a> forces with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. The union, which has 1.3 million members in the U.S., Canada and Puerto Rico, said hundreds of Amazon drivers in Queens, N.Y., also officially joined their ranks last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Teamsters don’t want Amazon to undercut the higher wages and workplace protections the union secured last year for workers at UPS, a competitor, Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California regulators fined Amazon nearly \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990881/california-fines-amazon-nearly-6-million-for-breaking-warehouse-worker-safety-rules\">$6 million\u003c/a> in June for violating safety rules aimed at preventing warehouse worker injuries. The company has appealed the citation and is still awaiting a hearing, said Tim Shadix, legal director of the Warehouse Worker Resource Center. The California Department of Industrial Relations did not immediately respond to a request for an update on the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Amazon has been accused of unfair labor practices, such as surveillance and retaliation against workers for organizing, in hundreds of cases across the country, according to National Labor Relations Board \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/search/case/Amazon.com\">records\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Amazon is rigidly anti-union and has fought union organization at every step of the process,” said Gould, a former chairman of the NLRB. “The law isn’t as effective and the company has managed to delay worker rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are various ways workers can form a union, including by requesting voluntary recognition from their employer, as the San Francisco warehouse workers did. They are the first Amazon warehouse workers to do so, while others have sought recognition by petitioning for an NLRB election, the Teamsters noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Gilare Zada contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo Drops Out of Congressional Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Updated 7:50 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Mayor Sam Liccardo pulled out of tonight’s scheduled debate with fellow Democrat Assemblymember Evan Low, citing laryngitis and losing his voice, according to his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to drop out of the debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid a tense election year for the closely-watched Silicon Valley congressional seat. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">controversial recount in the March primary election\u003c/a> upped the intensity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve unfortunately lost my voice and had to cancel three meet-and-greets yesterday,” Liccardo said in a statement. “We’re canceling other events until my voice recovers. My doctor has given me medication to help with the laryngitis, and I hope to be back out there in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added that “knocking on doors across our community, participating in nearly 100 meet-and-greets and several debates has taken its toll on my vocal cords.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo and Low are competing to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, 81, who last year announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">not seek re-election\u003c/a>. Eshoo was elected in 1992 and is the first woman and Democrat to represent California’s 16th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian tied for second place, with both garnering exactly 30,249 votes, a first since California launched its top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">Low won a high-profile recount\u003c/a>, requested by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valle\">former Liccardo campaign staffer\u003c/a>, by just five votes, allowing him to face Liccardo in November. Campaign finance reports revealed the recount process was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a> and a pro-Liccardo super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling released in late September\u003c/a> by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates can break through to voters during debates in ways that door-knocking and mailers might not. But it’s not clear what impact, if any, backing out of tonight’s debate will have on Liccardo’s lead in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed recently came under some heat for \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/11/san-francisco-mayor-skip-debates-london-breed/\">dropping out\u003c/a> of several mayoral debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/from-the-ceo-ex-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-hurts-voters-by-ditching-public-candidate-forum-congress-election-2024/\">Liccardo declined to participate in a candidate forum with Low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely suspicious — especially since it comes days after San Jose police and firefighters blasted Liccardo for lying about his record attacking first responders and causing the city to lose 500 cops on the beat,” said Low’s campaign manager, Lindsey Cobia. “The President of the San Jose Police Officer Association said it best. ‘There is a reason why every law enforcement organization has not endorsed Sam Liccardo: we don’t trust him.’ Liccardo should prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records Wednesday night dated for an appointment earlier that morning. A doctor recommended five to seven days of voice rest for the former mayor, along with medication to treat laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC Bay Area, KQED and Telemundo 48 are working to reschedule the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed I’m unable to participate in the debate tonight, but I’ve instructed our team to do everything possible to reschedule this televised debate within the next three weeks to ensure voters have an opportunity to hear from both candidates,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Liccardo has an 11% lead over Assemblymember Evan Low for the Silicon Valley Congressional seat, according to polling released in late September. Liccardo also backed out of a candidate forum with Low in July. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Updated 7:50 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> Mayor Sam Liccardo pulled out of tonight’s scheduled debate with fellow Democrat Assemblymember Evan Low, citing laryngitis and losing his voice, according to his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s decision to drop out of the debate, hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48, comes amid a tense election year for the closely-watched Silicon Valley congressional seat. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">controversial recount in the March primary election\u003c/a> upped the intensity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve unfortunately lost my voice and had to cancel three meet-and-greets yesterday,” Liccardo said in a statement. “We’re canceling other events until my voice recovers. My doctor has given me medication to help with the laryngitis, and I hope to be back out there in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo added that “knocking on doors across our community, participating in nearly 100 meet-and-greets and several debates has taken its toll on my vocal cords.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo and Low are competing to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, 81, who last year announced she would \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">not seek re-election\u003c/a>. Eshoo was elected in 1992 and is the first woman and Democrat to represent California’s 16th Congressional District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Low and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian tied for second place, with both garnering exactly 30,249 votes, a first since California launched its top-two primary system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984495/evan-low-takes-second-place-in-silicon-valley-congressional-race-after-recount-breaks-historic-tie\">Low won a high-profile recount\u003c/a>, requested by a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valle\">former Liccardo campaign staffer\u003c/a>, by just five votes, allowing him to face Liccardo in November. Campaign finance reports revealed the recount process was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a> and a pro-Liccardo super PAC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling released in late September\u003c/a> by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Candidates can break through to voters during debates in ways that door-knocking and mailers might not. But it’s not clear what impact, if any, backing out of tonight’s debate will have on Liccardo’s lead in the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed recently came under some heat for \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/09/11/san-francisco-mayor-skip-debates-london-breed/\">dropping out\u003c/a> of several mayoral debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, \u003ca href=\"https://sanjosespotlight.com/from-the-ceo-ex-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-hurts-voters-by-ditching-public-candidate-forum-congress-election-2024/\">Liccardo declined to participate in a candidate forum with Low\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s extremely suspicious — especially since it comes days after San Jose police and firefighters blasted Liccardo for lying about his record attacking first responders and causing the city to lose 500 cops on the beat,” said Low’s campaign manager, Lindsey Cobia. “The President of the San Jose Police Officer Association said it best. ‘There is a reason why every law enforcement organization has not endorsed Sam Liccardo: we don’t trust him.’ Liccardo should prove it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Liccardo campaign provided KQED with a copy of his medical records Wednesday night dated for an appointment earlier that morning. A doctor recommended five to seven days of voice rest for the former mayor, along with medication to treat laryngitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NBC Bay Area, KQED and Telemundo 48 are working to reschedule the debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed I’m unable to participate in the debate tonight, but I’ve instructed our team to do everything possible to reschedule this televised debate within the next three weeks to ensure voters have an opportunity to hear from both candidates,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/gmarzorati\">Guy Marzorati\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Franciscans have gotten fairly used to seeing driverless vehicles cruising in the lane next to them, but a viral video of a woman trapped in a Waymo by two men demanding her phone number is raising new concerns about passenger safety in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/autonomous-vehicles\">autonomous vehicles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, who identified herself as Amina V., posted the video of her frightening experience in the front passenger seat of a Waymo stalled on Mission Street after a man approached it at a red light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Warning to women in SF,” she wrote Monday in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Amina_io/status/1840759345354809414\">post on social media platform X\u003c/a> accompanying the minute-long video, which shows two men standing in front of the car and gesturing to her, requesting her phone number. Amina asks them to move repeatedly, saying, “Get out of the way” and “Please stop. You’re holding traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said via email that the whole exchange lasted a few minutes, during which a message appeared on the vehicle’s internal display that said something along the lines of “We will help you shortly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina said Waymo’s team reached out to her numerous times during and following the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Amina_io/status/1840759345354809414\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Waymo said in an email that “the trust and safety of our riders and community is our top priority, and we promptly connected with the rider to ensure their well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In an instance like this, our riders have 24/7 access to Rider Support agents who will help them navigate the situation in real-time and coordinate closely with law enforcement officers to provide further assistance as needed,” Waymo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company added that these situations are “exceedingly rare,” noting that it records about 100,000 rides a week in San Francisco, Los Angeles and Phoenix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina’s experience is the second video of a San Francisco Waymo ride gone wrong to circulate in the past few weeks. Another video picked up by TikTok users \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@2urbangirls/video/7418298419674008875?q=waymo%20grafitti&t=1727882742484\">shows a man and his dog\u003c/a> in a stalled Waymo as two people tag the vehicle with markers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina said that before she started filming, one of the two men in her video approached the vehicle and stood in front of it while she was stopped at a red light. He left and returned with a second man, and the two of them demanded her number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001637 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231214-CRUISE-MD-06_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she was “afraid more men would crowd around, which thankfully didn’t happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the men moved, the car remained stalled, and Amina clicked an “in-car support” button.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They seemed to be aware of the issue. They asked if I was OK, and the car began to drive towards my location. They asked if I needed police support, and I said no,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was nearing her destination, the support team called again to ask her if she was OK. She said she was in a rush to get to her hair appointment, which she was now running late to because of the incident, but assured them that she was fine. They reached out again hours later and let her know she would receive at least one free ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina said she is a fan of autonomous vehicles and might ride in one again despite the experience. She said she has anxiety about driving due to a serious car accident as a child and has been looking forward to this kind of technology for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How Waymo and other autonomous vehicle companies deal with “the human factor,” though, could be difficult, she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On Waymo’s side of things — they can encourage the cars to avoid driving in the Tenderloin or certain areas of SOMA. Having lived in SF for a while, I know that certain areas have a higher amount of people running in the streets, which would probably increase incidents like this happening,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Franciscans have gotten fairly used to seeing driverless vehicles cruising in the lane next to them, but a viral video of a woman trapped in a Waymo by two men demanding her phone number is raising new concerns about passenger safety in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/autonomous-vehicles\">autonomous vehicles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, who identified herself as Amina V., posted the video of her frightening experience in the front passenger seat of a Waymo stalled on Mission Street after a man approached it at a red light.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Warning to women in SF,” she wrote Monday in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Amina_io/status/1840759345354809414\">post on social media platform X\u003c/a> accompanying the minute-long video, which shows two men standing in front of the car and gesturing to her, requesting her phone number. Amina asks them to move repeatedly, saying, “Get out of the way” and “Please stop. You’re holding traffic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said via email that the whole exchange lasted a few minutes, during which a message appeared on the vehicle’s internal display that said something along the lines of “We will help you shortly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina said Waymo’s team reached out to her numerous times during and following the incident.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Waymo said in an email that “the trust and safety of our riders and community is our top priority, and we promptly connected with the rider to ensure their well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In an instance like this, our riders have 24/7 access to Rider Support agents who will help them navigate the situation in real-time and coordinate closely with law enforcement officers to provide further assistance as needed,” Waymo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company added that these situations are “exceedingly rare,” noting that it records about 100,000 rides a week in San Francisco, Los Angeles and Phoenix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina’s experience is the second video of a San Francisco Waymo ride gone wrong to circulate in the past few weeks. Another video picked up by TikTok users \u003ca href=\"https://www.tiktok.com/@2urbangirls/video/7418298419674008875?q=waymo%20grafitti&t=1727882742484\">shows a man and his dog\u003c/a> in a stalled Waymo as two people tag the vehicle with markers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina said that before she started filming, one of the two men in her video approached the vehicle and stood in front of it while she was stopped at a red light. He left and returned with a second man, and the two of them demanded her number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said she was “afraid more men would crowd around, which thankfully didn’t happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the men moved, the car remained stalled, and Amina clicked an “in-car support” button.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They seemed to be aware of the issue. They asked if I was OK, and the car began to drive towards my location. They asked if I needed police support, and I said no,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she was nearing her destination, the support team called again to ask her if she was OK. She said she was in a rush to get to her hair appointment, which she was now running late to because of the incident, but assured them that she was fine. They reached out again hours later and let her know she would receive at least one free ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amina said she is a fan of autonomous vehicles and might ride in one again despite the experience. She said she has anxiety about driving due to a serious car accident as a child and has been looking forward to this kind of technology for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How Waymo and other autonomous vehicle companies deal with “the human factor,” though, could be difficult, she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On Waymo’s side of things — they can encourage the cars to avoid driving in the Tenderloin or certain areas of SOMA. Having lived in SF for a while, I know that certain areas have a higher amount of people running in the streets, which would probably increase incidents like this happening,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-bold-moves-to-curb-fentanyl-deaths-leave-experts-urging-for-more",
