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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n Aug. 28, 1976, sometime between 7:30 and 8 p.m., a 6-year-old boy named Willie Cook disappeared from the bed of his father’s pickup in Happy Camp, a secluded logging community in Northern California’s Klamath National Forest. Willie’s father, Bill Cook, had been working on his lawn mower at a repair shop in the center of town. When he was done, he told Willie to wait in the truck with the family dog while he ducked into the bar across the street. He was gone less than 20 minutes. The sun had set behind the mountains, but there was still light in the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook searched the area on foot, then drove in the direction of the family home. After he circled town a couple more times, he called law enforcement to report that his son was missing. He gave the local deputy a description: Willie was 42 inches tall and weighed 45 pounds. He was wearing a black baseball jersey, jeans and white tennis shoes. His right eye was blue, and his left eye was a mix of blue and brown. He was, Cook said, “a very good boy, and had never wandered off in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By midnight, 150 people were searching for Willie, combing the dense woods surrounding the town. But Cook did not believe his son was lost in the forest. From the moment he had walked out of that bar, he was certain that someone had taken him. “I felt it,” he said. “I felt it all over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie’s body was discovered six months later in a small cardboard barrel at a campground along the Klamath River, more than 50 miles from Happy Camp. The Siskiyou County sheriff’s office launched a murder investigation but never solved the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 32 years, sheriff’s deputies got their first big break when a man came forward to say he had witnessed the kidnapping. Steve Marshall was only 10 years old in 1976, but his memory of that August day was vivid: He was sitting alone in his mother’s blue station wagon, parked outside the Headway Market, within view of the repair shop and the old bar. He was eating a vanilla ice cream cone. His brother was inside the market with their mother. They would be having spaghetti for dinner that night — his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall seemed to remember what happened next as though it were unfolding in slow motion: The sound of a logging truck as it roared past. Willie’s Labrador wagging his tail. And a young man in blue jeans and a vest, his long hair in two braids, standing on the opposite side of the street, staring at the boy and his dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall recognized him. His name was Gregory Nelson. And Marshall said he had a clear view of him as he crossed the street, grabbed Willie, shoved him into a VW bus and drove off, disappearing down the one-lane highway that cut through town. Marshall had tried to tell his mother what he’d seen, but she’d brushed him off. For the next few decades, he mostly kept it to himself. But the memory, he said, had haunted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Siskiyou sheriff arrested Nelson, then 51, and brought him in for questioning. He had a couple grams of methamphetamine and several syringes in his pocket. After two days of interrogation, he confessed. The following day, the sheriff told a local reporter that a cold case is like a puzzle. “After 32 years, we’re finally getting the pieces put together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was charged with kidnapping and murder. Siskiyou’s chief public defender, Lael Kayfetz, thought there was little chance of overcoming a signed confession and an eyewitness account. Then the prosecutors turned over the recordings of Nelson’s interrogation. When Kayfetz watched the footage, she said, “my eyeballs fell out of my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. “I’m an expert on the law,” Kayfetz said. “I’m not an expert on getting the facts.” She needed an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutors were working closely with detectives at the sheriff’s office, issuing warrants and building a case. They also employed their own team of five investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Siskiyou County’s public defender didn’t have a single defense investigator on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers have a constitutional obligation to investigate every case. But a CalMatters investigation found that poor people accused of crimes, who account for at least 80% of criminal defendants, are routinely convicted in California without anyone investigating the charges against them. Close to half of California’s 58 counties do not employ any full-time public defense investigators. Among the remaining counties, defendants’ access to investigators fluctuates wildly, but it’s almost always inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of this failure is steep, for individual defendants and for the integrity of California’s criminal justice system. Of the 10 California counties with the highest prison incarceration rates, eight have no defense investigators on staff, according to an analysis of staffing and prison data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of investigators affects counties throughout the state, from poor, rural areas like Siskiyou to the state’s largest and most well-funded public defense offices. Los Angeles employed just 1 investigator for every 10 public defenders — one of the state’s worst ratios, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Justice. Only seven California counties met the widely accepted minimum standard of 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is most alarming in the 25 California counties that don’t have dedicated public defender offices and pay private attorneys to represent indigent people in criminal court. Most of these attorneys receive a flat fee for their services, and the cost of an investigator would eat away at their profits. Some counties allow contracted attorneys to ask the court for additional funds for investigations, but court records show the attorneys rarely make those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kings County, which has one of the highest prison incarceration rates in California, contracted attorneys asked the court for permission to hire an investigator in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25957834-evaulation-of-kings-county-indigent-defense-system/#document/p30/a2652950\">7% of criminal cases\u003c/a> from 2018 to 2022. In Lake County, attorneys made those requests in just 2% of criminal cases over a three-year period; in Mono County, it was less than 1%. To earn a living from meager county contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=13329&context=mlr\">research shows\u003c/a>, private attorneys and firms must persuade defendants to accept plea deals as quickly as possible. An investigation is an expensive delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense investigators interview witnesses, visit crime scenes, review police reports and retrieve video surveillance footage that might prove the defendant was on the other side of town when a crime was committed, or that an assault was an act of self-defense. They do work that most lawyers are not trained to do. Without them, police and prosecutorial misconduct — among the most common causes of wrongful convictions — remain unchecked, significantly increasing the likelihood that people will go to prison for crimes they did not commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Law is important, but the facts are what influences the law,” said Aditi Goel, executive director of the Sixth Amendment Center, a national nonprofit focused on improving indigent defense. “The heart of a case is what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Kayfetz and her four staff attorneys were left to sleuth most cases on their own, and they worried about what they might be missing. Siskiyou County provided them with a small budget to contract with a private investigator, but the Nelson case, which had already spanned three decades, would burn through their entire investigation fund for the year. Still, Kayfetz didn’t feel as though she had a choice. Nelson was facing life in prison, and the sheriff was in the papers talking about closure for the Cook family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called Rob Shelton, an investigator who had spent most of the previous two decades in law enforcement — first with the Coast Guard, then as a harbor patrol officer in Ventura, and recently as a probation officer for Siskiyou. He’d crossed over into defense investigations, and this would be his first homicide case for the public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/030725_Lael-Kayfetz_CHK_CM_35-819x1024.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003cfigcaption>Lael Kayfetz, the Siskiyou County public defender, realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. \u003cem>Christie Hemm Klok for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s mug shot had by then been published on the front page of the Siskiyou Daily News. His hair was graying, and his cheeks were deeply sunken. Shelton knew that look. He had seen it on the probationers he had monitored, people whose hard lives were etched into their faces. He had come to view their struggles with the law as a symptom of their poverty and addiction. But he also believed Nelson was guilty. It was hard for him to imagine that the sheriff would pursue a case without concrete evidence, and even harder to believe that the district attorney would push it toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz handed Shelton the records she’d gotten from the prosecutors, and he spent those first few weeks combing through old police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he made his way through the documents, he found black-and-white copies of photographs the sheriff’s deputies had taken as they searched Happy Camp in the days after Willie’s disappearance: The chain-saw repair shop where the truck had been parked. The old bar across the street. And a building that looked as though it had recently burned down. It was familiar to Shelton, though he couldn’t initially place it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then one day, while he was staring at the photo, it clicked. It was the Headway Market, where Marshall said his mother had been shopping when he witnessed the kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no store,” Shelton said. “There was just ruins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton walked down the street to the Siskiyou County assessor’s office to pull records on the property. The market, he learned, had burned down a few months before Willie Cook was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the birthplace of public defense. The nation’s first public defender office opened in Los Angeles in 1913. By the time the U.S. Supreme Court established in 1963 that defendants have the right to an attorney in state criminal proceedings, more than a dozen California counties were already providing free representation to poor people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation caught up, California slipped behind. The state kept its defender system entirely in the hands of its counties. Today, it is one of just two states — alongside Arizona — that don’t contribute any funding to trial-level public defense, according to the Sixth Amendment Center. The state does not monitor or evaluate the counties’ systems. There are no minimum standards, and for many defendants there are no investigations — even in the most serious cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, prosecutors have robust, in-house investigative teams. In Riverside, the district attorney has 30% more lawyers than the public defender but 500% more investigators, state data shows, in addition to the support of the county sheriff and various municipal police departments. This pattern repeats throughout the state. In what is supposed to be an adversarial legal system, indigent defendants and their attorneys are often on their own, facing an army of investigators who are working to secure a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidden in that data is the greatest tragedy of failing to investigate cases: wrongful convictions. The National Registry of Exonerations is filled with cases in which convictions were overturned when someone finally looked into the prisoner’s claims, years or even decades after they were imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of those cases are in California. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/10738\">one exoneration\u003c/a> out of Fresno, Innocence Project investigators found nine witnesses who corroborated their client’s alibi: He was more than 25 miles away at a birthday party at the time of the crime. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/12870\">a recent case\u003c/a> out of Los Angeles, investigators found evidence of their client’s innocence in a police detective’s handwritten notes, material that had been included in a file turned over to the defense before trial. If their cases had been investigated on the front end, these men might have been spared a combined 30 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Possley, the exoneration registry’s senior researcher, said that a failure to investigate is at the heart of most of the registry’s 3,600 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks at the evidence that overturned these convictions, he’s astounded the defense didn’t find it when the case was being prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone had just made the effort,” he said. “This was all sitting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton was in his early 40s when he got the Nelson case. He had been living in Siskiyou for years, but he hadn’t shed his Southern California accent. He was soft-spoken, smiled often, and had the easy mannerisms of someone who had spent a lot of time at the beach. It didn’t take long for him to build a rapport with Nelson, and he visited him frequently at the Siskiyou County jail. Nelson told him he had no memory of the events that Marshall had recounted for the deputies. Those claims of innocence had sounded hollow to Shelton, but the picture of the burned market changed his thinking about the case. Now he wondered whether anything Marshall had said was true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-01-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person with neatly styled silver hair stands under a covered walkway, looking to the side with a calm expression. They wear a red and black jacket over a plaid shirt. The background shows a rainy, quiet street with buildings and telephone poles fading into the distance. The atmosphere feels still and contemplative.\">\u003cfigcaption>As he dug deeper into the case, defense investigator Rob Shelton began to doubt the prosecution’s narrative of the crime. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Detectives with the Siskiyou sheriff’s office had interviewed Marshall several times in October 2008, a month before they arrested Nelson. Kayfetz requested those recordings, and she and Shelton listened to the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first interview, Marshall initially hedged his words. When a detective asked him whether he saw Willie — who was Marshall’s cousin — on the day he was taken, he said that it “seemed like” he did. Then he said that he watched Nelson grab Willie and put him in the van, where another man was crouching in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw that?” the detective asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was with my own eyes I saw that,” Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, in a second accounting, Marshall added an accomplice — the woman who would later become Nelson’s wife slid the van door open and jumped inside before they drove off. Three days later, an additional woman appeared in the story — the wife’s sister — and the man in the passenger seat was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was remarkable to Shelton that the detectives didn’t challenge Marshall on these discrepancies. Each time he told the story, he added details — the ice cream flavor, the face his brother made at him as he walked into the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a detective asked whether Marshall had said anything to his mother when she came back, he replied that he had tried but that his brother was teasing him. “That’s why I just threw it aside,” he said. “Because my brother, he made me mad.” Marshall eventually told his mother what had happened, he said, but neither of them mentioned it to Cook when they joined the search party later that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview with detectives, Marshall’s mother corroborated his account. “I should have listened to him,” she said. “It was like he was trying to tell all of us that he had seen who took Willie. Is that possible? But nobody would believe him, because he was a little boy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the recordings, the detectives alluded to some kind of legal trouble Marshall was facing. “You’re taking care of us, and we’re going to scratch your back in return,” a detective had promised him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his fourth and final recorded interview with detectives, Marshall had something new to share: He wasn’t just a witness to Willie’s kidnapping. He was also a witness to his murder. Months after the kidnapping, Marshall said, he took a trip with his father to visit his grandparents on the Hoopa reservation, some 70 miles from Happy Camp. It was there, he said, while hiding behind a tree in the back of Nelson’s house, that he saw Nelson take Willie out of a locked van and heard him say, “This is the last time you’re going to even breathe air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m standing right there, and I’m watching him from that tree,” he told a detective. “I’m watching him put his hands around that little boy and strangle him until that little boy was dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detective conducting the interview initially seemed alarmed by this change in the story. She told Marshall that her sergeant would need to speak with him “about the differences in your statement from the first time that we talked to you.” She left the room but came back alone. “I think you and I pretty much clarified everything,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her report, she wrote that Marshall had witnessed the murder “four or five days” after the kidnapping. That was an error — Marshall repeatedly said four or five months had passed between the kidnapping and the murder, according to a transcript of the interview. But that error would find its way into Nelson’s confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Marshall’s testimony, police and prosecutors created their theory of the crime, interview transcripts and court filings show. They proposed Nelson was a pawn in a scheme hatched by his sister-in-law — one of the women Marshall named as an accomplice — who wanted to hurt Cook by taking his son. Maybe she had been jealous of his success. Maybe she wanted to avenge her husband, who had been tried, and later acquitted, for the murder of Cook’s brother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his sister-in-law were both Native American. To Kayfetz, law enforcement’s assumption that they would kidnap and kill a child as an act of revenge, or in a fit of jealous rage, played into racial stereotypes and became the “underlying stench” of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evidence had suggested that Willie was kidnapped by a sexual predator. His body was naked when it was discovered. Now law enforcement posited he was murdered in a family feud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Willie’s father initially had a hard time believing this theory. “I just can’t imagine that,” Cook told a detective in 2008. “Over something that stupid? My gut feeling is no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deputies were insistent. Eventually, Cook began to come around to the possibility that Nelson was the killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies exhumed Willie’s body, but it did not provide any new evidence. Far too much time had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton began working on the case, he was shocked whenever he discovered that law enforcement had made a mistake, or that prosecutors had failed to turn over a key document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would burst into Kayfetz’s office, saying, “You’re not gonna believe this!” And Kayfetz would tell him, dryly, “There’s no Santa or Easter Bunny, either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would soon lose that sense of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the investigation progressed, Shelton became convinced that Marshall had invented most of his story. Marshall had given detectives the names of other potential witnesses, but those turned out to be dead ends. Still, Siskiyou’s district attorney, Kirk Andrus, seemed determined to move forward, and Nelson was losing hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, one day, while he was looking through old police files, Shelton found a list of materials the deputies had entered into evidence in 1976. It included references to interviews they recorded with potential witnesses. Shelton scanned the list and saw Marshall’s name. The prosecution’s star witness had spoken to officers just days after Willie disappeared. If law enforcement still had access to these recordings, they hadn’t shared them with the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kayfetz asked the district attorney’s office to turn over the evidence, the prosecutors said they didn’t have it. But Shelton learned the tapes from the case had recently been digitized and enhanced by the Justice Department, at the request of the Siskiyou detectives. Kayfetz filed a second motion to get the recordings. When the judge ordered the prosecutors to explain how the tapes had gone missing, they said that they had found them and that they had been lost on a detective’s desk, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-09-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A foggy, overcast day in a rural town shows a weathered cream and green building labeled “Guide Service.” The small structure has boarded-up windows, a faded sign with a phone number, and a hand-painted “White Water Tours” mural on the side. To the right is an open garage-like shelter with an old, rusted vehicle and an orange traffic cone. Bare trees and mist-covered hills fill the background.\">\u003cfigcaption>Willie Cook was sitting in the open bed of his father’s pickup truck in front of this building in Happy Camp when he was kidnapped. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon Kayfetz and Shelton were listening to Marshall, 10 years old, answering questions about the evening Willie disappeared. There was no ice cream. Marshall’s brother was not in the car, but his older sister was. Their mom didn’t go to the grocery store, but she did stop at a liquor store to buy a TV Guide. When they drove through the center of town, Marshall waved to Willie, who was sitting in his dad’s truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hi, Willie,’ and he said ‘Hi’ back. And I said, ‘Where’s your dad?’ And he said, ‘He’s in the bar.’” When they drove by again, Willie was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I allowed to go now?” Marshall asked the detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview that same day, Marshall’s mother corroborated her son’s account. Nobody mentioned Nelson. Nobody said anything about witnessing a kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton felt as though they were pulling a string and unraveling the district attorney’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He discovered that Marshall had a motive for becoming useful to law enforcement in the fall of 2008. He had violated the terms of his probation for a drunken-driving conviction and was facing prison, but police kept the violation off his record, Shelton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz was encouraged by the evidence that was mounting in Nelson’s favor, but if the case went to trial, she would have to contend with the fact that he had confessed to the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sent the footage of his interrogation to Richard Leo, a University of San Francisco law professor and one of the nation’s foremost experts on coerced confessions, and asked him to testify on Nelson’s behalf. She couldn’t afford his fee — she was already pushing the outer limits of her budget. And when she first reached out, Leo told her he didn’t have time to take on another case. But she begged him to watch the footage before he made up his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even now, almost 17 years later, he remembers how stunned he had been when he first saw it. Among the 2,400 cases he’s consulted on, he said, the Nelson case stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a coerced confession he has ever seen. He called it “a form of psychological torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sequence to this — a long interrogation, lie to the suspect about evidence, attack the suspect’s denials, cause him to doubt his memory,” he said. “Sometimes you see this person denying and admitting at the same time: ‘I couldn’t have done this. I have no memory. You’re telling me I did this, maybe I did this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leo said Nelson was subjected to almost every tactic known to lead to a false admission of guilt. He agreed to do the case for a reduced fee — a “bro deal,” Kayfetz called it — in exchange for permission to include it in a future book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 12% of the wrongful convictions listed on the National Registry of Exonerations involved false confessions. In a recent case in San Bernardino, police officers pushed a man to admit to killing his father after he called police to report him missing. During a marathon interrogation, officers told the man they had conclusive evidence of his guilt and got him to agree with a gruesome scenario that they had pulled, it seems, from thin air. A few hours after he confessed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-06-01/fontana-police-coerced-false-murder-confession-with-lies\">police officers located the man’s father\u003c/a>. He was alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted a census of the nation’s public defender offices. It found that 40% had no investigators on staff and that 93% failed to meet the National Association for Public Defense’s industry standard of at least 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study made it clear that, across the country, investigators were seen as a luxury, not a necessity. CalMatters interviews with top public defenders in several states, along with recent reports examining indigent defense systems, suggest that’s still the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mississippi, only eight of the state’s 82 counties have public defender offices. The rest rely on private attorneys who are paid a flat fee — one that rarely covers the cost of an investigator. A \u003ca href=\"https://6ac.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/6AC_mississippi_report_2018.pdf\">2018 report\u003c/a> found that, in many Mississippi counties, with the exception of murder cases, the attorneys “never hire investigators and have no time to investigate cases themselves.” Appointed attorneys told researchers they would “get laughed out of court” for requesting additional funds for an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender systems that are funded and controlled by state legislatures also have severe investigator shortages. The head public defender in Arkansas, Gregg Parrish, said he has only 12 staff investigators, responsible for assisting in felony cases, including capital cases, in all of the state’s 75 counties. Minnesota’s top public defender, William Ward, said he is trying to maintain a ratio of at least 1 investigator for every 7 public defenders but knows that’s not enough. “I would rather have a great investigator and an average lawyer than an average investigator and a great lawyer,” he said. “Investigators make all the difference on a case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Reingold remembers one case in particular from his time as a public defender in Louisiana’s Orleans Parish. His client was accused of breaking into a car, but he insisted he was entering the car to leave a note offering to do yard work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold sent an investigator to the car owner’s house, but there was no one home. His client had two prior felonies, and a car burglary would qualify him for a life sentence. When the prosecutor offered 10 years in exchange for a guilty plea, Reingold advised him to take the deal. But his client begged him to find the note, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Orleans Parish had 65 public defenders and three investigators. The one assigned to the man’s case refused to give up. She tried for six weeks to find the car’s owner. In the week before the plea hearing, she stopped by his home almost daily. One evening, he answered the door. He said, “Oh yeah, I still have that note!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold presented the note as evidence, and his client was released from jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, he said, a rare stroke of luck. “The scary thing is, we don’t know all the other times we’ve missed things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before Nelson’s trial was set to begin, the prosecution was still turning over discovery materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton began to make his way through the latest batch. Many of the documents were familiar — duplicates of reports and transcripts he had already reviewed. But he stumbled on a few photographs, tucked into the file, that he hadn’t seen before. In the foreground of one of the pictures, leaning up against a trailer home, something caught his eye — a cardboard cylinder, not quite 2 feet tall. It looked just like the barrel in which Willie’s body was found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jesus Christ, man. That’s it right there,” he said to himself. “It was in their hands. They had it all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trailer belonged to a man who had lived in Happy Camp in the 1970s and whom everyone knew as Sonny. He washed trucks for a local logging company and lived on the owner’s property. Cook told police he had been on that property with Willie the day of the kidnapping, which is probably why the deputies photographed the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton went back to Happy Camp to learn more about Sonny, he discovered he had been arrested less than a year after Willie’s body was found, when a 5-year-old boy told his parents that Sonny had sexually abused him. The boy’s family had owned the logging company, and Sonny had been their employee. Prosecutors didn’t file charges, and Sonny was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to documents Kayfetz filed with the court, the boy, who was in his late 30s when Nelson was arrested, had always wondered about the connection between Willie’s murder and his own abuse. His grandmother once told him she believed the cardboard barrel had come from their family’s property — she said it was a container for the detergent that Sonny used to wash the trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-16-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A towering sculpture of a Bigfoot-like creature made from dark, textured metal stands among bare branches in a misty, forested area. The figure has exaggerated features and a shaggy appearance, with one arm extended forward. Pine trees, power lines, and rooftops are visible in the background beneath an overcast sky, adding to the eerie atmosphere.\">\u003cfigcaption>The Happy Camp Big Foot statue on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-22-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A wet, empty street in a small town on a foggy day, with a few parked cars along the sides and leafless trees lining the road. Low hills and more trees are visible in the misty background.\">\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-15-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Three small, weathered buildings sit side by side on a wet street in a mountain town. The structures show signs of age, with faded paint, boarded windows, and moss-covered roofs. Bare trees stand behind them, and a misty forested hillside rises in the background under an overcast sky. The scene is quiet and damp, evoking a sense of stillness and isolation.\">\u003c/figure>\u003cfigcaption>First\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>A view down Washington Street in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. Last\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Buildings on 2nd Avenue in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had recently searched for the Cook case online and was surprised to find that it had been reopened and that Nelson had been charged with the crime. He wondered: Did the police know about Sonny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local press had published a phone number for the Siskiyou detective’s bureau, urging people to come forward with relevant information about the crime. He called and left a message, but no one called him back. He called a second time and explained to a receptionist who he was and why he was calling. He was still waiting for a reply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonny did eventually go to prison for sexually abusing a child. A mother reported him to the police when she learned he had been molesting her son for years. She told investigators that after Sonny was sentenced, other boys came forward to say he had abused them as well, according to a statement filed in court. He died in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Shelton, these discoveries seemed like “a game changer.” He shared the details with Kayfetz. “I was like, ‘This is done,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury would not get to see the photo of the barrel or hear from Sonny’s accusers. The prosecution fought to exclude the evidence, arguing it didn’t prove Sonny had ever met Willie, let alone had kidnapped and killed him. And the judge agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It never even made it to court,” Shelton said. “Our job was to create reasonable doubt. We never planned to solve this case and figure out who did kidnap Willie. But I think we did, and no one cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case would radically alter Shelton’s beliefs about the justice system and his perception of how police and prosecutors operate. “I used to be on their team,” he said. “And when I worked for the defense I started to see that, you know, sometimes it’s more about winning than actual justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He began to view his job as “quality control” for law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some district attorneys are wonderful and they disclose everything,” he said. “They’re not all like that. And so, if you’re a defendant and you draw a dishonest attorney, well, is that it? Is your fate sealed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be, Shelton said, if you didn’t have anyone to look into your side of the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 20 years, California has introduced ambitious legislation aimed at reducing incarceration, earning the state a reputation as a leader in criminal justice reform. But those efforts are routinely undermined by California’s failure to provide defendants with a proper investigation of the charges against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s so shocking — that it’s California,” said Goel, of the Sixth Amendment Center. “There’s perception, and then there’s reality. When will the state look in the mirror and see what it really is?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations affect every part of the criminal justice process. They’re not just about figuring out whether a client is innocent. Even if a case is moving toward a plea deal, an investigation can turn up information that forces a prosecutor to reduce the charge or compels a judge to grant bond or shorten a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are discouraged from interviewing witnesses on their own. If a witness later changed their story or disappeared before trial, the attorney might have to testify on their client’s behalf and recuse themself from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are considering \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab690\">a bill\u003c/a> that could bolster defense investigations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Contracted%20to%20Fail%20report_March%202025.pdf\">eliminating flat-fee contracts\u003c/a>. But it faces opposition from county officials, who say it would force them to increase their defense budgets without helping them pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York was once very similar to California. Its counties managed their own public defender systems, without much input or funding from the state, until a class-action lawsuit, settled in 2015, led to statewide changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York created an office tasked with improving public defense, eventually giving it some $250 million to dole out each year. Counties that take the money must prioritize certain aspects of public defense, including investigations. In a recent report to the agency overseeing the effort, these counties consistently said the ability to investigate cases was among the most profound impacts of the new funding. Some described specific cases that ended in acquittal or significantly reduced charges as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was also sued over claims it failed to provide competent defense. To settle the lawsuit, filed in Fresno County, Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 expanded the scope of the Office of the State Public Defender, which had previously handled death penalty appeals, to include support and training for county-based public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor committed only $10 million in one-time grants to the effort, and that money has since run out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s trial began in September 2009. The case hinged on Marshall’s account and Nelson’s confession. Kayfetz built much of the defense on what Shelton had discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for six days and could not come to a decision. Seven jurors believed Nelson was guilty of murder, and five did not. Six believed he had kidnapped Willie, the other six did not. The judge declared a mistrial. A few weeks later, Andrus, the district attorney, announced he was dismissing the charges against Nelson and his sister-in-law, whose kidnapping case was awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, Andrus said it was “the most difficult and painful decision I have made in my professional career.” He told a news reporter that his office had a heavy caseload and didn’t have the staff to prosecute the case. Andrus noted that he could always refile the charges if new evidence emerged or a new witness came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was released, but he didn’t get to go home. He had to answer for the drugs he had on him at the time of his arrest and was sent to a Humboldt County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left here just to be interviewed, and 16 months later I got out,” Nelson said from his home in Hoopa. “They got their hook in me, and they kept it in me. There’s nothing you can do when you’re in that situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-19-1024x682.jpg\" alt='An older person with white hair and a mustache sits indoors on the edge of a bed, wearing a red t-shirt with a white \"CR\" logo. The room is dimly lit, with personal items and decorations visible in the background, including a dartboard and a painting of a horse and rider.'>\u003cfigcaption>Gregory Nelson in his home in Hoopa on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he’s certain he would be in prison if not for Shelton. “He believed what I told him,” he said. “Without that investigator, you don’t have a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall and his mother have since died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton retired from defense investigation last year. He was initially hesitant to talk about the Nelson case and insisted that he had only been doing his job. He said he doesn’t want to be the hero of a story that is still, at its core, a tragedy. “Imagine being Bill Cook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although CalMatters was unable to reach Willie’s parents, a Facebook group dedicated to his memory, which has been inactive since 2016, includes posts from family members who express the belief that Nelson is guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what compounds the tragedy of the case for Kayfetz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took a decades-old bandage off of these people’s hearts and just ripped it off,” she said. “It’s every kind of miscarriage of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Siskiyou public defender’s office finally got its first staff investigator. Kayfetz said she needed to “clone him.” She cobbled together funding from a couple of new grants to hire a second, who started earlier this year. But she said it’s still not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nelson case, she said, “rose and fell on the quality of the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Andrus said he doesn’t believe Shelton’s work had much impact on the case. He said the prosecutors and sheriff’s deputies had always known that Marshall was “a compromised witness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were so many nails in the coffin of Steve Marshall’s credibility that it didn’t need more,” he said. “He was not the kind of person that we would want to rely on in a murder case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they had a duty to “look into his statement, see if we can corroborate it.” And Nelson had confessed. The other evidence they gathered, he acknowledged, “was not very strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pushed the case forward anyhow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "If you’re accused of a crime, will someone investigate your side of the story? In California, there’s no guarantee.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n Aug. 28, 1976, sometime between 7:30 and 8 p.m., a 6-year-old boy named Willie Cook disappeared from the bed of his father’s pickup in Happy Camp, a secluded logging community in Northern California’s Klamath National Forest. Willie’s father, Bill Cook, had been working on his lawn mower at a repair shop in the center of town. When he was done, he told Willie to wait in the truck with the family dog while he ducked into the bar across the street. He was gone less than 20 minutes. The sun had set behind the mountains, but there was still light in the sky.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cook searched the area on foot, then drove in the direction of the family home. After he circled town a couple more times, he called law enforcement to report that his son was missing. He gave the local deputy a description: Willie was 42 inches tall and weighed 45 pounds. He was wearing a black baseball jersey, jeans and white tennis shoes. His right eye was blue, and his left eye was a mix of blue and brown. He was, Cook said, “a very good boy, and had never wandered off in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By midnight, 150 people were searching for Willie, combing the dense woods surrounding the town. But Cook did not believe his son was lost in the forest. From the moment he had walked out of that bar, he was certain that someone had taken him. “I felt it,” he said. “I felt it all over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willie’s body was discovered six months later in a small cardboard barrel at a campground along the Klamath River, more than 50 miles from Happy Camp. The Siskiyou County sheriff’s office launched a murder investigation but never solved the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 32 years, sheriff’s deputies got their first big break when a man came forward to say he had witnessed the kidnapping. Steve Marshall was only 10 years old in 1976, but his memory of that August day was vivid: He was sitting alone in his mother’s blue station wagon, parked outside the Headway Market, within view of the repair shop and the old bar. He was eating a vanilla ice cream cone. His brother was inside the market with their mother. They would be having spaghetti for dinner that night — his favorite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall seemed to remember what happened next as though it were unfolding in slow motion: The sound of a logging truck as it roared past. Willie’s Labrador wagging his tail. And a young man in blue jeans and a vest, his long hair in two braids, standing on the opposite side of the street, staring at the boy and his dog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall recognized him. His name was Gregory Nelson. And Marshall said he had a clear view of him as he crossed the street, grabbed Willie, shoved him into a VW bus and drove off, disappearing down the one-lane highway that cut through town. Marshall had tried to tell his mother what he’d seen, but she’d brushed him off. For the next few decades, he mostly kept it to himself. But the memory, he said, had haunted him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Siskiyou sheriff arrested Nelson, then 51, and brought him in for questioning. He had a couple grams of methamphetamine and several syringes in his pocket. After two days of interrogation, he confessed. The following day, the sheriff told a local reporter that a cold case is like a puzzle. “After 32 years, we’re finally getting the pieces put together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was charged with kidnapping and murder. Siskiyou’s chief public defender, Lael Kayfetz, thought there was little chance of overcoming a signed confession and an eyewitness account. Then the prosecutors turned over the recordings of Nelson’s interrogation. When Kayfetz watched the footage, she said, “my eyeballs fell out of my head.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. “I’m an expert on the law,” Kayfetz said. “I’m not an expert on getting the facts.” She needed an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecutors were working closely with detectives at the sheriff’s office, issuing warrants and building a case. They also employed their own team of five investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Siskiyou County’s public defender didn’t have a single defense investigator on staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers have a constitutional obligation to investigate every case. But a CalMatters investigation found that poor people accused of crimes, who account for at least 80% of criminal defendants, are routinely convicted in California without anyone investigating the charges against them. Close to half of California’s 58 counties do not employ any full-time public defense investigators. Among the remaining counties, defendants’ access to investigators fluctuates wildly, but it’s almost always inadequate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of this failure is steep, for individual defendants and for the integrity of California’s criminal justice system. Of the 10 California counties with the highest prison incarceration rates, eight have no defense investigators on staff, according to an analysis of staffing and prison data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of investigators affects counties throughout the state, from poor, rural areas like Siskiyou to the state’s largest and most well-funded public defense offices. Los Angeles employed just 1 investigator for every 10 public defenders — one of the state’s worst ratios, according to the most recent data from the California Department of Justice. Only seven California counties met the widely accepted minimum standard of 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The situation is most alarming in the 25 California counties that don’t have dedicated public defender offices and pay private attorneys to represent indigent people in criminal court. Most of these attorneys receive a flat fee for their services, and the cost of an investigator would eat away at their profits. Some counties allow contracted attorneys to ask the court for additional funds for investigations, but court records show the attorneys rarely make those requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kings County, which has one of the highest prison incarceration rates in California, contracted attorneys asked the court for permission to hire an investigator in \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/25957834-evaulation-of-kings-county-indigent-defense-system/#document/p30/a2652950\">7% of criminal cases\u003c/a> from 2018 to 2022. In Lake County, attorneys made those requests in just 2% of criminal cases over a three-year period; in Mono County, it was less than 1%. To earn a living from meager county contracts, \u003ca href=\"https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=13329&context=mlr\">research shows\u003c/a>, private attorneys and firms must persuade defendants to accept plea deals as quickly as possible. An investigation is an expensive delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Defense investigators interview witnesses, visit crime scenes, review police reports and retrieve video surveillance footage that might prove the defendant was on the other side of town when a crime was committed, or that an assault was an act of self-defense. They do work that most lawyers are not trained to do. Without them, police and prosecutorial misconduct — among the most common causes of wrongful convictions — remain unchecked, significantly increasing the likelihood that people will go to prison for crimes they did not commit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Law is important, but the facts are what influences the law,” said Aditi Goel, executive director of the Sixth Amendment Center, a national nonprofit focused on improving indigent defense. “The heart of a case is what happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2008, Kayfetz and her four staff attorneys were left to sleuth most cases on their own, and they worried about what they might be missing. Siskiyou County provided them with a small budget to contract with a private investigator, but the Nelson case, which had already spanned three decades, would burn through their entire investigation fund for the year. Still, Kayfetz didn’t feel as though she had a choice. Nelson was facing life in prison, and the sheriff was in the papers talking about closure for the Cook family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called Rob Shelton, an investigator who had spent most of the previous two decades in law enforcement — first with the Coast Guard, then as a harbor patrol officer in Ventura, and recently as a probation officer for Siskiyou. He’d crossed over into defense investigations, and this would be his first homicide case for the public defender’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/030725_Lael-Kayfetz_CHK_CM_35-819x1024.