"title": "California’s Bold Moves to Curb Fentanyl Deaths Leave Experts Urging for More",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> is forging ahead with a series of new laws aimed at reducing overdose deaths, even as opioid overdose rates have started to decline slightly. The new measures signed by Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> this week include expanded access to addiction treatment, life-saving overdose reversal medications, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators have shown a serious commitment to addressing the fentanyl crisis,” said Dr. Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Stanford University. While deaths remain higher than pre-pandemic levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/vsrr/drug-overdose-data.htm\">the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> reports that fatal overdoses across the country have dropped to their lowest numbers in three years. California is just beginning to see a \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=CA\">downward trend\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for this shift remain unclear. “Why? The best answer is, ‘We don’t know,'” said Dr. Dan Ciccarone, a professor of addiction medicine at UCSF. “People will point to different interventions, whether it’s restoring public order, increasing access to naloxone, or expanding treatment options, but none of these happened swiftly or broadly enough to fully explain the drop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl, the inexpensive opioid that’s 20–40 times stronger than heroin, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">flooded the drug market in San Francisco\u003c/a> and other cities in recent years, leading to record deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about one law — it’s a coordinated suite of policies focused on prevention, treatment, and harm reduction. As both an addiction researcher and a resident, I feel California is moving in the right direction,” Humphreys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the newly signed bills is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1842\">AB 1842\u003c/a>, which eliminates the need for insurers to require prior authorization before treating patients with opioid use disorder. Ciccarone called it a critical move, describing prior authorization as “a clinical barrier that frustrates both doctors and patients and ultimately stifles care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Contents of a harm reduction kit on June 17, 2024. The kit includes new syringes, fentanyl test strips and Narcan. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key piece of legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1976\">AB 1976\u003c/a>, will require businesses to stock naloxone, a medication that can instantly reverse opioid overdoses, in their first-aid kits by 2027. Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1841\">AB 1841\u003c/a> will provide two doses of naloxone to resident advisors at public colleges in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Access to methadone, a medication used to treat opioid addiction, will also be broadened under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992298/a-bay-area-lawmaker-pushes-to-expand-access-to-methadone\">AB 2115\u003c/a>, which allows patients to take home more doses and increases the number of practitioners permitted to prescribe it. Current regulations require most patients to visit clinics daily to receive a single dose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support most of these bills and believe each will contribute in small but meaningful ways,” Ciccarone said. He singled out the elimination of prior authorization requirements as particularly impactful and praised the expansion of naloxone access into schools and workplaces as “a great package of ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, Ciccarone noted the absence of a more controversial measure: supervised drug consumption sites, where individuals can use illicit drugs under the supervision of trained staff. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1979220/debate-heats-up-over-effort-to-pilot-safe-injection-sites-in-california\">Research\u003c/a> shows that such sites reduce hospitalizations, lower public costs, and save lives. Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have allowed a limited number of California cities to pilot these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006134 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57150_037_KQED_DABrookeJenkins_07072022-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most effective solutions are often the ones people fear the most,” Ciccarone said. “What we need now is the courage and political will to take bolder steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another critical policy gap, according to Humphreys, is the failure to pass a \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB3073/id/2966699\">bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated wastewater testing for illicit drugs. This measure died in committee earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wastewater testing reveals where drugs are being used and what’s circulating in the community,” Humphreys said. “It’s an early warning system for dangerous substances, and it also shows whether investments in treatment, prevention, and law enforcement are actually making a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, 7,748 Californians died from fentanyl overdoses, more than double the number just five years ago, according to the CDC. While the new laws represent significant progress, addiction experts caution that the road to reversing the opioid crisis remains long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several additional bills signed by Newsom are aimed at curbing fentanyl use and saving lives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2429\u003c/strong>: Expands high school health education to include lessons on the dangers of fentanyl use.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2136\u003c/strong>: Prevents law enforcement from arresting individuals who allow harm reduction service providers to test their drugs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 997\u003c/strong>: Authorizes middle and high school students to carry naloxone and requires schools to stock and distribute fentanyl test strips.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 908\u003c/strong>: Directs the state’s health department to investigate fentanyl-related deaths among children ages 0 to 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 1468\u003c/strong>: Encourages providers to prescribe a three-day supply of narcotic medication to begin detoxification or maintenance treatment for people using opioids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 910\u003c/strong>: Enhances programming, drug testing, and medication-assisted treatment for individuals in the criminal justice system.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom signs new laws expanding access to addiction treatment and naloxone to combat California's fentanyl crisis, with experts urging bolder actions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> is forging ahead with a series of new laws aimed at reducing overdose deaths, even as opioid overdose rates have started to decline slightly. The new measures signed by Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> this week include expanded access to addiction treatment, life-saving overdose reversal medications, and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California legislators have shown a serious commitment to addressing the fentanyl crisis,” said Dr. Keith Humphreys, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral sciences at Stanford University. While deaths remain higher than pre-pandemic levels, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nvss/vsrr/drug-overdose-data.htm\">the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a> reports that fatal overdoses across the country have dropped to their lowest numbers in three years. California is just beginning to see a \u003ca href=\"https://skylab.cdph.ca.gov/ODdash/?tab=CA\">downward trend\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for this shift remain unclear. “Why? The best answer is, ‘We don’t know,'” said Dr. Dan Ciccarone, a professor of addiction medicine at UCSF. “People will point to different interventions, whether it’s restoring public order, increasing access to naloxone, or expanding treatment options, but none of these happened swiftly or broadly enough to fully explain the drop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fentanyl, the inexpensive opioid that’s 20–40 times stronger than heroin, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">flooded the drug market in San Francisco\u003c/a> and other cities in recent years, leading to record deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not just about one law — it’s a coordinated suite of policies focused on prevention, treatment, and harm reduction. As both an addiction researcher and a resident, I feel California is moving in the right direction,” Humphreys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the newly signed bills is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1842\">AB 1842\u003c/a>, which eliminates the need for insurers to require prior authorization before treating patients with opioid use disorder. Ciccarone called it a critical move, describing prior authorization as “a clinical barrier that frustrates both doctors and patients and ultimately stifles care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240617-SyringeExchange-35-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Contents of a harm reduction kit on June 17, 2024. The kit includes new syringes, fentanyl test strips and Narcan. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another key piece of legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1976\">AB 1976\u003c/a>, will require businesses to stock naloxone, a medication that can instantly reverse opioid overdoses, in their first-aid kits by 2027. Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1841\">AB 1841\u003c/a> will provide two doses of naloxone to resident advisors at public colleges in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Access to methadone, a medication used to treat opioid addiction, will also be broadened under \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992298/a-bay-area-lawmaker-pushes-to-expand-access-to-methadone\">AB 2115\u003c/a>, which allows patients to take home more doses and increases the number of practitioners permitted to prescribe it. Current regulations require most patients to visit clinics daily to receive a single dose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support most of these bills and believe each will contribute in small but meaningful ways,” Ciccarone said. He singled out the elimination of prior authorization requirements as particularly impactful and praised the expansion of naloxone access into schools and workplaces as “a great package of ideas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, Ciccarone noted the absence of a more controversial measure: supervised drug consumption sites, where individuals can use illicit drugs under the supervision of trained staff. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1979220/debate-heats-up-over-effort-to-pilot-safe-injection-sites-in-california\">Research\u003c/a> shows that such sites reduce hospitalizations, lower public costs, and save lives. Gov. Newsom vetoed a bill in 2022 that would have allowed a limited number of California cities to pilot these facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most effective solutions are often the ones people fear the most,” Ciccarone said. “What we need now is the courage and political will to take bolder steps.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another critical policy gap, according to Humphreys, is the failure to pass a \u003ca href=\"https://legiscan.com/CA/text/AB3073/id/2966699\">bill\u003c/a> that would have mandated wastewater testing for illicit drugs. This measure died in committee earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wastewater testing reveals where drugs are being used and what’s circulating in the community,” Humphreys said. “It’s an early warning system for dangerous substances, and it also shows whether investments in treatment, prevention, and law enforcement are actually making a difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, 7,748 Californians died from fentanyl overdoses, more than double the number just five years ago, according to the CDC. While the new laws represent significant progress, addiction experts caution that the road to reversing the opioid crisis remains long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several additional bills signed by Newsom are aimed at curbing fentanyl use and saving lives:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2429\u003c/strong>: Expands high school health education to include lessons on the dangers of fentanyl use.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>AB 2136\u003c/strong>: Prevents law enforcement from arresting individuals who allow harm reduction service providers to test their drugs.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 997\u003c/strong>: Authorizes middle and high school students to carry naloxone and requires schools to stock and distribute fentanyl test strips.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 908\u003c/strong>: Directs the state’s health department to investigate fentanyl-related deaths among children ages 0 to 5.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 1468\u003c/strong>: Encourages providers to prescribe a three-day supply of narcotic medication to begin detoxification or maintenance treatment for people using opioids.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>SB 910\u003c/strong>: Enhances programming, drug testing, and medication-assisted treatment for individuals in the criminal justice system.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> transportation officials will begin taking aggressive steps to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">stop oversized vehicles from parking overnight\u003c/a> on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Municipal Transportation Authority’s board approved the policy change, which allows the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living inside them reject offers of shelter, housing or services. The Tuesday board meeting, which stretched into the night, was filled with residents united in their opposition to the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision is clearly an attack on our most vulnerable communities and is not a solution,” Yessica Hernandez, a housing justice organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said during public comment. “Hiding a problem doesn’t solve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed proposed the policy change. It comes as she and officials in other California cities crack down on encampments and unhoused people living on the streets. For years, vocal residents have urged officials to address blight and public safety issues sometimes caused by homeless encampments. Several San Francisco Supervisors, including Joel Engardio, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Dorsey and Catherine Stefani, support the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing state officials to dismantle homeless encampments in public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">RVs line Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023, near San Francisco State University. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, officials from the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing insisted the policy would only be used as a last resort when dealing with RV dwellers who refuse offers for shelter or services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to see anybody on the streets and everybody, whether they live in an RV or not, want safe and clean and well maintained streets,” Dominica Henderson, a board member, said. “Doing nothing is not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s current law does not allow RVs to park overnight on certain streets, while other streets allow it. More than 8,323 people are unhoused, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">the city’s 2024 count\u003c/a>. About 9% of the 4,354 people who are unsheltered in San Francisco live in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTA officials and the San Francisco Police Department will enforce the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006541 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-001-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City workers are out on the streets every day offering shelter and housing to people living in recreational vehicles,” Jeff Tumlin, SFMTA’s director of transportation, said in a statement. “This legislation will allow for parking enforcement if and when all those offers have been refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, city officials have already moved 50 households from vehicles on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965352/san-francisco-rv-community-fears-new-parking-rules-could-push-them-closer-to-homelessness\">Winston Drive near Stonestown Mall\u003c/a> and Zoo Road near Lake Merced into long-term housing since June after threatening to tow their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing activists and critics argue the proposed law does nothing to fix the lack of affordable housing in the city or access to safe parking sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the conversation was, ‘Give up your RV for permanent shelter,’ it would be a completely different conversation,” Lukas Illa, an organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said. “Shelter is so temporary. So many folks I have talked to desperately want permanent solutions. But that is not what’s being offered by the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The policy change to San Francisco’s code, introduced by Mayor London Breed, allows the city to tow RVs and other oversized vehicles parked on city streets. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> transportation officials will begin taking aggressive steps to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">stop oversized vehicles from parking overnight\u003c/a> on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Municipal Transportation Authority’s board approved the policy change, which allows the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living inside them reject offers of shelter, housing or services. The Tuesday board meeting, which stretched into the night, was filled with residents united in their opposition to the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision is clearly an attack on our most vulnerable communities and is not a solution,” Yessica Hernandez, a housing justice organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said during public comment. “Hiding a problem doesn’t solve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed proposed the policy change. It comes as she and officials in other California cities crack down on encampments and unhoused people living on the streets. For years, vocal residents have urged officials to address blight and public safety issues sometimes caused by homeless encampments. Several San Francisco Supervisors, including Joel Engardio, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Dorsey and Catherine Stefani, support the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing state officials to dismantle homeless encampments in public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">RVs line Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023, near San Francisco State University. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, officials from the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing insisted the policy would only be used as a last resort when dealing with RV dwellers who refuse offers for shelter or services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to see anybody on the streets and everybody, whether they live in an RV or not, want safe and clean and well maintained streets,” Dominica Henderson, a board member, said. “Doing nothing is not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s current law does not allow RVs to park overnight on certain streets, while other streets allow it. More than 8,323 people are unhoused, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">the city’s 2024 count\u003c/a>. About 9% of the 4,354 people who are unsheltered in San Francisco live in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTA officials and the San Francisco Police Department will enforce the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City workers are out on the streets every day offering shelter and housing to people living in recreational vehicles,” Jeff Tumlin, SFMTA’s director of transportation, said in a statement. “This legislation will allow for parking enforcement if and when all those offers have been refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, city officials have already moved 50 households from vehicles on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965352/san-francisco-rv-community-fears-new-parking-rules-could-push-them-closer-to-homelessness\">Winston Drive near Stonestown Mall\u003c/a> and Zoo Road near Lake Merced into long-term housing since June after threatening to tow their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing activists and critics argue the proposed law does nothing to fix the lack of affordable housing in the city or access to safe parking sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the conversation was, ‘Give up your RV for permanent shelter,’ it would be a completely different conversation,” Lukas Illa, an organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said. “Shelter is so temporary. So many folks I have talked to desperately want permanent solutions. But that is not what’s being offered by the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-34-limits-how-prescription-drug-revenue-can-be-spent-by-certain-providers",