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003cfigcaption>Lael Kayfetz, the Siskiyou County public defender, realized she needed to test the claims against her client, but she couldn’t do it on her own. \u003cem>Christie Hemm Klok for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s mug shot had by then been published on the front page of the Siskiyou Daily News. His hair was graying, and his cheeks were deeply sunken. Shelton knew that look. He had seen it on the probationers he had monitored, people whose hard lives were etched into their faces. He had come to view their struggles with the law as a symptom of their poverty and addiction. But he also believed Nelson was guilty. It was hard for him to imagine that the sheriff would pursue a case without concrete evidence, and even harder to believe that the district attorney would push it toward trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz handed Shelton the records she’d gotten from the prosecutors, and he spent those first few weeks combing through old police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As he made his way through the documents, he found black-and-white copies of photographs the sheriff’s deputies had taken as they searched Happy Camp in the days after Willie’s disappearance: The chain-saw repair shop where the truck had been parked. The old bar across the street. And a building that looked as though it had recently burned down. It was familiar to Shelton, though he couldn’t initially place it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then one day, while he was staring at the photo, it clicked. It was the Headway Market, where Marshall said his mother had been shopping when he witnessed the kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was no store,” Shelton said. “There was just ruins.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton walked down the street to the Siskiyou County assessor’s office to pull records on the property. The market, he learned, had burned down a few months before Willie Cook was taken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is the birthplace of public defense. The nation’s first public defender office opened in Los Angeles in 1913. By the time the U.S. Supreme Court established in 1963 that defendants have the right to an attorney in state criminal proceedings, more than a dozen California counties were already providing free representation to poor people accused of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the nation caught up, California slipped behind. The state kept its defender system entirely in the hands of its counties. Today, it is one of just two states — alongside Arizona — that don’t contribute any funding to trial-level public defense, according to the Sixth Amendment Center. The state does not monitor or evaluate the counties’ systems. There are no minimum standards, and for many defendants there are no investigations — even in the most serious cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, prosecutors have robust, in-house investigative teams. In Riverside, the district attorney has 30% more lawyers than the public defender but 500% more investigators, state data shows, in addition to the support of the county sheriff and various municipal police departments. This pattern repeats throughout the state. In what is supposed to be an adversarial legal system, indigent defendants and their attorneys are often on their own, facing an army of investigators who are working to secure a conviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hidden in that data is the greatest tragedy of failing to investigate cases: wrongful convictions. The National Registry of Exonerations is filled with cases in which convictions were overturned when someone finally looked into the prisoner’s claims, years or even decades after they were imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of those cases are in California. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/10738\">one exoneration\u003c/a> out of Fresno, Innocence Project investigators found nine witnesses who corroborated their client’s alibi: He was more than 25 miles away at a birthday party at the time of the crime. In \u003ca href=\"https://exonerationregistry.org/cases/12870\">a recent case\u003c/a> out of Los Angeles, investigators found evidence of their client’s innocence in a police detective’s handwritten notes, material that had been included in a file turned over to the defense before trial. If their cases had been investigated on the front end, these men might have been spared a combined 30 years in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maurice Possley, the exoneration registry’s senior researcher, said that a failure to investigate is at the heart of most of the registry’s 3,600 cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he looks at the evidence that overturned these convictions, he’s astounded the defense didn’t find it when the case was being prosecuted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If someone had just made the effort,” he said. “This was all sitting there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton was in his early 40s when he got the Nelson case. He had been living in Siskiyou for years, but he hadn’t shed his Southern California accent. He was soft-spoken, smiled often, and had the easy mannerisms of someone who had spent a lot of time at the beach. It didn’t take long for him to build a rapport with Nelson, and he visited him frequently at the Siskiyou County jail. Nelson told him he had no memory of the events that Marshall had recounted for the deputies. Those claims of innocence had sounded hollow to Shelton, but the picture of the burned market changed his thinking about the case. Now he wondered whether anything Marshall had said was true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-01-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person with neatly styled silver hair stands under a covered walkway, looking to the side with a calm expression. They wear a red and black jacket over a plaid shirt. The background shows a rainy, quiet street with buildings and telephone poles fading into the distance. The atmosphere feels still and contemplative.\">\u003cfigcaption>As he dug deeper into the case, defense investigator Rob Shelton began to doubt the prosecution’s narrative of the crime. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Detectives with the Siskiyou sheriff’s office had interviewed Marshall several times in October 2008, a month before they arrested Nelson. Kayfetz requested those recordings, and she and Shelton listened to the tapes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first interview, Marshall initially hedged his words. When a detective asked him whether he saw Willie — who was Marshall’s cousin — on the day he was taken, he said that it “seemed like” he did. Then he said that he watched Nelson grab Willie and put him in the van, where another man was crouching in the passenger seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw that?” the detective asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was with my own eyes I saw that,” Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Minutes later, in a second accounting, Marshall added an accomplice — the woman who would later become Nelson’s wife slid the van door open and jumped inside before they drove off. Three days later, an additional woman appeared in the story — the wife’s sister — and the man in the passenger seat was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was remarkable to Shelton that the detectives didn’t challenge Marshall on these discrepancies. Each time he told the story, he added details — the ice cream flavor, the face his brother made at him as he walked into the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a detective asked whether Marshall had said anything to his mother when she came back, he replied that he had tried but that his brother was teasing him. “That’s why I just threw it aside,” he said. “Because my brother, he made me mad.” Marshall eventually told his mother what had happened, he said, but neither of them mentioned it to Cook when they joined the search party later that night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview with detectives, Marshall’s mother corroborated his account. “I should have listened to him,” she said. “It was like he was trying to tell all of us that he had seen who took Willie. Is that possible? But nobody would believe him, because he was a little boy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one of the recordings, the detectives alluded to some kind of legal trouble Marshall was facing. “You’re taking care of us, and we’re going to scratch your back in return,” a detective had promised him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his fourth and final recorded interview with detectives, Marshall had something new to share: He wasn’t just a witness to Willie’s kidnapping. He was also a witness to his murder. Months after the kidnapping, Marshall said, he took a trip with his father to visit his grandparents on the Hoopa reservation, some 70 miles from Happy Camp. It was there, he said, while hiding behind a tree in the back of Nelson’s house, that he saw Nelson take Willie out of a locked van and heard him say, “This is the last time you’re going to even breathe air.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m standing right there, and I’m watching him from that tree,” he told a detective. “I’m watching him put his hands around that little boy and strangle him until that little boy was dead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The detective conducting the interview initially seemed alarmed by this change in the story. She told Marshall that her sergeant would need to speak with him “about the differences in your statement from the first time that we talked to you.” She left the room but came back alone. “I think you and I pretty much clarified everything,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her report, she wrote that Marshall had witnessed the murder “four or five days” after the kidnapping. That was an error — Marshall repeatedly said four or five months had passed between the kidnapping and the murder, according to a transcript of the interview. But that error would find its way into Nelson’s confession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From Marshall’s testimony, police and prosecutors created their theory of the crime, interview transcripts and court filings show. They proposed Nelson was a pawn in a scheme hatched by his sister-in-law — one of the women Marshall named as an accomplice — who wanted to hurt Cook by taking his son. Maybe she had been jealous of his success. Maybe she wanted to avenge her husband, who had been tried, and later acquitted, for the murder of Cook’s brother.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson and his sister-in-law were both Native American. To Kayfetz, law enforcement’s assumption that they would kidnap and kill a child as an act of revenge, or in a fit of jealous rage, played into racial stereotypes and became the “underlying stench” of the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The evidence had suggested that Willie was kidnapped by a sexual predator. His body was naked when it was discovered. Now law enforcement posited he was murdered in a family feud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Willie’s father initially had a hard time believing this theory. “I just can’t imagine that,” Cook told a detective in 2008. “Over something that stupid? My gut feeling is no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the deputies were insistent. Eventually, Cook began to come around to the possibility that Nelson was the killer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputies exhumed Willie’s body, but it did not provide any new evidence. Far too much time had passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton began working on the case, he was shocked whenever he discovered that law enforcement had made a mistake, or that prosecutors had failed to turn over a key document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would burst into Kayfetz’s office, saying, “You’re not gonna believe this!” And Kayfetz would tell him, dryly, “There’s no Santa or Easter Bunny, either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He would soon lose that sense of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the investigation progressed, Shelton became convinced that Marshall had invented most of his story. Marshall had given detectives the names of other potential witnesses, but those turned out to be dead ends. Still, Siskiyou’s district attorney, Kirk Andrus, seemed determined to move forward, and Nelson was losing hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, one day, while he was looking through old police files, Shelton found a list of materials the deputies had entered into evidence in 1976. It included references to interviews they recorded with potential witnesses. Shelton scanned the list and saw Marshall’s name. The prosecution’s star witness had spoken to officers just days after Willie disappeared. If law enforcement still had access to these recordings, they hadn’t shared them with the defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Kayfetz asked the district attorney’s office to turn over the evidence, the prosecutors said they didn’t have it. But Shelton learned the tapes from the case had recently been digitized and enhanced by the Justice Department, at the request of the Siskiyou detectives. Kayfetz filed a second motion to get the recordings. When the judge ordered the prosecutors to explain how the tapes had gone missing, they said that they had found them and that they had been lost on a detective’s desk, according to court documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-09-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A foggy, overcast day in a rural town shows a weathered cream and green building labeled “Guide Service.” The small structure has boarded-up windows, a faded sign with a phone number, and a hand-painted “White Water Tours” mural on the side. To the right is an open garage-like shelter with an old, rusted vehicle and an orange traffic cone. Bare trees and mist-covered hills fill the background.\">\u003cfigcaption>Willie Cook was sitting in the open bed of his father’s pickup truck in front of this building in Happy Camp when he was kidnapped. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Soon Kayfetz and Shelton were listening to Marshall, 10 years old, answering questions about the evening Willie disappeared. There was no ice cream. Marshall’s brother was not in the car, but his older sister was. Their mom didn’t go to the grocery store, but she did stop at a liquor store to buy a TV Guide. When they drove through the center of town, Marshall waved to Willie, who was sitting in his dad’s truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Hi, Willie,’ and he said ‘Hi’ back. And I said, ‘Where’s your dad?’ And he said, ‘He’s in the bar.’” When they drove by again, Willie was gone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Am I allowed to go now?” Marshall asked the detective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate interview that same day, Marshall’s mother corroborated her son’s account. Nobody mentioned Nelson. Nobody said anything about witnessing a kidnapping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton felt as though they were pulling a string and unraveling the district attorney’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He discovered that Marshall had a motive for becoming useful to law enforcement in the fall of 2008. He had violated the terms of his probation for a drunken-driving conviction and was facing prison, but police kept the violation off his record, Shelton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kayfetz was encouraged by the evidence that was mounting in Nelson’s favor, but if the case went to trial, she would have to contend with the fact that he had confessed to the crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sent the footage of his interrogation to Richard Leo, a University of San Francisco law professor and one of the nation’s foremost experts on coerced confessions, and asked him to testify on Nelson’s behalf. She couldn’t afford his fee — she was already pushing the outer limits of her budget. And when she first reached out, Leo told her he didn’t have time to take on another case. But she begged him to watch the footage before he made up his mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even now, almost 17 years later, he remembers how stunned he had been when he first saw it. Among the 2,400 cases he’s consulted on, he said, the Nelson case stands out as one of the most egregious examples of a coerced confession he has ever seen. He called it “a form of psychological torture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sequence to this — a long interrogation, lie to the suspect about evidence, attack the suspect’s denials, cause him to doubt his memory,” he said. “Sometimes you see this person denying and admitting at the same time: ‘I couldn’t have done this. I have no memory. You’re telling me I did this, maybe I did this.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leo said Nelson was subjected to almost every tactic known to lead to a false admission of guilt. He agreed to do the case for a reduced fee — a “bro deal,” Kayfetz called it — in exchange for permission to include it in a future book.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 12% of the wrongful convictions listed on the National Registry of Exonerations involved false confessions. In a recent case in San Bernardino, police officers pushed a man to admit to killing his father after he called police to report him missing. During a marathon interrogation, officers told the man they had conclusive evidence of his guilt and got him to agree with a gruesome scenario that they had pulled, it seems, from thin air. A few hours after he confessed, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-06-01/fontana-police-coerced-false-murder-confession-with-lies\">police officers located the man’s father\u003c/a>. He was alive and well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics conducted a census of the nation’s public defender offices. It found that 40% had no investigators on staff and that 93% failed to meet the National Association for Public Defense’s industry standard of at least 1 investigator for every 3 attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study made it clear that, across the country, investigators were seen as a luxury, not a necessity. CalMatters interviews with top public defenders in several states, along with recent reports examining indigent defense systems, suggest that’s still the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Mississippi, only eight of the state’s 82 counties have public defender offices. The rest rely on private attorneys who are paid a flat fee — one that rarely covers the cost of an investigator. A \u003ca href=\"https://6ac.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/6AC_mississippi_report_2018.pdf\">2018 report\u003c/a> found that, in many Mississippi counties, with the exception of murder cases, the attorneys “never hire investigators and have no time to investigate cases themselves.” Appointed attorneys told researchers they would “get laughed out of court” for requesting additional funds for an investigator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public defender systems that are funded and controlled by state legislatures also have severe investigator shortages. The head public defender in Arkansas, Gregg Parrish, said he has only 12 staff investigators, responsible for assisting in felony cases, including capital cases, in all of the state’s 75 counties. Minnesota’s top public defender, William Ward, said he is trying to maintain a ratio of at least 1 investigator for every 7 public defenders but knows that’s not enough. “I would rather have a great investigator and an average lawyer than an average investigator and a great lawyer,” he said. “Investigators make all the difference on a case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colin Reingold remembers one case in particular from his time as a public defender in Louisiana’s Orleans Parish. His client was accused of breaking into a car, but he insisted he was entering the car to leave a note offering to do yard work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold sent an investigator to the car owner’s house, but there was no one home. His client had two prior felonies, and a car burglary would qualify him for a life sentence. When the prosecutor offered 10 years in exchange for a guilty plea, Reingold advised him to take the deal. But his client begged him to find the note, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Orleans Parish had 65 public defenders and three investigators. The one assigned to the man’s case refused to give up. She tried for six weeks to find the car’s owner. In the week before the plea hearing, she stopped by his home almost daily. One evening, he answered the door. He said, “Oh yeah, I still have that note!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reingold presented the note as evidence, and his client was released from jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was, he said, a rare stroke of luck. “The scary thing is, we don’t know all the other times we’ve missed things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just weeks before Nelson’s trial was set to begin, the prosecution was still turning over discovery materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton began to make his way through the latest batch. Many of the documents were familiar — duplicates of reports and transcripts he had already reviewed. But he stumbled on a few photographs, tucked into the file, that he hadn’t seen before. In the foreground of one of the pictures, leaning up against a trailer home, something caught his eye — a cardboard cylinder, not quite 2 feet tall. It looked just like the barrel in which Willie’s body was found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jesus Christ, man. That’s it right there,” he said to himself. “It was in their hands. They had it all along.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trailer belonged to a man who had lived in Happy Camp in the 1970s and whom everyone knew as Sonny. He washed trucks for a local logging company and lived on the owner’s property. Cook told police he had been on that property with Willie the day of the kidnapping, which is probably why the deputies photographed the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Shelton went back to Happy Camp to learn more about Sonny, he discovered he had been arrested less than a year after Willie’s body was found, when a 5-year-old boy told his parents that Sonny had sexually abused him. The boy’s family had owned the logging company, and Sonny had been their employee. Prosecutors didn’t file charges, and Sonny was released.