"title": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Aaron Schrank and Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we take a closer look at Prop 34, which takes aim at how revenues earned through a federal drug pricing program are spent by a very specific number of providers. On the surface it seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/people/aaron-schrank\">Aaron Schrank\u003c/a>, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, helps us understand what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5380710933&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Quite often there’s a prop or two on California’s ballot that seems like it’s about one thing, but it’s mostly about something else.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Meet Proposition 34. The \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> prop that’s drawing big spending from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlord\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> groups. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Behind it all is a proxy war over rent control, and likely how one organization is spending money made through a federal drug pricing program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Host of The Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, Host of Bay Curious. This is Prop Fest, our 10 part series that goes in deep on the propositions you’ll be voting on this November. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> All so you can vote smart. Today we’re getting into the weeds on what is going on in Proposition 34 – about prescription drug spending.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But also about rent control. We’ll explain why, right after this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[SPONSOR MESSAGE]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Proposition 34 is one of the trickier measures California voters must consider this year. Here’s about how it will read on your ballot…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>VO: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 34 is a statute that restricts spending of prescription drug revenues by certain health care providers. It also authorizes statewide negotiation of Medi-Cal drug prices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joining me today is Reporter Aaron Schrank, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station KCRW in Los Angeles. Welcome Aaron.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Shrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Happy to be here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get too far into the weeds on this one, broadly, what is Prop 34 aiming to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well it is hard to avoid weeds on this particular proposition but broadly, Prop 34 would place new restrictions on how certain\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare providers can use the revenue they earn through a federal drug discount program. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more to the point: the measure is aiming to limit the political spending of one particular health care provider called the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. That foundation (as listeners of the previous Propfest episode may recall) is the primary backer of another measure on this year’s ballot which would expand rent control in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s also another minor provision in Prop 34 that would permanently authorize a program called Medi-Cal Rx, which is already in place, and allows California to negotiate Medi-Cal drug prices on a statewide basis.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the heart of this is how funding is used that comes from a specific federal program. It’s called the 340B Drug Pricing Program. Can you explain what that is and how it works?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. 340B is a piece of federal legislation passed in the early 90s requiring pharmaceutical drug manufacturers to give significant discounts on the price of drugs to health care providers that focus on serving low-income and at-risk patients. Those discounts can be between 25 percent and about 50 percent off the retail price of the drugs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, if the health providers give the drugs to a patient who has insurance, those providers can bill the insurance company for reimbursement based on the full cost of the drug. This, in turn, creates a stream of revenue for these social safety net health providers, allowing them to basically make money which they can use to further their operations. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the intention of 340B was to help these providers stretch their resources in order to serve more patients and to provide more comprehensive services to disadvantaged communities. We’re talking about things like offering free care for uninsured patients or offering free vaccines. However, Congress didn’t actually specify any of that in the law, so there is currently no legal requirement for how this 340B revenue must be used.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what are the proponents of Prop 34 looking to change about that?\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well, they’re looking to establish a legal requirement for how that revenue can be used within the state of California –– or at least how some providers can use it. If approved, Prop 34 would require certain providers to spend 98 percent of those 340B revenues on “direct patient care.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We need real transparency on 340b dollars. And we need real guardrails on this program. Fundamentally our entire message is that uh, dollars meant for patients, should be spent on patients.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The measure’s definition of “direct patient care” includes medical, dental, pharmaceutical or behavioral health services directly administered to individual patients. It also specifies that they must be health care services that are regularly provided by other health providers in the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop 34 also establishes penalties. A provider that doesn’t comply with that 98 percent rule would have their healthcare license and tax exempt status permanently revoked. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it’s not \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care providers who would have to meet these new requirements, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s right, and that’s where this takes a bit of a turn. The law would only apply to 340B providers who meet some very specific conditions. First, they must have spent at least $100 million over a decade on purposes that do not qualify as direct patient care. Next, they must own –– or have previously owned –– one or more apartment buildings. And finally, the apartment buildings they own have to have been collectively cited for at least 500 health and safety violations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that narrows things down a bit. Now, I should say the backers of this proposal do claim to believe that their measure would apply to more than one health care provider, but there’s really only one entity that we can be fairly certain would be impacted by the passage of Prop 34, and that is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> Okay, so what is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and why are they seemingly being singled out with this Proposition?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, or AHF, is the largest AIDS organization in the world. It was founded in Los Angeles in 1987, initially to provide hospice care to people dying of AIDS. As treatments and life expectancy for AIDS patients improved, AHF began opening clinics and then expanded nationally and internationally over the years. Today, they serve 2 million patients across 17 states and 47 countries.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization has more recently also gotten into housing. Back in 2017, they launched the Healthy Housing Foundation, which purchases and renovates existing buildings, primarily here in Los Angeles, where it has about 1,400 apartment units. CEO Michael Weinstein told me he sees housing as an extension of the organization’s existing mission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our mission is both medicine and advocacy. And under medicine, we consider housing to be a component of that.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> He says that housing is the number one determinant of health, and that being unhoused is a huge health risk. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s worth mentioning that AHF has an annual budget of about 2.5 billion dollars. The vast majority of their revenue comes from their network of 62 pharmacies, which is largely a result of its participation in that 340B program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, as to why they seem to be in the cross-hairs of this ballot measure. The backers of Prop 34 don’t like how AHF uses that revenue, particularly when the organization spends money on political activity. Between 2015 and 2020, AHF spent more than $110 million on ballot measure campaigns in California, including two previous attempts to expand rent control. The California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents apartment landlords, spent many millions to help defeat those two previous rent control measures. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, again, this year, the AHF is the main sponsor of another rent control proposition – Prop 33. And the same landlord lobbying groups that have spent millions campaigning against AHF’s rent control measures are the ones sponsoring Proposition 34. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, is Prop 34 really about housing, and not that much about health care at all?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, if you look at who is spending money to convince voters to approve this measure, it’s clear that this does have a lot to do with housing, and with the politics of housing and rent control specifically. The measure’s impact on health care is mostly limited to the question of how this one healthcare provider can spend its money. And backers of the proposition would argue that AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s spending on things like apartment buildings and rent control campaigns comes at the expense of patient care.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has positioned themselves as a pro-tenant group, and a group trying to help people experiencing homelessness, but to further complicate things, they’ve been criticized for the conditions in some of their low-incoming housing facilities. Can you elaborate on that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sure, as I mentioned, AHF has purchased several old hotels and small apartment complexes, mostly in the Skid Row area of downtown Los Angeles. There have been lots of complaints and reports of squalid conditions at those sites. The Los Angeles Times reported that the rate of code enforcement and public health complaints at AHF buildings is three times higher than those at other Skid Row nonprofits. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AHF has also been criticized for evicting\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">tenants for unpaid rent, while simultaneously publicly advocating against evictions. Many tenants have filed lawsuits against the organization, citing substandard living conditions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, despite the controversy and criticism, CEO Michael Weinstein defends the organization’s approach to housing. He says many of the buildings AHF has purchased are a century-old and that previous owners are in some cases partly liable for their condition. He says his organization has spent millions on renovations, and he stresses that his tenants have some of the cheapest rents available in the city. The tenants I’ve spoken with were paying between $400 and $650 a month. Which is obviously well below the market average. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that certainly all contributes to the controversy around AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hm, if Prop 34 passes, what will happen to the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, if they don’t meet the spending requirements?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’ll note that it’s unclear exactly how much AHF spends on direct patient care right now, but it’s safe to say that it is certainly under that 98 percent threshold. So, if Prop 34 passes, it would likely mean that AHF would have to stop operating as a healthcare provider in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked CEO Michael Weinstein what would happen to his organization if voters approve Prop 34…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s 16, 000 patients that we serve across California who would have to look for another provider and retaining people with HIV in care is extremely important both in terms of breaking the chain of infection, but also for their health. There’s tens of thousands of more patients who go to our STD services, our free STD services. Yeah, so I mean, it would be very deleterious, and it would put an extra burden on the county and state who have to care for those patients.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s also worth mentioning that, if voters do approve Prop 34, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation will still have some legal recourse to challenge the law. The organization believes that the measure is unconstitutional, based on the Constitution’s Bill of Attainder Clauses, which prohibit state legislatures from passing targeted statutes imposing punishment on specific actors without trial. So, if passed, this is almost certain to end up before a judge. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This prop also has implications for Medi-Cal drug prices. Can you walk us through that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb> Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure, so Medi-Cal is the state’s Medicaid program; it’s a public insurance program that provides coverage to low-income Californians, including coverage for prescription drugs.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, Governor Gavin Newsom signed an executive order to save the state money on prescription drug purchases made through Medi-Cal. It did this basically by authorizing state agencies to negotiate with drug manufacturers together as a single entity for lower prices — and by requiring Medi-Cal to pay pharmacies directly for prescription drugs. This is known as the Medi-Cal Rx program. If passed, Prop 34 would enshrine that program into permanent law.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The campaign for Prop. 34 has been running a barrage of ads claiming that this particular provision would “drastically cut the costs of prescription drugs for Medi-Cal patients.” While that certainly sounds good, that claim is misleading, because again this is already happening and the measure is not proposing anything new in this regard, just more of an administrative update to keep it going. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click about this…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next governor, whoever that might be, could take this executive order off the books. The next governor will be able to do that with a stroke of a pen. It’s not in statute. It’s only by executive order. This would codify that executive order and make those important savings permanent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> If this prop fails, what would happen to Medi-cal Rx?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nothing. Newsom’s executive order is in place. But as Click points out, it would remain open to potentially being undone by a future governor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Who’s supporting prop 34 and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The primary supporter and financial backer of Proposition 34 is the California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents corporate rental property landlords. The top donors to the campaign for prop 34 are Equity Residential, which is the fifth largest owner of apartments in the country, and Essex Property Trust, which is the 11th largest. The Yes on 34 campaign has also been endorsed by the Republican Party of California, the ALS Association, the San Francisco Women’s Cancer Network, as well State Assemblyman Evan Low, a Democrat who represents Silicon Valley. These supporters all have issues with how the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has been operating, in one domain or another. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alright, and I can probably guess but, who opposes Prop 34 and why?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The main opposition to Prop 34, unsurprisingly, is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. They are saying they are being targeted and that the landlord lobby is using the guise of representing patients when this is really about stifling the movement for rent control. Here’s AIDS Healthcare Foundation CEO Michael Weinstein:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What you’ve seen this year that you’ve never seen before is, um, a moneyed interest putting an initiative on the ballot with the specific purpose of silencing and exacting revenge against their opponent. And that’s what 34 is. It seeks revenge. I mean, pure and simple. It does not pass the laugh test that the California Apartment Association is so concerned about patient care and access. I don’t know of any time they’ve ever taken any interest in that before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other groups opposing Prop 34 include Consumer Watchdog, the National Organization for Women, the Dolores Huerta Foundation and the League of Women Voters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It sounds like there are, kind of, a few ways voters could approach voting on Prop 34.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. There’s a lot to consider. If you have strong feelings one way or the other about the AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s rent control measure, Prop 33, you might also vote for or against 34 based on that. Or you might vote depending on how you think that 340B money should be spent. But there is also a question of: Do you think propositions should be used in this way? Essentially weaponized in disputes between various interest groups. We’ve seen a lot of this before when labor unions and companies are hashing things out, most recently on the ballot with dialysis clinics. I think some voters will be overwhelmed and frustrated being dragged into this one, and will vote accordingly.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does funding look like on this prop?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As of late last month, the California Apartment Association and its supporters had spent $30 million in support of Proposition 34. Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation had spent just over $1 million fighting it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lot’s to consider on this one. Reporter Aaron Shrank, thank you so much for walking us through it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In review, a vote yes on prop 34 would limit how a small number of healthcare providers – potentially only one, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation – can spend their revenues from the 340B Drug Price Discount Program. It would also permanently authorize Medi-cal Rx. A vote no means these new rules would not go into effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We really hope you’ve been getting what you need out of Prop Fest so far. You can find transcripts for this episode, and past ones at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you value the work we’re doing here, please consider donating to KQED to support it! We’re a public media station that runs on listener donations to survive, and every contribution makes a difference. Learn more at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious. It’s made by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeida Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 35, which could change how we fund Medical – a lifeline for low income, disabled Californians. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Be sure you’re subscribed to The Bay and Bay Curious so you don’t miss out. We’ll see ya tomorrow.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Aaron Schrank and Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we take a closer look at Prop 34, which takes aim at how revenues earned through a federal drug pricing program are spent by a very specific number of providers. On the surface it seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/people/aaron-schrank\">Aaron Schrank\u003c/a>, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, helps us understand what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5380710933&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Quite often there’s a prop or two on California’s ballot that seems like it’s about one thing, but it’s mostly about something else.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Meet Proposition 34. The \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> prop that’s drawing big spending from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlord\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> groups. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Behind it all is a proxy war over rent control, and likely how one organization is spending money made through a federal drug pricing program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Host of The Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, Host of Bay Curious. This is Prop Fest, our 10 part series that goes in deep on the propositions you’ll be voting on this November. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> All so you can vote smart. Today we’re getting into the weeds on what is going on in Proposition 34 – about prescription drug spending.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But also about rent control. We’ll explain why, right after this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[SPONSOR MESSAGE]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Proposition 34 is one of the trickier measures California voters must consider this year. Here’s about how it will read on your ballot…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>VO: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 34 is a statute that restricts spending of prescription drug revenues by certain health care providers. It also authorizes statewide negotiation of Medi-Cal drug prices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joining me today is Reporter Aaron Schrank, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station KCRW in Los Angeles. Welcome Aaron.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Shrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Happy to be here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get too far into the weeds on this one, broadly, what is Prop 34 aiming to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well it is hard to avoid weeds on this particular proposition but broadly, Prop 34 would place new restrictions on how certain\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare providers can use the revenue they earn through a federal drug discount program. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more to the point: the measure is aiming to limit the political spending of one particular health care provider called the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. That foundation (as listeners of the previous Propfest episode may recall) is the primary backer of another measure on this year’s ballot which would expand rent control in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s also another minor provision in Prop 34 that would permanently authorize a program called Medi-Cal Rx, which is already in place, and allows California to negotiate Medi-Cal drug prices on a statewide basis.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the heart of this is how funding is used that comes from a specific federal program. It’s called the 340B Drug Pricing Program. Can you explain what that is and how it works?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. 340B is a piece of federal legislation passed in the early 90s requiring pharmaceutical drug manufacturers to give significant discounts on the price of drugs to health care providers that focus on serving low-income and at-risk patients. Those discounts can be between 25 percent and about 50 percent off the retail price of the drugs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, if the health providers give the drugs to a patient who has insurance, those providers can bill the insurance company for reimbursement based on the full cost of the drug. This, in turn, creates a stream of revenue for these social safety net health providers, allowing them to basically make money which they can use to further their operations. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the intention of 340B was to help these providers stretch their resources in order to serve more patients and to provide more comprehensive services to disadvantaged communities. We’re talking about things like offering free care for uninsured patients or offering free vaccines. However, Congress didn’t actually specify any of that in the law, so there is currently no legal requirement for how this 340B revenue must be used.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what are the proponents of Prop 34 looking to change about that?\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well, they’re looking to establish a legal requirement for how that revenue can be used within the state of California –– or at least how some providers can use it. If approved, Prop 34 would require certain providers to spend 98 percent of those 340B revenues on “direct patient care.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We need real transparency on 340b dollars. And we need real guardrails on this program. Fundamentally our entire message is that uh, dollars meant for patients, should be spent on patients.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The measure’s definition of “direct patient care” includes medical, dental, pharmaceutical or behavioral health services directly administered to individual patients. It also specifies that they must be health care services that are regularly provided by other health providers in the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop 34 also establishes penalties. A provider that doesn’t comply with that 98 percent rule would have their healthcare license and tax exempt status permanently revoked. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it’s not \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care providers who would have to meet these new requirements, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s right, and that’s where this takes a bit of a turn. The law would only apply to 340B providers who meet some very specific conditions. First, they must have spent at least $100 million over a decade on purposes that do not qualify as direct patient care. Next, they must own –– or have previously owned –– one or more apartment buildings. And finally, the apartment buildings they own have to have been collectively cited for at least 500 health and safety violations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that narrows things down a bit. Now, I should say the backers of this proposal do claim to believe that their measure would apply to more than one health care provider, but there’s really only one entity that we can be fairly certain would be impacted by the passage of Prop 34, and that is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> Okay, so what is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and why are they seemingly being singled out with this Proposition?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, or AHF, is the largest AIDS organization in the world. It was founded in Los Angeles in 1987, initially to provide hospice care to people dying of AIDS. As treatments and life expectancy for AIDS patients improved, AHF began opening clinics and then expanded nationally and internationally over the years. Today, they serve 2 million patients across 17 states and 47 countries.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization has more recently also gotten into housing. Back in 2017, they launched the Healthy Housing Foundation, which purchases and renovates existing buildings, primarily here in Los Angeles, where it has about 1,400 apartment units. CEO Michael Weinstein told me he sees housing as an extension of the organization’s existing mission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our mission is both medicine and advocacy. And under medicine, we consider housing to be a component of that.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> He says that housing is the number one determinant of health, and that being unhoused is a huge health risk. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s worth mentioning that AHF has an annual budget of about 2.5 billion dollars. The vast majority of their revenue comes from their network of 62 pharmacies, which is largely a result of its participation in that 340B program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, as to why they seem to be in the cross-hairs of this ballot measure. The backers of Prop 34 don’t like how AHF uses that revenue, particularly when the organization spends money on political activity. Between 2015 and 2020, AHF spent more than $110 million on ballot measure campaigns in California, including two previous attempts to expand rent control. The California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents apartment landlords, spent many millions to help defeat those two previous rent control measures. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, again, this year, the AHF is the main sponsor of another rent control proposition – Prop 33. And the same landlord lobbying groups that have spent millions campaigning against AHF’s rent control measures are the ones sponsoring Proposition 34. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, is Prop 34 really about housing, and not that much about health care at all?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, if you look at who is spending money to convince voters to approve this measure, it’s clear that this does have a lot to do with housing, and with the politics of housing and rent control specifically. The measure’s impact on health care is mostly limited to the question of how this one healthcare provider can spend its money. And backers of the proposition would argue that AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s spending on things like apartment buildings and rent control campaigns comes at the expense of patient care.