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to documents Kayfetz filed with the court, the boy, who was in his late 30s when Nelson was arrested, had always wondered about the connection between Willie’s murder and his own abuse. His grandmother once told him she believed the cardboard barrel had come from their family’s property — she said it was a container for the detergent that Sonny used to wash the trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-16-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A towering sculpture of a Bigfoot-like creature made from dark, textured metal stands among bare branches in a misty, forested area. The figure has exaggerated features and a shaggy appearance, with one arm extended forward. Pine trees, power lines, and rooftops are visible in the background beneath an overcast sky, adding to the eerie atmosphere.\">\u003cfigcaption>The Happy Camp Big Foot statue on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-22-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A wet, empty street in a small town on a foggy day, with a few parked cars along the sides and leafless trees lining the road. Low hills and more trees are visible in the misty background.\">\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-15-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"Three small, weathered buildings sit side by side on a wet street in a mountain town. The structures show signs of age, with faded paint, boarded windows, and moss-covered roofs. Bare trees stand behind them, and a misty forested hillside rises in the background under an overcast sky. The scene is quiet and damp, evoking a sense of stillness and isolation.\">\u003c/figure>\u003cfigcaption>First\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>A view down Washington Street in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. Last\u003cstrong>: \u003c/strong>Buildings on 2nd Avenue in Happy Camp on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He had recently searched for the Cook case online and was surprised to find that it had been reopened and that Nelson had been charged with the crime. He wondered: Did the police know about Sonny?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local press had published a phone number for the Siskiyou detective’s bureau, urging people to come forward with relevant information about the crime. He called and left a message, but no one called him back. He called a second time and explained to a receptionist who he was and why he was calling. He was still waiting for a reply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonny did eventually go to prison for sexually abusing a child. A mother reported him to the police when she learned he had been molesting her son for years. She told investigators that after Sonny was sentenced, other boys came forward to say he had abused them as well, according to a statement filed in court. He died in 2001.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Shelton, these discoveries seemed like “a game changer.” He shared the details with Kayfetz. “I was like, ‘This is done,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the jury would not get to see the photo of the barrel or hear from Sonny’s accusers. The prosecution fought to exclude the evidence, arguing it didn’t prove Sonny had ever met Willie, let alone had kidnapped and killed him. And the judge agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It never even made it to court,” Shelton said. “Our job was to create reasonable doubt. We never planned to solve this case and figure out who did kidnap Willie. But I think we did, and no one cared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case would radically alter Shelton’s beliefs about the justice system and his perception of how police and prosecutors operate. “I used to be on their team,” he said. “And when I worked for the defense I started to see that, you know, sometimes it’s more about winning than actual justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He began to view his job as “quality control” for law enforcement agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some district attorneys are wonderful and they disclose everything,” he said. “They’re not all like that. And so, if you’re a defendant and you draw a dishonest attorney, well, is that it? Is your fate sealed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be, Shelton said, if you didn’t have anyone to look into your side of the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past 20 years, California has introduced ambitious legislation aimed at reducing incarceration, earning the state a reputation as a leader in criminal justice reform. But those efforts are routinely undermined by California’s failure to provide defendants with a proper investigation of the charges against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what’s so shocking — that it’s California,” said Goel, of the Sixth Amendment Center. “There’s perception, and then there’s reality. When will the state look in the mirror and see what it really is?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Investigations affect every part of the criminal justice process. They’re not just about figuring out whether a client is innocent. Even if a case is moving toward a plea deal, an investigation can turn up information that forces a prosecutor to reduce the charge or compels a judge to grant bond or shorten a prison sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers are discouraged from interviewing witnesses on their own. If a witness later changed their story or disappeared before trial, the attorney might have to testify on their client’s behalf and recuse themself from the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers are considering \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab690\">a bill\u003c/a> that could bolster defense investigations by \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclunc.org/sites/default/files/Contracted%20to%20Fail%20report_March%202025.pdf\">eliminating flat-fee contracts\u003c/a>. But it faces opposition from county officials, who say it would force them to increase their defense budgets without helping them pay for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York was once very similar to California. Its counties managed their own public defender systems, without much input or funding from the state, until a class-action lawsuit, settled in 2015, led to statewide changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New York created an office tasked with improving public defense, eventually giving it some $250 million to dole out each year. Counties that take the money must prioritize certain aspects of public defense, including investigations. In a recent report to the agency overseeing the effort, these counties consistently said the ability to investigate cases was among the most profound impacts of the new funding. Some described specific cases that ended in acquittal or significantly reduced charges as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was also sued over claims it failed to provide competent defense. To settle the lawsuit, filed in Fresno County, Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2020 expanded the scope of the Office of the State Public Defender, which had previously handled death penalty appeals, to include support and training for county-based public defender systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the governor committed only $10 million in one-time grants to the effort, and that money has since run out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>***\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson’s trial began in September 2009. The case hinged on Marshall’s account and Nelson’s confession. Kayfetz built much of the defense on what Shelton had discovered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury deliberated for six days and could not come to a decision. Seven jurors believed Nelson was guilty of murder, and five did not. Six believed he had kidnapped Willie, the other six did not. The judge declared a mistrial. A few weeks later, Andrus, the district attorney, announced he was dismissing the charges against Nelson and his sister-in-law, whose kidnapping case was awaiting trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a press release, Andrus said it was “the most difficult and painful decision I have made in my professional career.” He told a news reporter that his office had a heavy caseload and didn’t have the staff to prosecute the case. Andrus noted that he could always refile the charges if new evidence emerged or a new witness came forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson was released, but he didn’t get to go home. He had to answer for the drugs he had on him at the time of his arrest and was sent to a Humboldt County jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I left here just to be interviewed, and 16 months later I got out,” Nelson said from his home in Hoopa. “They got their hook in me, and they kept it in me. There’s nothing you can do when you’re in that situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/101324-The-Investigators-MG-CM-19-1024x682.jpg\" alt='An older person with white hair and a mustache sits indoors on the edge of a bed, wearing a red t-shirt with a white \"CR\" logo. The room is dimly lit, with personal items and decorations visible in the background, including a dartboard and a painting of a horse and rider.'>\u003cfigcaption>Gregory Nelson in his home in Hoopa on Dec. 13, 2024. \u003cem>Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nelson said he’s certain he would be in prison if not for Shelton. “He believed what I told him,” he said. “Without that investigator, you don’t have a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall and his mother have since died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelton retired from defense investigation last year. He was initially hesitant to talk about the Nelson case and insisted that he had only been doing his job. He said he doesn’t want to be the hero of a story that is still, at its core, a tragedy. “Imagine being Bill Cook,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although CalMatters was unable to reach Willie’s parents, a Facebook group dedicated to his memory, which has been inactive since 2016, includes posts from family members who express the belief that Nelson is guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what compounds the tragedy of the case for Kayfetz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They took a decades-old bandage off of these people’s hearts and just ripped it off,” she said. “It’s every kind of miscarriage of justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Siskiyou public defender’s office finally got its first staff investigator. Kayfetz said she needed to “clone him.” She cobbled together funding from a couple of new grants to hire a second, who started earlier this year. But she said it’s still not enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nelson case, she said, “rose and fell on the quality of the investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Andrus said he doesn’t believe Shelton’s work had much impact on the case. He said the prosecutors and sheriff’s deputies had always known that Marshall was “a compromised witness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were so many nails in the coffin of Steve Marshall’s credibility that it didn’t need more,” he said. “He was not the kind of person that we would want to rely on in a murder case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said they had a duty to “look into his statement, see if we can corroborate it.” And Nelson had confessed. The other evidence they gathered, he acknowledged, “was not very strong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They pushed the case forward anyhow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/investigation/2025/06/public-defense-investigators/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-safety-net-for-struggling-colleges-is-expiring-why-the-bay-area-will-be-hit-hardest",
"title": "A Safety Net for Struggling Colleges Is Expiring. Why the Bay Area Will Be Hit Hardest",
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"headTitle": "A Safety Net for Struggling Colleges Is Expiring. Why the Bay Area Will Be Hit Hardest | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This June, struggling California community colleges will stop getting yearly cost-of-living increases to their budgets. These increases have kept many districts afloat for the past six years while community colleges adjusted to a new funding method based on district performance rather than enrollment numbers alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most districts are surpassing the system’s goals, while struggling districts have been making cuts to bridge their budget gaps. With yearly cost-of-living increases being eliminated, those struggling districts will need to make even more cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Cabrillo College in Santa Cruz announced it would cut 5% of its course offerings and pause hiring for unfilled positions as it \u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/cabrillo/Board.nsf/files/DG6LKA56E5B0/%24file/25-26%20Budget%20Planning%20Assumptions%20CPC-Budget%2023Apr%20-%20corrected.pdf\">faces a $5.9 million deficit\u003c/a> in the 2025–26 academic year. That deficit is projected to double in three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, the Peralta Community College District had to close an \u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/peralta/Board.nsf/files/D85PTG66288D/%24file/Fiscal%20Year%202024%20-2025%20Adopted%20Budget%20Presentation%20-%20Final.pdf\">$11.8 million deficit\u003c/a> this year. It has \u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/peralta/Board.nsf/files/DE4VVE8291C5/%24file/Exhibit%20A%20to%20Resolution%202425-158%20(1).pdf\">eliminated 68 positions\u003c/a>, including financial aid support staff at each of its four colleges. Peralta administrators have also discussed reducing the number of colleges in the four-campus district, possibly by consolidating operations, to decrease costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Population decline sparked new funding model\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The way that most of California’s community college districts earn their funding changed in 2018. Nine districts in the wealthiest areas of the state, called basic aid districts, continued to receive funding through local property tax revenues only. But for the 63 remaining districts, the new formula split the funding they receive from the state into three buckets — 70% based on enrollment, 20% based on the number of students receiving financial aid and 10% determined by “student success” metrics like the number of those who successfully transfer or receive certificates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, the funding model for non-basic aid districts was based solely on enrollment. However, the former chancellor for the state college system, Eloy Ortiz Oakley, predicted that an ongoing decline in state K–12 enrollment signaled a corresponding decline in future community college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12036380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250307-BERKELEY-SCIENCE-PROTEST-MD-08_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Community college enrollment and K–12 enrollment mirror each other, but lag each other,” he said in a recent interview with CalMatters. Oakley is now the president and CEO of College Futures Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley said he spent over a year traveling the state and consulting with the system’s administrators and employees to develop a new model that diversified its approach. Today, the funding model uses over 30 measurements to calculate funds based on full-time enrollment, economic demographics and student success outcomes. For example, students who earn transfer degrees net their colleges a larger amount than those who earn trade certificates, although both count for additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help colleges that stood to lose money under the new model, the state guaranteed them the same amount of funding they received before the change. California Community Colleges State Chancellor Sonya Christian said that the system supports its underperforming college districts by preventing them from losing money each year “even if a district’s calculations otherwise suggest a lower level,” according to an emailed statement. This stopgap will continue until further notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To account for rising costs of building maintenance, educational materials and employee benefits, the state also included incremental cost-of-living adjustments in each district’s budget, allowing administrators to keep up with economic inflation. This temporary adjustment was originally set to last three years. It was extended twice, which let districts keep growing their budgets despite periods of enrollment declines exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, these yearly increases will expire for good on June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the San Francisco Bay Area college districts that rely on the updated funding formula are underperforming, plus Cabrillo and Santa Monica further south. Without a guaranteed annual cost-of-living increase, these districts will be forced to find some other way to meet rising costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Underperforming community colleges will be hit the hardest when cost-of-living increases end this year\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-tbqAq\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/tbqAq/7/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"547\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Struggling colleges voice concerns about the funding formula\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>College officials who spoke with CalMatters for this story unanimously supported the funding model’s goals of helping all students to successfully graduate in a timely manner. But some administrators also voiced concerns about their ability to grow their budgets under the formula moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Due to its proximity to UC Santa Cruz, Cabrillo College attracts a high number of students looking to transfer to the local university. These students generate additional revenue for Cabrillo. But the college’s president, Matthew Wetstein, said many other students don’t. Either their educational goals don’t include a degree for transfer, which is prioritized by the formula, or their household income prohibits them from qualifying for financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peralta Community College District in the East Bay faces a projected $11.8 million deficit for the upcoming fiscal year. Greg Nelson, Peralta’s newly hired deputy chancellor and chief operations officer, said that high turnover among leadership and dwindling enrollment have left Peralta “not prepared” for the cost-of-living increases to go away. He said that he will now prioritize ways to meet the formula’s metrics as he tries to reverse Peralta’s decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/100322-LANEY-COLLEGE-MHN-08-CM-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"The Laney College campus in Oakland on Oct. 3, 2022. Photo by Martin do Nascimento, CalMatters\">\u003cfigcaption>The Laney College campus in Oakland on Oct. 3, 2022. (\u003cem>Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Ron Gerhard, the district chancellor of Chabot-Las Positas, eliminating the yearly cost-of-living adjustments “effectively amounts to a cut” to his district and others in high-cost communities in the San Francisco Bay Area — particularly “in this time and age where inflation is high.” He said that his two-college district has had to make reductions that don’t impact classes so the district could keep up with rising costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chabot-Las Positas’ institutional research shows that students in the region are “least likely” to receive financial aid compared to the rest of the state. This is because students have to work more hours and earn more money to afford the higher regional costs, limiting both their ability to attend school and their eligibility to qualify for financial aid. Other similarly affected districts in the region, including Peralta and Cabrillo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.laspositascollege.edu/gv/academicsenate/document6.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">supported the research findings (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley argues that the funding formula is fair, saying that eligibility for Cal Grants and Pell Grants includes the cost of living, and it’s up to colleges to make sure they are accurately reporting that cost. However, federal Pell Grants only consider a student’s cost of living when awarding grants to full-time students, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45418\">Congressional Research Service\u003c/a>. As of Fall 2024, about 74% of community college students in California are part-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How a winning formula looks for one campus\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some colleges experiencing enrollment declines have leveraged other parts of the formula to stay afloat, such as focusing on class offerings that result in degrees and making sure eligible students are applying for financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake Tahoe Community College District is bringing in 30% more funding under the new formula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Times were not always easy for Lake Tahoe, President Jeff DeFranco said. His district grappled with pandemic enrollment declines, followed by the massive 2021 Caldor Fire that destroyed hundreds of neighboring homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, he says the college made academic counseling appointments mandatory to keep students on track and explain the value of attaining a degree. The new model, he said, calls for more collaboration. “Our front line staff understand it’s important. Our counseling staff understand it’s important. Our administration and our boards understand it’s important,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeFranco also mentioned that the college now focuses on transfer degrees, leading to an increase in completed degrees every year. He said certificate awards are at an all-time high for the college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve improved the student success metrics and our enrollment; it can’t just be one or the other. It really has to be both,” DeFranco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as DeFranco noted, where state budgets are concerned, there is no such thing as perfection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] an imperfect system but I don’t know that there is a perfect system out there,” he said. “The thing I do believe is, what gets measured gets done. That’s a basic leadership principle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Desmond Meagley and Lylah Schmedel-Permanna are fellows with the College Journalism Network, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. CalMatters higher education coverage is supported by a grant from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/06/california-bay-area-community-colleges-funding-formula/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This June, struggling California community colleges will stop getting yearly cost-of-living increases to their budgets. These increases have kept many districts afloat for the past six years while community colleges adjusted to a new funding method based on district performance rather than enrollment numbers alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most districts are surpassing the system’s goals, while struggling districts have been making cuts to bridge their budget gaps. With yearly cost-of-living increases being eliminated, those struggling districts will need to make even more cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Cabrillo College in Santa Cruz announced it would cut 5% of its course offerings and pause hiring for unfilled positions as it \u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/cabrillo/Board.nsf/files/DG6LKA56E5B0/%24file/25-26%20Budget%20Planning%20Assumptions%20CPC-Budget%2023Apr%20-%20corrected.pdf\">faces a $5.9 million deficit\u003c/a> in the 2025–26 academic year. That deficit is projected to double in three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, the Peralta Community College District had to close an \u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/peralta/Board.nsf/files/D85PTG66288D/%24file/Fiscal%20Year%202024%20-2025%20Adopted%20Budget%20Presentation%20-%20Final.pdf\">$11.8 million deficit\u003c/a> this year. It has \u003ca href=\"https://go.boarddocs.com/ca/peralta/Board.nsf/files/DE4VVE8291C5/%24file/Exhibit%20A%20to%20Resolution%202425-158%20(1).pdf\">eliminated 68 positions\u003c/a>, including financial aid support staff at each of its four colleges. Peralta administrators have also discussed reducing the number of colleges in the four-campus district, possibly by consolidating operations, to decrease costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Population decline sparked new funding model\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The way that most of California’s community college districts earn their funding changed in 2018. Nine districts in the wealthiest areas of the state, called basic aid districts, continued to receive funding through local property tax revenues only. But for the 63 remaining districts, the new formula split the funding they receive from the state into three buckets — 70% based on enrollment, 20% based on the number of students receiving financial aid and 10% determined by “student success” metrics like the number of those who successfully transfer or receive certificates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previously, the funding model for non-basic aid districts was based solely on enrollment. However, the former chancellor for the state college system, Eloy Ortiz Oakley, predicted that an ongoing decline in state K–12 enrollment signaled a corresponding decline in future community college students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Community college enrollment and K–12 enrollment mirror each other, but lag each other,” he said in a recent interview with CalMatters. Oakley is now the president and CEO of College Futures Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley said he spent over a year traveling the state and consulting with the system’s administrators and employees to develop a new model that diversified its approach. Today, the funding model uses over 30 measurements to calculate funds based on full-time enrollment, economic demographics and student success outcomes. For example, students who earn transfer degrees net their colleges a larger amount than those who earn trade certificates, although both count for additional funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help colleges that stood to lose money under the new model, the state guaranteed them the same amount of funding they received before the change. California Community Colleges State Chancellor Sonya Christian said that the system supports its underperforming college districts by preventing them from losing money each year “even if a district’s calculations otherwise suggest a lower level,” according to an emailed statement. This stopgap will continue until further notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To account for rising costs of building maintenance, educational materials and employee benefits, the state also included incremental cost-of-living adjustments in each district’s budget, allowing administrators to keep up with economic inflation. This temporary adjustment was originally set to last three years. It was extended twice, which let districts keep growing their budgets despite periods of enrollment declines exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Now, these yearly increases will expire for good on June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five of the San Francisco Bay Area college districts that rely on the updated funding formula are underperforming, plus Cabrillo and Santa Monica further south. Without a guaranteed annual cost-of-living increase, these districts will be forced to find some other way to meet rising costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Underperforming community colleges will be hit the hardest when cost-of-living increases end this year\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-tbqAq\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/tbqAq/7/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"547\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Struggling colleges voice concerns about the funding formula\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>College officials who spoke with CalMatters for this story unanimously supported the funding model’s goals of helping all students to successfully graduate in a timely manner. But some administrators also voiced concerns about their ability to grow their budgets under the formula moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Due to its proximity to UC Santa Cruz, Cabrillo College attracts a high number of students looking to transfer to the local university. These students generate additional revenue for Cabrillo. But the college’s president, Matthew Wetstein, said many other students don’t. Either their educational goals don’t include a degree for transfer, which is prioritized by the formula, or their household income prohibits them from qualifying for financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Peralta Community College District in the East Bay faces a projected $11.8 million deficit for the upcoming fiscal year. Greg Nelson, Peralta’s newly hired deputy chancellor and chief operations officer, said that high turnover among leadership and dwindling enrollment have left Peralta “not prepared” for the cost-of-living increases to go away. He said that he will now prioritize ways to meet the formula’s metrics as he tries to reverse Peralta’s decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/100322-LANEY-COLLEGE-MHN-08-CM-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"The Laney College campus in Oakland on Oct. 3, 2022. Photo by Martin do Nascimento, CalMatters\">\u003cfigcaption>The Laney College campus in Oakland on Oct. 3, 2022. (\u003cem>Martin do Nascimento/CalMatters)\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Ron Gerhard, the district chancellor of Chabot-Las Positas, eliminating the yearly cost-of-living adjustments “effectively amounts to a cut” to his district and others in high-cost communities in the San Francisco Bay Area — particularly “in this time and age where inflation is high.” He said that his two-college district has had to make reductions that don’t impact classes so the district could keep up with rising costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chabot-Las Positas’ institutional research shows that students in the region are “least likely” to receive financial aid compared to the rest of the state. This is because students have to work more hours and earn more money to afford the higher regional costs, limiting both their ability to attend school and their eligibility to qualify for financial aid. Other similarly affected districts in the region, including Peralta and Cabrillo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.laspositascollege.edu/gv/academicsenate/document6.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">supported the research findings (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley argues that the funding formula is fair, saying that eligibility for Cal Grants and Pell Grants includes the cost of living, and it’s up to colleges to make sure they are accurately reporting that cost. However, federal Pell Grants only consider a student’s cost of living when awarding grants to full-time students, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45418\">Congressional Research Service\u003c/a>. As of Fall 2024, about 74% of community college students in California are part-time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How a winning formula looks for one campus\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some colleges experiencing enrollment declines have leveraged other parts of the formula to stay afloat, such as focusing on class offerings that result in degrees and making sure eligible students are applying for financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lake Tahoe Community College District is bringing in 30% more funding under the new formula.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Times were not always easy for Lake Tahoe, President Jeff DeFranco said. His district grappled with pandemic enrollment declines, followed by the massive 2021 Caldor Fire that destroyed hundreds of neighboring homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, he says the college made academic counseling appointments mandatory to keep students on track and explain the value of attaining a degree. The new model, he said, calls for more collaboration. “Our front line staff understand it’s important. Our counseling staff understand it’s important. Our administration and our boards understand it’s important,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeFranco also mentioned that the college now focuses on transfer degrees, leading to an increase in completed degrees every year. He said certificate awards are at an all-time high for the college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve improved the student success metrics and our enrollment; it can’t just be one or the other. It really has to be both,” DeFranco said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as DeFranco noted, where state budgets are concerned, there is no such thing as perfection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[It’s] an imperfect system but I don’t know that there is a perfect system out there,” he said. “The thing I do believe is, what gets measured gets done. That’s a basic leadership principle.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Desmond Meagley and Lylah Schmedel-Permanna are fellows with the College Journalism Network, a collaboration between CalMatters and student journalists from across California. CalMatters higher education coverage is supported by a grant from the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/06/california-bay-area-community-colleges-funding-formula/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A coalition of immigrant advocacy groups protested Friday outside of U.S. immigration offices in South San José, demanding an end to what they called a “harsh escalation” of arrests by the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action came in response to what appeared to be a wave of coordinated arrests in recent weeks carried out by\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042887/ice-arrests-15-people-in-san-francisco-including-a-child\"> Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents\u003c/a> at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services offices, ICE offices and immigration courts in San Francisco, San José and across the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These raids are not about justice or security, they are about terrorizing our communities and enforcing an unjust immigration system,” Lyla Salinas, an organizer with the Silicon Valley Immigration Committee, said Friday during the protest outside a USCIS office on Blossom Hill Road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We refuse to stay silent,” Salinas said. “Across the country, we’re seeing people rise up to fight back against these cruel arrests everywhere they are happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers claimed some of the arrests in recent days and weeks took place when undocumented immigrants were called into local offices for what is known as a “check-in” appointment under the federal “Intensive Supervision Appearance Program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12025647 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-1243312873-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program keeps track of immigrants at various stages of the immigration process and releases individuals back into their communities while their court hearings proceed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of ICE’s operations say that targeting immigrants who are cooperating with authorities is deceptive. At Friday’s protest, District 5 City Councilmember Peter Ortiz characterized the federal administration’s actions toward immigrants as “domestic terrorism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are targeting residents, law-abiding residents, for nothing more than simply not having papers, for not having citizenship. That’s disgusting. That’s things that we see in fascist governments, and it’s happening here in our very own backyard,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Ortiz also issued a memo asking his city council colleagues to approve allocating an additional $1 million in the upcoming city budget toward emergency support for immigrants and undocumented residents, in addition to the $500,000 Mayor Matt Mahan allocated in a draft budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s already apparent from these last two weeks that ICE activity has been increasing. We’ve seen more than ten people detained last week; we’re seeing more detained this week. Our community can’t wait. Our gente can’t wait,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are under attack, and it’s the city’s job to make sure that the people of the city of San José are safe, regardless of their citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043197\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 5 San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks during a protest against ICE in South San José on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, an ICE spokesperson appeared to push back on the characterization of the arrests by advocates, but declined to offer specifics about the people arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those arrested had executable final orders of removal by an immigration judge and had not complied with that order. If you are in the country illegally and a judge has ordered you to be removed, that is precisely what will happen,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervision program “exists to ensure compliance with release conditions. All illegal aliens are afforded due process,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 2 City Councilmember Pamela Campos, who represents the area where the protest took place, said the city of San José is beautiful because it was built on the strength of a diverse immigrant population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so every single day that we have a federal government, a federal administration that tries to challenge that, that tries to threaten our immigrant community, we are going to stand up and fight back,” Campos said during the protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of volunteers and activists held signs outside the USCIS office that read “No Deportations!” and “ICE out of San José.” They chanted slogans like “Stand up, fight back,” and “Si, se puede.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters then marched from the USCIS office down Blossom Hill Road to continue their action outside a local ICE office, with cars honking all along their route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group entered the office building that houses an ICE office, which was closed, and then exited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They then rallied outside of Chavez Supermarket on Blossom Hill Road, where ICE agents were reported to have been conducting arrests earlier in the week in unmarked vans and cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Supervisor Betty Duong, who represents District 2 — the highest concentration of immigrants in the county — thanked the protesters for speaking up for those who can’t speak for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s dangerous right now in this current political climate, against the backdrop of federal legislation which is unduly burdening immigrants and targeting immigrant communities,” Duong told KQED. “These are folks who say, ‘We will not back down. We will protect our neighbors and our friends and our community members.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uriel Magdaleno, an organizer with the Silicon Valley Immigration Committee, said part of the goal of protests like these is to encourage local residents and activists to “out-organize ICE” through efforts like barrio walks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043199\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uriel Magdaleno, an organizer with the Silicon Valley Immigration Committee, chants into a megaphone during a protest outside an ICE office in South San José on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What we seek to do is go door to door, letting people know of their rights, passing out ‘Know Your Rights’ literature, engaging with the community,” Magdaleno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Letting the community know how they can stand up against ICE — how the community can intimidate ICE instead of ICE intimidating us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program keeps track of immigrants at various stages of the immigration process and releases individuals back into their communities while their court hearings proceed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of ICE’s operations say that targeting immigrants who are cooperating with authorities is deceptive. At Friday’s protest, District 5 City Councilmember Peter Ortiz characterized the federal administration’s actions toward immigrants as “domestic terrorism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are targeting residents, law-abiding residents, for nothing more than simply not having papers, for not having citizenship. That’s disgusting. That’s things that we see in fascist governments, and it’s happening here in our very own backyard,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Ortiz also issued a memo asking his city council colleagues to approve allocating an additional $1 million in the upcoming city budget toward emergency support for immigrants and undocumented residents, in addition to the $500,000 Mayor Matt Mahan allocated in a draft budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s already apparent from these last two weeks that ICE activity has been increasing. We’ve seen more than ten people detained last week; we’re seeing more detained this week. Our community can’t wait. Our gente can’t wait,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are under attack, and it’s the city’s job to make sure that the people of the city of San José are safe, regardless of their citizenship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043197\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043197\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">District 5 San José City Councilmember Peter Ortiz speaks during a protest against ICE in South San José on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, an ICE spokesperson appeared to push back on the characterization of the arrests by advocates, but declined to offer specifics about the people arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those arrested had executable final orders of removal by an immigration judge and had not complied with that order. If you are in the country illegally and a judge has ordered you to be removed, that is precisely what will happen,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The supervision program “exists to ensure compliance with release conditions. All illegal aliens are afforded due process,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 2 City Councilmember Pamela Campos, who represents the area where the protest took place, said the city of San José is beautiful because it was built on the strength of a diverse immigrant population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And so every single day that we have a federal government, a federal administration that tries to challenge that, that tries to threaten our immigrant community, we are going to stand up and fight back,” Campos said during the protest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of volunteers and activists held signs outside the USCIS office that read “No Deportations!” and “ICE out of San José.” They chanted slogans like “Stand up, fight back,” and “Si, se puede.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters then marched from the USCIS office down Blossom Hill Road to continue their action outside a local ICE office, with cars honking all along their route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group entered the office building that houses an ICE office, which was closed, and then exited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They then rallied outside of Chavez Supermarket on Blossom Hill Road, where ICE agents were reported to have been conducting arrests earlier in the week in unmarked vans and cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Supervisor Betty Duong, who represents District 2 — the highest concentration of immigrants in the county — thanked the protesters for speaking up for those who can’t speak for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s dangerous right now in this current political climate, against the backdrop of federal legislation which is unduly burdening immigrants and targeting immigrant communities,” Duong told KQED. “These are folks who say, ‘We will not back down. We will protect our neighbors and our friends and our community members.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uriel Magdaleno, an organizer with the Silicon Valley Immigration Committee, said part of the goal of protests like these is to encourage local residents and activists to “out-organize ICE” through efforts like barrio walks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043199\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uriel Magdaleno, an organizer with the Silicon Valley Immigration Committee, chants into a megaphone during a protest outside an ICE office in South San José on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What we seek to do is go door to door, letting people know of their rights, passing out ‘Know Your Rights’ literature, engaging with the community,” Magdaleno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Letting the community know how they can stand up against ICE — how the community can intimidate ICE instead of ICE intimidating us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bay-area-civil-rights-attorney-calls-for-teen-sprinters-win-to-be-reinstated",