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has positioned themselves as a pro-tenant group, and a group trying to help people experiencing homelessness, but to further complicate things, they’ve been criticized for the conditions in some of their low-incoming housing facilities. Can you elaborate on that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sure, as I mentioned, AHF has purchased several old hotels and small apartment complexes, mostly in the Skid Row area of downtown Los Angeles. There have been lots of complaints and reports of squalid conditions at those sites. The Los Angeles Times reported that the rate of code enforcement and public health complaints at AHF buildings is three times higher than those at other Skid Row nonprofits. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AHF has also been criticized for evicting\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">tenants for unpaid rent, while simultaneously publicly advocating against evictions. Many tenants have filed lawsuits against the organization, citing substandard living conditions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, despite the controversy and criticism, CEO Michael Weinstein defends the organization’s approach to housing. He says many of the buildings AHF has purchased are a century-old and that previous owners are in some cases partly liable for their condition. He says his organization has spent millions on renovations, and he stresses that his tenants have some of the cheapest rents available in the city. The tenants I’ve spoken with were paying between $400 and $650 a month. Which is obviously well below the market average. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that certainly all contributes to the controversy around AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hm, if Prop 34 passes, what will happen to the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, if they don’t meet the spending requirements?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’ll note that it’s unclear exactly how much AHF spends on direct patient care right now, but it’s safe to say that it is certainly under that 98 percent threshold. So, if Prop 34 passes, it would likely mean that AHF would have to stop operating as a healthcare provider in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked CEO Michael Weinstein what would happen to his organization if voters approve Prop 34…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s 16, 000 patients that we serve across California who would have to look for another provider and retaining people with HIV in care is extremely important both in terms of breaking the chain of infection, but also for their health. There’s tens of thousands of more patients who go to our STD services, our free STD services. Yeah, so I mean, it would be very deleterious, and it would put an extra burden on the county and state who have to care for those patients.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s also worth mentioning that, if voters do approve Prop 34, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation will still have some legal recourse to challenge the law. The organization believes that the measure is unconstitutional, based on the Constitution’s Bill of Attainder Clauses, which prohibit state legislatures from passing targeted statutes imposing punishment on specific actors without trial. So, if passed, this is almost certain to end up before a judge. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This prop also has implications for Medi-Cal drug prices. Can you walk us through that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb> Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure, so Medi-Cal is the state’s Medicaid program; it’s a public insurance program that provides coverage to low-income Californians, including coverage for prescription drugs.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, Governor Gavin Newsom signed an executive order to save the state money on prescription drug purchases made through Medi-Cal. It did this basically by authorizing state agencies to negotiate with drug manufacturers together as a single entity for lower prices — and by requiring Medi-Cal to pay pharmacies directly for prescription drugs. This is known as the Medi-Cal Rx program. If passed, Prop 34 would enshrine that program into permanent law.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The campaign for Prop. 34 has been running a barrage of ads claiming that this particular provision would “drastically cut the costs of prescription drugs for Medi-Cal patients.” While that certainly sounds good, that claim is misleading, because again this is already happening and the measure is not proposing anything new in this regard, just more of an administrative update to keep it going. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click about this…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next governor, whoever that might be, could take this executive order off the books. The next governor will be able to do that with a stroke of a pen. It’s not in statute. It’s only by executive order. This would codify that executive order and make those important savings permanent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> If this prop fails, what would happen to Medi-cal Rx?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nothing. Newsom’s executive order is in place. But as Click points out, it would remain open to potentially being undone by a future governor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Who’s supporting prop 34 and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The primary supporter and financial backer of Proposition 34 is the California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents corporate rental property landlords. The top donors to the campaign for prop 34 are Equity Residential, which is the fifth largest owner of apartments in the country, and Essex Property Trust, which is the 11th largest. The Yes on 34 campaign has also been endorsed by the Republican Party of California, the ALS Association, the San Francisco Women’s Cancer Network, as well State Assemblyman Evan Low, a Democrat who represents Silicon Valley. These supporters all have issues with how the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has been operating, in one domain or another. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alright, and I can probably guess but, who opposes Prop 34 and why?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The main opposition to Prop 34, unsurprisingly, is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. They are saying they are being targeted and that the landlord lobby is using the guise of representing patients when this is really about stifling the movement for rent control. Here’s AIDS Healthcare Foundation CEO Michael Weinstein:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What you’ve seen this year that you’ve never seen before is, um, a moneyed interest putting an initiative on the ballot with the specific purpose of silencing and exacting revenge against their opponent. And that’s what 34 is. It seeks revenge. I mean, pure and simple. It does not pass the laugh test that the California Apartment Association is so concerned about patient care and access. I don’t know of any time they’ve ever taken any interest in that before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other groups opposing Prop 34 include Consumer Watchdog, the National Organization for Women, the Dolores Huerta Foundation and the League of Women Voters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It sounds like there are, kind of, a few ways voters could approach voting on Prop 34.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. There’s a lot to consider. If you have strong feelings one way or the other about the AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s rent control measure, Prop 33, you might also vote for or against 34 based on that. Or you might vote depending on how you think that 340B money should be spent. But there is also a question of: Do you think propositions should be used in this way? Essentially weaponized in disputes between various interest groups. We’ve seen a lot of this before when labor unions and companies are hashing things out, most recently on the ballot with dialysis clinics. I think some voters will be overwhelmed and frustrated being dragged into this one, and will vote accordingly.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does funding look like on this prop?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As of late last month, the California Apartment Association and its supporters had spent $30 million in support of Proposition 34. Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation had spent just over $1 million fighting it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lot’s to consider on this one. Reporter Aaron Shrank, thank you so much for walking us through it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In review, a vote yes on prop 34 would limit how a small number of healthcare providers – potentially only one, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation – can spend their revenues from the 340B Drug Price Discount Program. It would also permanently authorize Medi-cal Rx. A vote no means these new rules would not go into effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We really hope you’ve been getting what you need out of Prop Fest so far. You can find transcripts for this episode, and past ones at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you value the work we’re doing here, please consider donating to KQED to support it! We’re a public media station that runs on listener donations to survive, and every contribution makes a difference. Learn more at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious. It’s made by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeida Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 35, which could change how we fund Medical – a lifeline for low income, disabled Californians. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Be sure you’re subscribed to The Bay and Bay Curious so you don’t miss out. We’ll see ya tomorrow.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
"link": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
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