"title": "Bay Area Civil Rights Attorney Calls for Teen Sprinter’s Win to Be Reinstated",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793989/attorney-feared-for-his-life-during-traffic-stop-now-hes-suing-oakland\">Bay Area civil rights attorney\u003c/a> is threatening legal action against the state’s high school sports governing board unless it reinstates a recent victory for a Salinas sprinter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Interscholastic Federation disqualified 16-year-old Central Coast sophomore Clara Adams after she won the 400-meter dash at last week’s state championship in Clovis, California, because she celebrated by spraying her shoes with a fire extinguisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Footage of the event and reaction has received national attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland-based civil rights attorney Adante Pointer held a press conference in Salinas on Friday alongside Adams, her coach and father, David Adams, Salinas Mayor Dennis Donohue, members of the local NAACP chapter and other supporters to protest the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after winning the race with a time of 53.24 seconds, Adams walked to the track’s infield and gave her shoes two quick bursts from a fire extinguisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adam’s gesture was a homage to Olympic gold medalist Maurice Greene’s celebration with a fire extinguisher celebration following his \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tSt0SMgIa9g\">win in the 100 meters in 2004\u003c/a>. In that instance, Greene mimicked his shoes being on fire, took them off in the middle of a track before someone else doused his cleats for multiple seconds, much to the amusement of the crowd and telecasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Adams’ case, CIF officials quickly corralled her and stripped her of her gold medal.[aside postID=news_12041770 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/TrumpTransAthletesGetty-1020x638.jpg']“We demand that CIF do right by this young lady, and reinstate her as a state champion, as well as correct her record and compensate her for the harm that they caused her,” Pointer said. “They grabbed her, they confronted her, embarrassed her, yelled at her, tried to humiliate her in front of the world, all for what celebrating, enjoying a moment of accomplishment in a way that was embraced, not only by her teammates, but by the spectators that were there and even the CIF announcer who was doing the play-by-play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CIF uses “Pursuing Victory With Honor” \u003ca href=\"https://www.cifstate.org/coaches-admin/pvh/conduct_students.pdf\">standards\u003c/a>, which forbid student-athletes from engaging in “disrespectful conduct of any sort, including … boastful celebrations …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Pointer said the CIF immediately “manhandled her away from the infield on what was the greatest moment of her running career,” disqualified her results, and then banned her from running the 200-meter race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead, they robbed her of her achievement and have yet to explain what they based their actions on,” he said. “We will explore every legal avenue available to hold the CIF accountable for their arbitrary, heavy-handed actions that stole a once-in-a-lifetime victory from Clara, who earned every step of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointer said that Adams is a 3.8-GPA student who also once chased down a purse snatcher riding a bike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She used her God-given talent and the speed that she’s worked hard to create to face that person down, and got the purse back and brought it back to the person who was victimized,” Pointer said. “This is not someone who should be castigated, humiliated and paraded. This is someone who deserves to be celebrated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams’ time in the 400-meter preliminary round was 54.14 seconds. As of Friday, \u003ca href=\"https://rt.trackscoreboard.com/meets/53025/events/7/Prelim\">the official results\u003c/a> have Adams as disqualified for the varsity 400 dash for “unsportsmanlike” conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CIF did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "North Salinas High School sophomore Clara Adams was stripped of her title after officials called her victory celebration “unsportsmanlike.”",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11793989/attorney-feared-for-his-life-during-traffic-stop-now-hes-suing-oakland\">Bay Area civil rights attorney\u003c/a> is threatening legal action against the state’s high school sports governing board unless it reinstates a recent victory for a Salinas sprinter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Interscholastic Federation disqualified 16-year-old Central Coast sophomore Clara Adams after she won the 400-meter dash at last week’s state championship in Clovis, California, because she celebrated by spraying her shoes with a fire extinguisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Footage of the event and reaction has received national attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland-based civil rights attorney Adante Pointer held a press conference in Salinas on Friday alongside Adams, her coach and father, David Adams, Salinas Mayor Dennis Donohue, members of the local NAACP chapter and other supporters to protest the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after winning the race with a time of 53.24 seconds, Adams walked to the track’s infield and gave her shoes two quick bursts from a fire extinguisher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adam’s gesture was a homage to Olympic gold medalist Maurice Greene’s celebration with a fire extinguisher celebration following his \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tSt0SMgIa9g\">win in the 100 meters in 2004\u003c/a>. In that instance, Greene mimicked his shoes being on fire, took them off in the middle of a track before someone else doused his cleats for multiple seconds, much to the amusement of the crowd and telecasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Adams’ case, CIF officials quickly corralled her and stripped her of her gold medal.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We demand that CIF do right by this young lady, and reinstate her as a state champion, as well as correct her record and compensate her for the harm that they caused her,” Pointer said. “They grabbed her, they confronted her, embarrassed her, yelled at her, tried to humiliate her in front of the world, all for what celebrating, enjoying a moment of accomplishment in a way that was embraced, not only by her teammates, but by the spectators that were there and even the CIF announcer who was doing the play-by-play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CIF uses “Pursuing Victory With Honor” \u003ca href=\"https://www.cifstate.org/coaches-admin/pvh/conduct_students.pdf\">standards\u003c/a>, which forbid student-athletes from engaging in “disrespectful conduct of any sort, including … boastful celebrations …”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Pointer said the CIF immediately “manhandled her away from the infield on what was the greatest moment of her running career,” disqualified her results, and then banned her from running the 200-meter race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead, they robbed her of her achievement and have yet to explain what they based their actions on,” he said. “We will explore every legal avenue available to hold the CIF accountable for their arbitrary, heavy-handed actions that stole a once-in-a-lifetime victory from Clara, who earned every step of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pointer said that Adams is a 3.8-GPA student who also once chased down a purse snatcher riding a bike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She used her God-given talent and the speed that she’s worked hard to create to face that person down, and got the purse back and brought it back to the person who was victimized,” Pointer said. “This is not someone who should be castigated, humiliated and paraded. This is someone who deserves to be celebrated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams’ time in the 400-meter preliminary round was 54.14 seconds. As of Friday, \u003ca href=\"https://rt.trackscoreboard.com/meets/53025/events/7/Prelim\">the official results\u003c/a> have Adams as disqualified for the varsity 400 dash for “unsportsmanlike” conduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CIF did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "despicable-bay-area-leaders-slam-plan-to-rename-usns-harvey-milk",
"title": "‘Despicable’: Bay Area Leaders Slam Plan to Rename USNS Harvey Milk",
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"headTitle": "‘Despicable’: Bay Area Leaders Slam Plan to Rename USNS Harvey Milk | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Over a dozen LGBTQ+ rights activists, veterans and elected officials gathered in San Francisco’s Castro neighborhood this week to protest against the Trump administration’s decision to rename the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042566/shameful-bay-area-leaders-condemn-trumps-threat-to-rename-usns-harvey-milk\">USNS Harvey Milk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naval ship, named after former San Francisco Supervisor and gay rights trailblazer Harvey Milk, is one of several vessels that U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth reportedly plans to rename this Pride month. Bay Area advocates and Navy veterans are calling the move an attack on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lgbtq\">LGBTQ+ community\u003c/a> and a disservice to gay service members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Veterans worked for years to secure the naming of a naval vessel for our hero, Harvey Milk, and what Trump and Hegseth are doing is despicable,” state Sen. Scott Wiener said. “It is part of their campaign to erase all LGBTQ people from public life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk, one of the first openly gay elected officials in the country, served as a U.S. Navy officer before he was forced to retire after his sexuality was made public. He was elected to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977 and served until his assassination the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USNS Harvey Milk was christened in 2021 in honor of the civil rights icon. For many in the LGBTQ+ community, Milk’s legacy is deeply tied to the Bay Area’s gay rights movement, Wiener said, and the ship serves as a powerful acknowledgment of that history and his leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991696\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1885\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-800x589.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-1020x751.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-1536x1131.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-2048x1508.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-1920x1413.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Openly gay American politician, Harvey Milk (1930-1978), at the Gay Pride Parade, San Francisco, June 23, 1978. He is holding a placard that reads: “I’m from Woodmere, NY.” \u003ccite>(Terry Schmitt/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Renaming the USNS Harvey Milk would be a slap in the face to the LGBTQ+ community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the Trump administration’s repeated commitment to the military’s warrior ethos, Wiener said its efforts to weaken the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039690/sf-judge-pauses-much-of-trump-administrations-massive-downsizing-of-federal-agencies\">Department of Veterans Affairs\u003c/a> — and limit access to essential services such as health care — have jeopardized the well-being of soldiers and veterans.[aside postID=news_12042566 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/USNS-Harvey-Milk-Getty-1020x680.jpg']The Trump administration “claims that they are so macho and masculine and are going to have the best military on the planet,” he said. “But then, they go ahead and attack and undermine the very people who have made this country what it is by serving and putting their lives at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zoe Dunning, a former U.S. Navy commander and one of the lead advocates for the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, called the decision to rename the USNS Harvey Milk an affront to “every LGBTQ+ veteran and service member in uniform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soldiers commit to protecting the American people — even if it costs them their lives, Dunning said, and in return, the nation has a duty to treat them with care and respect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Harvey Milk honored the Navy’s values, which is honor, courage and commitment,” Dunning continued. “He was truthful about the fact that he’s a gay man. He showed courage in coming out and being the first openly gay elected official in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zoe Dunning, a gay veteran, speaks at a press conference at San Francisco’s Jane Warner Plaza on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Samantha Kennedy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He showed commitment by serving in the Navy and being committed to our country and then being committed to the LGBTQ community here in the Castro and in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mario Benfield, commander of the Alexander Hamilton Post of the American Legion and a war veteran, said Hegseth and the Trump administration’s push to remove Milk’s name is “poor leadership.” Their attempts at dismissing service members who are part of the LGBTQ+ community, especially those who are transgender, are outrageous, Benfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These red-blooded Americans volunteered to serve in our military, and now, they’re supposed to just give it up because of [Hegseth’s] homophobia,” Benfield said. “We can’t tolerate this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/skennedy\">\u003cem>Samantha Kennedy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "LGBTQ+ advocates, veterans and San Francisco officials condemned a proposal by U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth to rename the naval vessel, calling it an attack on queer history and military service.",
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"title": "‘Despicable’: Bay Area Leaders Slam Plan to Rename USNS Harvey Milk | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Over a dozen LGBTQ+ rights activists, veterans and elected officials gathered in San Francisco’s Castro neighborhood this week to protest against the Trump administration’s decision to rename the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042566/shameful-bay-area-leaders-condemn-trumps-threat-to-rename-usns-harvey-milk\">USNS Harvey Milk\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The naval ship, named after former San Francisco Supervisor and gay rights trailblazer Harvey Milk, is one of several vessels that U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth reportedly plans to rename this Pride month. Bay Area advocates and Navy veterans are calling the move an attack on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/lgbtq\">LGBTQ+ community\u003c/a> and a disservice to gay service members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Veterans worked for years to secure the naming of a naval vessel for our hero, Harvey Milk, and what Trump and Hegseth are doing is despicable,” state Sen. Scott Wiener said. “It is part of their campaign to erase all LGBTQ people from public life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Milk, one of the first openly gay elected officials in the country, served as a U.S. Navy officer before he was forced to retire after his sexuality was made public. He was elected to the San Francisco Board of Supervisors in 1977 and served until his assassination the following year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The USNS Harvey Milk was christened in 2021 in honor of the civil rights icon. For many in the LGBTQ+ community, Milk’s legacy is deeply tied to the Bay Area’s gay rights movement, Wiener said, and the ship serves as a powerful acknowledgment of that history and his leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11991696\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11991696\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1885\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-800x589.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-1020x751.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-160x118.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-1536x1131.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-2048x1508.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1298867563-1920x1413.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Openly gay American politician, Harvey Milk (1930-1978), at the Gay Pride Parade, San Francisco, June 23, 1978. He is holding a placard that reads: “I’m from Woodmere, NY.” \u003ccite>(Terry Schmitt/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Renaming the USNS Harvey Milk would be a slap in the face to the LGBTQ+ community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the Trump administration’s repeated commitment to the military’s warrior ethos, Wiener said its efforts to weaken the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039690/sf-judge-pauses-much-of-trump-administrations-massive-downsizing-of-federal-agencies\">Department of Veterans Affairs\u003c/a> — and limit access to essential services such as health care — have jeopardized the well-being of soldiers and veterans.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump administration “claims that they are so macho and masculine and are going to have the best military on the planet,” he said. “But then, they go ahead and attack and undermine the very people who have made this country what it is by serving and putting their lives at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zoe Dunning, a former U.S. Navy commander and one of the lead advocates for the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, called the decision to rename the USNS Harvey Milk an affront to “every LGBTQ+ veteran and service member in uniform.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soldiers commit to protecting the American people — even if it costs them their lives, Dunning said, and in return, the nation has a duty to treat them with care and respect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Harvey Milk honored the Navy’s values, which is honor, courage and commitment,” Dunning continued. “He was truthful about the fact that he’s a gay man. He showed courage in coming out and being the first openly gay elected official in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/HarveyMilkFolo3-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zoe Dunning, a gay veteran, speaks at a press conference at San Francisco’s Jane Warner Plaza on June 6, 2025. \u003ccite>(Samantha Kennedy/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“He showed commitment by serving in the Navy and being committed to our country and then being committed to the LGBTQ community here in the Castro and in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mario Benfield, commander of the Alexander Hamilton Post of the American Legion and a war veteran, said Hegseth and the Trump administration’s push to remove Milk’s name is “poor leadership.” Their attempts at dismissing service members who are part of the LGBTQ+ community, especially those who are transgender, are outrageous, Benfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These red-blooded Americans volunteered to serve in our military, and now, they’re supposed to just give it up because of [Hegseth’s] homophobia,” Benfield said. “We can’t tolerate this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/skennedy\">\u003cem>Samantha Kennedy\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sonoma-county-deployed-drones-700-times-since-2019-says-aclu-lawsuit",
"title": "Sonoma County Deployed Drones 700 Times Since 2019, Says ACLU Lawsuit",
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"content": "\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California is suing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> for what it alleges is the county’s unconstitutional and invasive use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/drones\">drones\u003c/a> to spy on residents as part of its enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surveillance drone program was originally used to track down \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022803/exclusive-ex-rohnert-park-cop-faces-few-consequences-illegal-cannabis-grow\">illegal cannabis cultivation\u003c/a> in hard-to-reach rural areas, but its use has since expanded beyond cannabis to issues such as building code violations and zoning rule infringements, the lawsuit alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since they were introduced in 2019, drones have been deployed more than 700 times, and at least 5,600 images have been captured, according to the lawsuit. It also alleges that most of the deployments have specifically targeted residential areas and private properties, occasionally resulting in penalties for code infractions, ground searches and criminal investigations — all without a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sonoma County’s warrantless drone surveillance program violates the California Constitution, which guarantees the people’s affirmative right to privacy and right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures by the government,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county’s drone program is described in the suit as notable due to its scale and sophistication, it is far from the only one in the state. As more counties and government agencies, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042515/sf-crypto-billionaire-wants-to-donate-millions-for-police-drones-surveillance-efforts\">San Francisco Police Department\u003c/a>, expand their use of drones and other aerial surveillance devices, the lawsuit calls attention to the public’s growing concerns over the right to privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10831641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10831641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/RS8331_IMG_1310-e1452733518537.jpg\" alt=\"California lawmakers have introduced several bills to regulate drone use in the state.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California lawmakers have introduced several bills to regulate drone use in the state. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lawsuit is about our right to privacy and our right to live private lives in and around our homes as technology moves forward and the government gets powerful devices like drones,” said Matt Cagle, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU of Northern California. “\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Sonoma County declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU NorCal attorneys filed the lawsuit on behalf of three Sonoma County residents and property owners who accused the county of subjecting them to invasive surveillance operations, according to the lawsuit. Other defendants include county officials, code enforcement officers and Permit Sonoma, the agency that oversees land use and permitting, as well as the drone program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nichola Schmitz, one of the plaintiffs, said in the lawsuit that she only learned of the drones surveilling her home when a worker on her property pointed it out to her. Schmitz said she immediately ran into her home and was concerned that the drones had seen her naked earlier in the day.[aside postID=news_12042515 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250418-SFPDFile-45-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Shortly after the incident, Schmitz received notice that parts of her property were in violation of the county code. She has since paid $25,000 to resolve the issue and is facing $10,000 in additional fees. According to the lawsuit, it was confirmed that drones were used to identify the violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This horrible experience has shattered my sense of privacy and security,” Schmitz said in a statement. “I’m afraid to open my blinds or go outside to use my hot tub because who knows when the county’s drone could be spying on me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cagle, drones have been used in the county to monitor private residences near the city of Santa Rosa, backyards, children’s play areas, swimming pools and hot tubs. The county has also made efforts to conceal its drone program from the public, he alleged, adding that officials have killed amendments to its surveillance policy that would restrict how drones can be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs in the lawsuit are seeking a permanent injunction against the use of taxpayer dollars to fund the program and also a judicial warrant requirement for any future drone flights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that people have a right to live their lives privately in and around their homes,” he said. “If a government agency is going to monitor private activities or private spaces where people expect to be having their privacy, they need to be getting a warrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the California Constitution, people are entitled to a reasonable expectation of privacy from government surveillance in their homes and in the areas around their homes, Cagle said. The lawsuit against Sonoma County will help determine whether that expectation still stands in the “drone era,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an important test case,” Cagle told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are laws relating to when private citizens and private individuals can use drones, when it comes to laws relating to government use of drones, it’s kind of the Wild West.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/slewis\">\u003cem>Sukey Lewis\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The county’s drone program, originally used to track down illegal cannabis cultivation, has drawn criticism from privacy experts. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California is suing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a> for what it alleges is the county’s unconstitutional and invasive use of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/drones\">drones\u003c/a> to spy on residents as part of its enforcement efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The surveillance drone program was originally used to track down \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12022803/exclusive-ex-rohnert-park-cop-faces-few-consequences-illegal-cannabis-grow\">illegal cannabis cultivation\u003c/a> in hard-to-reach rural areas, but its use has since expanded beyond cannabis to issues such as building code violations and zoning rule infringements, the lawsuit alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since they were introduced in 2019, drones have been deployed more than 700 times, and at least 5,600 images have been captured, according to the lawsuit. It also alleges that most of the deployments have specifically targeted residential areas and private properties, occasionally resulting in penalties for code infractions, ground searches and criminal investigations — all without a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sonoma County’s warrantless drone surveillance program violates the California Constitution, which guarantees the people’s affirmative right to privacy and right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures by the government,” the lawsuit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county’s drone program is described in the suit as notable due to its scale and sophistication, it is far from the only one in the state. As more counties and government agencies, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042515/sf-crypto-billionaire-wants-to-donate-millions-for-police-drones-surveillance-efforts\">San Francisco Police Department\u003c/a>, expand their use of drones and other aerial surveillance devices, the lawsuit calls attention to the public’s growing concerns over the right to privacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10831641\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10831641\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/RS8331_IMG_1310-e1452733518537.jpg\" alt=\"California lawmakers have introduced several bills to regulate drone use in the state.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California lawmakers have introduced several bills to regulate drone use in the state. \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The lawsuit is about our right to privacy and our right to live private lives in and around our homes as technology moves forward and the government gets powerful devices like drones,” said Matt Cagle, a senior staff attorney at the ACLU of Northern California. “\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Sonoma County declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ACLU NorCal attorneys filed the lawsuit on behalf of three Sonoma County residents and property owners who accused the county of subjecting them to invasive surveillance operations, according to the lawsuit. Other defendants include county officials, code enforcement officers and Permit Sonoma, the agency that oversees land use and permitting, as well as the drone program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nichola Schmitz, one of the plaintiffs, said in the lawsuit that she only learned of the drones surveilling her home when a worker on her property pointed it out to her. Schmitz said she immediately ran into her home and was concerned that the drones had seen her naked earlier in the day.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shortly after the incident, Schmitz received notice that parts of her property were in violation of the county code. She has since paid $25,000 to resolve the issue and is facing $10,000 in additional fees. According to the lawsuit, it was confirmed that drones were used to identify the violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This horrible experience has shattered my sense of privacy and security,” Schmitz said in a statement. “I’m afraid to open my blinds or go outside to use my hot tub because who knows when the county’s drone could be spying on me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Cagle, drones have been used in the county to monitor private residences near the city of Santa Rosa, backyards, children’s play areas, swimming pools and hot tubs. The county has also made efforts to conceal its drone program from the public, he alleged, adding that officials have killed amendments to its surveillance policy that would restrict how drones can be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plaintiffs in the lawsuit are seeking a permanent injunction against the use of taxpayer dollars to fund the program and also a judicial warrant requirement for any future drone flights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that people have a right to live their lives privately in and around their homes,” he said. “If a government agency is going to monitor private activities or private spaces where people expect to be having their privacy, they need to be getting a warrant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the California Constitution, people are entitled to a reasonable expectation of privacy from government surveillance in their homes and in the areas around their homes, Cagle said. The lawsuit against Sonoma County will help determine whether that expectation still stands in the “drone era,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an important test case,” Cagle told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there are laws relating to when private citizens and private individuals can use drones, when it comes to laws relating to government use of drones, it’s kind of the Wild West.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/slewis\">\u003cem>Sukey Lewis\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In the 1960s and early 1970s, California was at the forefront of movements for racial justice, LGBTQ and women’s rights, and protests against the Vietnam War. But at the same time an anti-tax revolution began to take shape, led by an unlikely political figure: Howard Jarvis. This week, as we mark the 47th anniversary of the passage of Proposition 13, we’re featuring a special episode from our friends at the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.levernews.com/tax-revolt-part-one-the-man-who-started-the-war-on-taxes/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lever Time\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> podcast. Reporter Ariella Markowitz spent some time digging into the rise of the anti-tax movement, and how Howard Jarvis went on to influence decades of political thought here in California and across the country. \u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Bay Area Immigrant Groups React to Trump’s ‘Draconian’ New Travel Ban",
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"content": "\u003cp>Immigrant-serving groups across the Bay Area condemned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032046/as-anxiety-mounts-possible-new-trump-travel-ban-community-leaders-speak-out\">a new Trump administration travel ban\u003c/a> that — with a handful of exceptions — will bar most citizens of nineteen countries from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban, announced in a proclamation by\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/restricting-the-entry-of-foreign-nationals-to-protect-the-united-states-from-foreign-terrorists-and-other-national-security-and-public-safety-threats/\"> President Donald Trump\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, will “fully restrict and limit the entry” of nationals from Afghanistan, Burma, Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. It will partially restrict entry of nationals of Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela. People who hold a U.S. green card and immediate family members of U.S. citizens are among those exempted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aarti Kohli, executive director of San Francisco’s Asian Law Caucus, called the ban “draconian” and said it echoed other episodes of discriminatory profiling, from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 to the surveillance of Muslim Americans after the Sept. 11, 2001, World Trade Center bombing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For most of us, there is nothing we wouldn’t do to make sure our families are safe and together … This policy will tear families apart worldwide,” Kohli said. “This sweeping travel ban is just one tool in a broader strategy to consolidate power by scapegoating communities and manufacturing fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘We don’t want them’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The president’s proclamation revives, in altered form, a travel ban Trump imposed in his first term. And it comes as part of a broader crackdown on immigrants, including arrests at immigration courts and routine immigration check-ins, an attempt to revoke thousands of international student visas, suspension of the nation’s refugee program and a shutdown of asylum consideration at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12042887 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/008_KQED_630Sansome_02052020_1470_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said he relied on guidance from advisers, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Stephen Miller, a homeland security adviser, to compile a list of countries with deficient security vetting, “a significant terrorist presence” and a high rate of nationals who overstay U.S. visas, among other factors. He said countries could be added to or removed from the list, based on whether they comply with U.S. security requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proclamation, Trump reiterated part of a Jan. 20 executive order, saying “it is the policy of the United States to protect its citizens from aliens who intend to commit terrorist attacks, threaten our national security, espouse hateful ideology, or otherwise exploit the immigration laws for malevolent purposes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LUHm8XZ0Nvo\">a video message\u003c/a>, Trump tied the ban to the recent attack by an Egyptian man on a group of people holding a vigil in Boulder, Colorado, for Israeli hostages held by Hamas. Egypt is not on the travel ban list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attack “has underscored the extreme dangers posed to our country by the entry of foreign nationals who are not properly vetted,” he said. “We don’t want them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban is set to take effect Monday, June 9, at 12:01 a.m. Eastern time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Our country is better than this’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla called the plan discriminatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This senseless, prejudicial policy is an abuse of power that also threatens U.S. citizen relatives from the targeted countries,” he said in a statement. “Our country is better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many advocates said that — while the list of banned countries is broader than the one announced in the early days of Trump’s first term, which focused on predominantly Muslim countries — this ban targets countries with “Black and Brown” inhabitants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the same administration that deports Black immigrants only to import White refugees from South Africa under the false claim of genocide,’’ said Guerline Jozef, executive director of the San Diego-based Haitian Bridge Alliance. “Once again, U.S. immigration policy is being weaponized to deny entry, dignity and basic human rights to people from countries that have long borne the brunt of colonialism, Western intervention and economic extraction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The libertarian Cato Institute said the annual chance of being murdered by a terrorist from one of the banned countries from 1975 to the end of 2024 was vanishingly small — about 1 in 13.9 billion per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cato analyst Alex Nowrasteh called the ban ineffective and a waste of resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The United States government has a responsibility to keep terrorists and criminals out of the country and to remove those who make it through,” he said. “However, the government should pursue a rational and evidence-based approach when evaluating the threat posed by foreign nationals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, immigrant advocates and resettlement organizations were especially concerned about the impact of the ban on the tens of thousands of Afghans the U.S. admitted on temporary parole after airlifting them out of Kabul as the Taliban took over in 2021. Some have received asylum, which provides a path to legal permanent residence, but many others are still in the process of applying. And most are still desperately trying to bring their spouses and children to join them in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The travel ban will break our country’s promise for a safe future in the United States for all Afghans who worked alongside and kept safe United States military personnel in Afghanistan,” said Robin Mencher, executive director of Jewish Family and Community Services of the East Bay, which has resettled more than 2,300 Afghans since 2021, with many applications still in the pipeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paris Etemadi Scott, legal director with the Pars Equality Center in San Jose, said she is hearing from many Afghan asylees by email and phone, anxious to know how the travel ban will affect their relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our immediate biggest fear right now is for families of Afghans who are still stuck in Afghanistan,” she said. \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I have families who, finally, after three or four years’ wait, just got their interview to be processed to come and join their spouse here. I have a family of seven, a spouse and six children, who don’t know whether they fall within this ban or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Legal challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first travel ban, which Trump implemented by executive order in January 2017 with no advance notice, caused chaos at airports, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/19/us/politics/homeland-security-travel-ban-inspector-general.html\">border officials were caught off guard\u003c/a> and travelers with valid visas were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11301672/girl-12-caught-in-trump-ban-to-reunite-with-california-family\">stuck in transit\u003c/a>, turned back or stranded inside airports. By the time a federal judge stayed the order on Feb. 3,\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/03/513306413/state-department-says-fewer-than-60-000-visas-revoked-under-travel-order\"> 60,000 visas\u003c/a> had been provisionally revoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A series of court challenges led\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11459169/9th-circuit-focuses-on-trumps-muslim-statements-in-travel-ban-hearing\"> the Trump administration\u003c/a> to revise the order twice before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/26/606481548/supreme-court-upholds-trump-travel-ban\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> upheld a third version in June 2018. That version applied to individuals from Iran, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Syria and Yemen, plus government officials from Venezuela. It was supposed to include a mechanism for citizens from banned countries to request a waiver permitting them to travel to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11763562/federal-judge-in-s-f-allows-challenge-to-travel-ban-visa-waiver-program-to-proceed\">the process was unclear, and most applications were denied\u003c/a>. Pars Equality Center sued and won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/proclamation-ending-discriminatory-bans-on-entry-to-the-united-states/\">rescinded the ban o\u003c/a>n his first day in office in 2021, calling it “a stain on our national conscience.” But it wasn’t until last May that \u003ca href=\"https://parsequalitycenter.org/2024/05/15/travel-ban-victims-reach-landmark-agreement-for-redress/\">a federal judge cleared the way\u003c/a> for 25,000 people from affected countries to submit new visa applications, with fees waived, as a result of the Pars lawsuit. Scott said the new travel ban could do away with that access for many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, she said, Pars Equality Center and other immigrant advocacy organizations are looking for clarification of the terms of the new ban — and considering whether to challenge it in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Immigrant-serving groups across the Bay Area condemned \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032046/as-anxiety-mounts-possible-new-trump-travel-ban-community-leaders-speak-out\">a new Trump administration travel ban\u003c/a> that — with a handful of exceptions — will bar most citizens of nineteen countries from entering the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban, announced in a proclamation by\u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/restricting-the-entry-of-foreign-nationals-to-protect-the-united-states-from-foreign-terrorists-and-other-national-security-and-public-safety-threats/\"> President Donald Trump\u003c/a> on Wednesday night, will “fully restrict and limit the entry” of nationals from Afghanistan, Burma, Chad, Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen. It will partially restrict entry of nationals of Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan and Venezuela. People who hold a U.S. green card and immediate family members of U.S. citizens are among those exempted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aarti Kohli, executive director of San Francisco’s Asian Law Caucus, called the ban “draconian” and said it echoed other episodes of discriminatory profiling, from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 to the surveillance of Muslim Americans after the Sept. 11, 2001, World Trade Center bombing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For most of us, there is nothing we wouldn’t do to make sure our families are safe and together … This policy will tear families apart worldwide,” Kohli said. “This sweeping travel ban is just one tool in a broader strategy to consolidate power by scapegoating communities and manufacturing fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘We don’t want them’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The president’s proclamation revives, in altered form, a travel ban Trump imposed in his first term. And it comes as part of a broader crackdown on immigrants, including arrests at immigration courts and routine immigration check-ins, an attempt to revoke thousands of international student visas, suspension of the nation’s refugee program and a shutdown of asylum consideration at the U.S.-Mexico border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump said he relied on guidance from advisers, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Stephen Miller, a homeland security adviser, to compile a list of countries with deficient security vetting, “a significant terrorist presence” and a high rate of nationals who overstay U.S. visas, among other factors. He said countries could be added to or removed from the list, based on whether they comply with U.S. security requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the proclamation, Trump reiterated part of a Jan. 20 executive order, saying “it is the policy of the United States to protect its citizens from aliens who intend to commit terrorist attacks, threaten our national security, espouse hateful ideology, or otherwise exploit the immigration laws for malevolent purposes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LUHm8XZ0Nvo\">a video message\u003c/a>, Trump tied the ban to the recent attack by an Egyptian man on a group of people holding a vigil in Boulder, Colorado, for Israeli hostages held by Hamas. Egypt is not on the travel ban list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attack “has underscored the extreme dangers posed to our country by the entry of foreign nationals who are not properly vetted,” he said. “We don’t want them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ban is set to take effect Monday, June 9, at 12:01 a.m. Eastern time.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Our country is better than this’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla called the plan discriminatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This senseless, prejudicial policy is an abuse of power that also threatens U.S. citizen relatives from the targeted countries,” he said in a statement. “Our country is better than this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many advocates said that — while the list of banned countries is broader than the one announced in the early days of Trump’s first term, which focused on predominantly Muslim countries — this ban targets countries with “Black and Brown” inhabitants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the same administration that deports Black immigrants only to import White refugees from South Africa under the false claim of genocide,’’ said Guerline Jozef, executive director of the San Diego-based Haitian Bridge Alliance. “Once again, U.S. immigration policy is being weaponized to deny entry, dignity and basic human rights to people from countries that have long borne the brunt of colonialism, Western intervention and economic extraction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The libertarian Cato Institute said the annual chance of being murdered by a terrorist from one of the banned countries from 1975 to the end of 2024 was vanishingly small — about 1 in 13.9 billion per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cato analyst Alex Nowrasteh called the ban ineffective and a waste of resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The United States government has a responsibility to keep terrorists and criminals out of the country and to remove those who make it through,” he said. “However, the government should pursue a rational and evidence-based approach when evaluating the threat posed by foreign nationals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, immigrant advocates and resettlement organizations were especially concerned about the impact of the ban on the tens of thousands of Afghans the U.S. admitted on temporary parole after airlifting them out of Kabul as the Taliban took over in 2021. Some have received asylum, which provides a path to legal permanent residence, but many others are still in the process of applying. And most are still desperately trying to bring their spouses and children to join them in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The travel ban will break our country’s promise for a safe future in the United States for all Afghans who worked alongside and kept safe United States military personnel in Afghanistan,” said Robin Mencher, executive director of Jewish Family and Community Services of the East Bay, which has resettled more than 2,300 Afghans since 2021, with many applications still in the pipeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paris Etemadi Scott, legal director with the Pars Equality Center in San Jose, said she is hearing from many Afghan asylees by email and phone, anxious to know how the travel ban will affect their relatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our immediate biggest fear right now is for families of Afghans who are still stuck in Afghanistan,” she said. \u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>I have families who, finally, after three or four years’ wait, just got their interview to be processed to come and join their spouse here. I have a family of seven, a spouse and six children, who don’t know whether they fall within this ban or not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Legal challenges\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first travel ban, which Trump implemented by executive order in January 2017 with no advance notice, caused chaos at airports, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/19/us/politics/homeland-security-travel-ban-inspector-general.html\">border officials were caught off guard\u003c/a> and travelers with valid visas were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11301672/girl-12-caught-in-trump-ban-to-reunite-with-california-family\">stuck in transit\u003c/a>, turned back or stranded inside airports. By the time a federal judge stayed the order on Feb. 3,\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/02/03/513306413/state-department-says-fewer-than-60-000-visas-revoked-under-travel-order\"> 60,000 visas\u003c/a> had been provisionally revoked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A series of court challenges led\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11459169/9th-circuit-focuses-on-trumps-muslim-statements-in-travel-ban-hearing\"> the Trump administration\u003c/a> to revise the order twice before the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/26/606481548/supreme-court-upholds-trump-travel-ban\">U.S. Supreme Court\u003c/a> upheld a third version in June 2018. That version applied to individuals from Iran, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Syria and Yemen, plus government officials from Venezuela. It was supposed to include a mechanism for citizens from banned countries to request a waiver permitting them to travel to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11763562/federal-judge-in-s-f-allows-challenge-to-travel-ban-visa-waiver-program-to-proceed\">the process was unclear, and most applications were denied\u003c/a>. Pars Equality Center sued and won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/01/20/proclamation-ending-discriminatory-bans-on-entry-to-the-united-states/\">rescinded the ban o\u003c/a>n his first day in office in 2021, calling it “a stain on our national conscience.” But it wasn’t until last May that \u003ca href=\"https://parsequalitycenter.org/2024/05/15/travel-ban-victims-reach-landmark-agreement-for-redress/\">a federal judge cleared the way\u003c/a> for 25,000 people from affected countries to submit new visa applications, with fees waived, as a result of the Pars lawsuit. Scott said the new travel ban could do away with that access for many.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, she said, Pars Equality Center and other immigrant advocacy organizations are looking for clarification of the terms of the new ban — and considering whether to challenge it in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias",
"title": "Estos campesinos de Sonoma pidieron un aumento y perdieron su empleo. Pero no se quedaron callados",
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"headTitle": "Estos campesinos de Sonoma pidieron un aumento y perdieron su empleo. Pero no se quedaron callados | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042012/farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sólo unos metros de hoteles de lujo y salas de degustación, trabajadores agrícolas y activistas laborales se manifestaron el 28 de mayo en Healdsburg, el núcleo de la multimillonaria industria vinícola del condado de Sonoma, para anunciar un acuerdo con Redwood Empire Vineyard Management (o REVM por sus siglas en inglés), una empresa de gestión de viñedos con sede en Geyserville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados? ¡No!”, gritaban los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM pagará 33 mil 548 dólares a siete empleados después de que la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (o ALRB por sus siglas en inglés) del estado determinara que la empresa se negó a ofrecerles trabajo por haber formado parte de iniciativas para mejorar las condiciones laborales. La ALRB también descubrió que REVM obligó a los trabajadores agrícolas el año pasado a firmar un contrato en el que se comprometían a ser despedidos inmediatamente si intentaban renegociar su sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#algo\">\u003cstrong>Ir directo a: Qué hacer si le ocurre algo similar\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según funcionarios estatales, las acciones de la empresa se consideran prácticas laborales injustas que violan la \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/faqs-and-guidance/fact-sheet-english/\">Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos tenemos derecho a organizarnos con nuestros compañeros de trabajo para exigir mejores condiciones laborales y no sufrir represalias”, afirmó Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la ALRB. “En este caso, los trabajadores asistían a protestas y marchas para exigir mejores salarios. Eso es una condición laboral”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM no respondió a las múltiples solicitudes de comentarios por parte de KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB), habla en una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la ALRB por represalias y acciones ilegales por parte de la gerencia, esto en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes y Yolanda Prida González son algunos de los trabajadores agrícolas que colaboraron con la investigación de la ALRB. Ambos trabajaron para REVM durante varios años, ayudando a cuidar y cosechar los numerosos viñedos que la empresa gestiona en la región. Pero las cosas cambiaron cuando asistieron a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">una marcha el 28 de julio en Healdsburg\u003c/a>, cuando cientos trabajadores agrícolas salieron a las calles a reclamar salarios más altos que tomen en cuenta los riesgos que corren durante la temporada de incendios forestales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ahí fue cuando las cosas empezaron a ponerse feas”, dijo Cuevas Fuentes, y añadió que un compañero le avisó de que los jefes \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">habían visto una foto suya en la marcha\u003c/a> tomada por el periódico The Press Democrat. El 14 de agosto, Cuevas Fuentes intentó asistir a una reunión organizada por REVM para quienes iban a trabajar en la cosecha del otoño de 2024, pero fue impedido por la dirección de la empresa, que le señaló que su nombre ya no aparecía en la lista del equipo de trabajo a pesar de sus años de experiencia en la cosecha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando Alejandro me dijo que lo habían rechazado para la cosecha, Ese fue el impacto para mí que me dio la depresión”, dijo Prida González, pareja de Cuevas Fuentes. Juntos están criando a dos hijas. Para entonces, ella también había sido despedida por REVM. “Estaba muy decepcionada con mis jefes porque había trabajado con ellos durante muchos años, pero lo único que recibí de ellos fue su rechazo e indiferencia”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la ayuda del grupo de derechos laborales North Bay Jobs With Justice, la pareja, junto con cinco compañeros de trabajo, presentaron denuncias ante la ALRB, que inició una investigación de varios meses que incluyó entrevistas con empleados y directivos de REVM. La pareja aún tenía que encontrar una forma de pagar las facturas y mantener a sus hijas mientras continuaba la investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todo esto hizo que mi depresión fuera mucho más difícil. No quiero que los compañeros sufran lo mismo”, dijo Prida González. “Quiero que todos mis compañeros comprendan que tienen estos derechos y que dejen de lado el miedo a alzar la voz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El miedo, la falta de información y la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">intimidación por parte de la dirección\u003c/a> son factores que dificultan enormemente que los trabajadores agrícolas busquen ayuda, según Armando Elenes, secretario tesorero de United Farm Workers, quien habla con trabajadores de todo el estado sobre sus derechos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque California cuenta con mecanismos para exigir a los empleadores que sigan la ley, Elenes añadió: “Muchos trabajadores simplemente aceptan las represalias y se van a otro empleador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuantos más trabajadores se unan y formen sindicatos o emprendan acciones conjuntas, más podremos hacer frente a estos problemas”, afirmó. “La clave está en que los trabajadores participen y formen parte del proceso, eso es lo que hace que todo lo demás funcione”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como parte del acuerdo, REVM ya no exigirá a los empleados que firmen un contrato con cláusulas que amenacen con el despido por solicitar salarios más altos. Además, la empresa se ha comprometido con la ALRB a respetar los derechos de sus empleados a organizarse para mejorar sus condiciones laborales. En las próximas semanas, funcionarios de la ALRB hablarán con los trabajadores agrícolas de REVM sobre los derechos que les protegen y cómo identificar posibles represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los siete trabajadores del caso también tienen la oportunidad de volver a REVM. Por el momento, Cuevas Fuentes no volverá, pero Prida González sí ha regresado para asegurarse de que la empresa cumple su parte del acuerdo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores necesitamos ver cambios”, afirmó, y añadió que cree que su regreso a la empresa demostrará a sus compañeros que arriesgarse a alzar la voz tiene resultados. “Las cosas tienen que mejorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vecinos y activistas laborales asisten a una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas contra Redwood Empire Vineyard Management por represalias, en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"algo\">\u003c/a>¿Qué pasaría si a usted le ocurre algo similar en su trabajo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>KQED tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">una guía disponible sobre qué hacer si usted es trabajador agrícola\u003c/a> y su empleador ha tomado represalias contra usted por denunciar sus condiciones laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no es trabajador agrícola, siga leyendo para conocer la opinión de abogados expertos en derecho laboral en California y saber qué derechos y protecciones tienen todos los trabajadores cuando solicitan un aumento salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los riesgos de hacer algo por su cuenta\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>¿Quiere hablar con su jefe sobre cuánto le pagan? Por lo general, estará más protegido si lo hace junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, según Juan Villalvazo, abogado especializado en derechos laborales de La Raza Centro Legal, un grupo de asistencia jurídica en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se dirige a su jefe por su cuenta con el único objetivo de hablar sobre su salario, la situación podría ser muy diferente, afirma Villalvazo. En California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">tener un trabajo se considera de “voluntad propia”\u003c/a>, lo que significa que un empleador puede despedir a un trabajador en cualquier momento. Por supuesto, el empleo de voluntad propia también significa que un empleado puede renunciar en cualquier momento, pero le da “al empleador mucha deferencia y protección”, dice Villalvazo, y “su empleador tiene derecho a despedirlo por cualquier motivo, siempre y cuando el motivo subyacente no sea ilegal”.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']¿Qué sería ilegal en este caso? Un empleador podría tener problemas si el motivo por el que despide a alguien es discriminatorio (por motivos de raza, religión, género, discapacidad, orientación sexual u otra categoría protegida) o para tomar represalias contra un empleado que haya participado en una “actividad protegida”, como denunciar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002744/trabaja-en-interiores-durante-una-ola-de-calor-descubra-como-le-protegen-las-leyes-de-california\">condiciones de trabajo inseguras\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la conversación que quiera tener con su jefe es solo sobre su salario individual, la ley le da a su empleador mucho más poder. Podría acudir a su jefe y pedirle un aumento, dijo Villalvazo, pero “no solo no están obligados a concedérselo, sino que podrían despedirle y decirle: ‘Bueno, voy a contratar a alguien que esté contento con el salario'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, socio de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, un bufete que ofrece servicios jurídicos a los trabajadores, coincidió en que los empleados son más vulnerables cuando actúan solos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los empleados se encuentran en una posición mucho más sólida desde el punto de vista jurídico si plantean sus preocupaciones sobre su sueldo, no solo en nombre propio, sino también en nombre de los demás”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cientos de trabajadores agrícolas de North Bay Jobs With Justice y simpatizantes de la comunidad marchan por el puente Healdsburg Memorial Bridge para exigir salarios más altos y pagos por desastre, el 28 de julio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La unión hace la fuerza\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Acudir a su jefe para hablar sobre el salario, esta vez acompañado de sus compañeros de trabajo que tienen las mismas preocupaciones sobre su propia remuneración, no solo le coloca en una posición más fuerte para negociar, sino que también le proporciona una capa de protección legal, afirma Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto se debe a que las leyes estatales y federales protegen el derecho de los trabajadores a participar en “actividades concertadas”, lo que se define como cualquier acción emprendida por los empleados en nombre de un grupo, no solo en nombre propio, explica Palmer. “Puede tratarse de una acción emprendida como grupo, o puede ser un individuo que toma la iniciativa y plantea las inquietudes en nombre de otras personas”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un ejemplo muy conocido de actividad concertada es la formación de un sindicato por parte de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/espanol\">Ley Nacional de Relaciones Laborales\u003c/a> protege los derechos de todos los empleados a buscar mejores condiciones, no solo los que forman parte de un sindicato. La \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">Ley nacional de relaciones laborales\u003c/a>, aprobada por el Congreso tras \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">décadas de organización liderada por los trabajadores\u003c/a>, protege el derecho de los trabajadores a:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hablar entre sí sobre sus salarios y condiciones laborales.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hacer circular una petición para solicitar mejores horarios.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Participar en un rechazo colectivo a trabajar en condiciones inseguras.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar, junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, con su empleador, con organismos gubernamentales o con los medios de comunicación sobre los problemas en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>La Junta Nacional de Relaciones Laborales, que vela por el cumplimiento de las leyes laborales a nivel federal, advierte que los empleados \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">podrían perder sus protecciones\u003c/a> si se comunican con su empleador de una manera que pueda considerarse “gravemente ofensiva o deliberadamente falsa” o si “desprestigian públicamente” los productos del empleador de una manera que no esté relacionada con los asuntos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por eso, Palmer recomienda a los empleados que siempre “planteen sus inquietudes con respeto” pero a la misma vez, “con seguridad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores sostienen carteles en español en una rueda de prensa organizada por North Bay Jobs with Justice en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>¿Puede un contrato prohibirle hablar sobre un aumento salarial?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En el caso de los trabajadores agrícolas del condado de Sonoma, su empleador incluyó una cláusula en su contrato que amenazaba con el despido inmediato si los empleados hablaban sobre sus salarios. Los funcionarios de la ARLB determinaron que la cláusula violaba la ley estatal que protege los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas a negociar colectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese contrato básicamente les impide siquiera empezar a organizarse o hablar sobre ello”, dijo De Luna, de la ALRB.[aside postID=\"news_12002744\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/Cooks-in-Kitchen.jpg\"]Pero si usted trabaja en otro sector que no es el agrícola, ¿puede su empleador añadir una cláusula en su contrato de trabajo que le impida a usted o a sus compañeros pedir un aumento de sueldo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso seguiría siendo una violación de la ley, afirmó Villavalzo, de La Raza Centro Legal. “Como grupo, tienen derecho a discutir entre ustedes los salarios, las prestaciones y las condiciones en el lugar de trabajo”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, dijo que el contrato que REVM ofreció a los trabajadores en 2024 restringe a los empleados la posibilidad de participar en una amplia gama de acciones, incluidas las actividades en grupo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es un intento claro de impedir que los empleados se comuniquen con sus compañeros sobre las preocupaciones que tienen”, afirmó Palmer. Si bien los empleadores pueden despedir a los trabajadores que inician peleas o crean un entorno de trabajo inseguro, “eso no es lo que pretende este tipo de disposición”, señaló. En cambio, “se trata simplemente de una exigencia clara de que los empleados no participen en ningún tipo de actividad concertada ni se comuniquen sobre las condiciones de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo hablar con su jefe sobre el sueldo: lo que sugieren los expertos legales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Palmer, es importante que los trabajadores se sientan cómodos expresando “que conocen su valor”, pero afirma que “siempre existe un riesgo” al pedir un aumento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted y otros compañeros creen que lo que se les paga no equivale el trabajo que realizan y piensan que tienen argumentos sólidos, hay cosas que pueden hacer para protegerse durante y después de las conversaciones con su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En primer lugar, recuerde que estará más protegido si solicita un aumento “como parte de una acción concertada en la que hace la solicitud junto con otros”, dijo Palmer. Pero también es una buena idea comprobar con antelación qué remuneración reciben otras personas por realizar un trabajo similar en otros lugares, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo destaca la importancia de mantener buenas relaciones con los compañeros de trabajo. “Si es amigo de sus compañeros de trabajo, será más fácil trabajar en equipo”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo también recomienda llevar un registro escrito de las conversaciones que mantenga con sus compañeros de trabajo, cuando decidan entre todos qué solicitar, y con su empleador cuando presente la solicitud. La comunicación escrita no tiene por qué ser muy formal, afirma, “puede ser simplemente un mensaje de texto”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si utiliza WhatsApp para hablar de asuntos laborales, tenga en cuenta que la aplicación permite a un usuario individual eliminar mensajes y chats para todas las demás personas que forman parte del grupo. Puede considerar la posibilidad de hacer capturas de pantalla del chat para mantener un registro de las conversaciones, o incluso proponer a sus compañeros que se comuniquen a través de otra aplicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo señala que, en muchos lugares de trabajo de California, algunos empleados trabajan con un estatus migratorio legal, mientras que otros pueden no tenerlo. “Mantenga la solidaridad con todos sus compañeros de trabajo, independientemente de su estatus migratorio, porque al fin y al cabo, todos ustedes \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/\">comparten muchos de los mismos derechos\u003c/a>”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si usted y sus colegas creen que su empleador les redujo el salario o los despidió por solicitar un aumento de manera colectiva, pueden presentar una queja ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">Puede presentar una queja por represalias en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede tomar varios meses para que una queja sea procesada por la Oficina del Comisionado de Trabajo, la agencia tiene la autoridad para investigar a los empleadores, imponer sanciones y restituir a ciertos trabajadores sus salarios perdidos o sus empleos.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Un grupo de trabajadores campesinos inmigrantes logró reportar a su empleador que estaba actuando en contra de las leyes de California. Además, explicamos qué derechos tiene cuando va pedir a su jefe un aumento.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042012/farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A sólo unos metros de hoteles de lujo y salas de degustación, trabajadores agrícolas y activistas laborales se manifestaron el 28 de mayo en Healdsburg, el núcleo de la multimillonaria industria vinícola del condado de Sonoma, para anunciar un acuerdo con Redwood Empire Vineyard Management (o REVM por sus siglas en inglés), una empresa de gestión de viñedos con sede en Geyserville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados? ¡No!”, gritaban los trabajadores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM pagará 33 mil 548 dólares a siete empleados después de que la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas (o ALRB por sus siglas en inglés) del estado determinara que la empresa se negó a ofrecerles trabajo por haber formado parte de iniciativas para mejorar las condiciones laborales. La ALRB también descubrió que REVM obligó a los trabajadores agrícolas el año pasado a firmar un contrato en el que se comprometían a ser despedidos inmediatamente si intentaban renegociar su sueldo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#algo\">\u003cstrong>Ir directo a: Qué hacer si le ocurre algo similar\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según funcionarios estatales, las acciones de la empresa se consideran prácticas laborales injustas que violan la \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/forms-publications/faqs-and-guidance/fact-sheet-english/\">Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todos tenemos derecho a organizarnos con nuestros compañeros de trabajo para exigir mejores condiciones laborales y no sufrir represalias”, afirmó Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la ALRB. “En este caso, los trabajadores asistían a protestas y marchas para exigir mejores salarios. Eso es una condición laboral”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM no respondió a las múltiples solicitudes de comentarios por parte de KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042830\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/pic-of-Jesenia-de-Luna-with-megaphone-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, directora regional de la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California (ALRB), habla en una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la ALRB por represalias y acciones ilegales por parte de la gerencia, esto en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes y Yolanda Prida González son algunos de los trabajadores agrícolas que colaboraron con la investigación de la ALRB. Ambos trabajaron para REVM durante varios años, ayudando a cuidar y cosechar los numerosos viñedos que la empresa gestiona en la región. Pero las cosas cambiaron cuando asistieron a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">una marcha el 28 de julio en Healdsburg\u003c/a>, cuando cientos trabajadores agrícolas salieron a las calles a reclamar salarios más altos que tomen en cuenta los riesgos que corren durante la temporada de incendios forestales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ahí fue cuando las cosas empezaron a ponerse feas”, dijo Cuevas Fuentes, y añadió que un compañero le avisó de que los jefes \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">habían visto una foto suya en la marcha\u003c/a> tomada por el periódico The Press Democrat. El 14 de agosto, Cuevas Fuentes intentó asistir a una reunión organizada por REVM para quienes iban a trabajar en la cosecha del otoño de 2024, pero fue impedido por la dirección de la empresa, que le señaló que su nombre ya no aparecía en la lista del equipo de trabajo a pesar de sus años de experiencia en la cosecha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando Alejandro me dijo que lo habían rechazado para la cosecha, Ese fue el impacto para mí que me dio la depresión”, dijo Prida González, pareja de Cuevas Fuentes. Juntos están criando a dos hijas. Para entonces, ella también había sido despedida por REVM. “Estaba muy decepcionada con mis jefes porque había trabajado con ellos durante muchos años, pero lo único que recibí de ellos fue su rechazo e indiferencia”, dijo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Con la ayuda del grupo de derechos laborales North Bay Jobs With Justice, la pareja, junto con cinco compañeros de trabajo, presentaron denuncias ante la ALRB, que inició una investigación de varios meses que incluyó entrevistas con empleados y directivos de REVM. La pareja aún tenía que encontrar una forma de pagar las facturas y mantener a sus hijas mientras continuaba la investigación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Todo esto hizo que mi depresión fuera mucho más difícil. No quiero que los compañeros sufran lo mismo”, dijo Prida González. “Quiero que todos mis compañeros comprendan que tienen estos derechos y que dejen de lado el miedo a alzar la voz”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El miedo, la falta de información y la \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11919450/trabajar-con-una-visa-h-2a-en-estados-unidos-represalias-derechos\">intimidación por parte de la dirección\u003c/a> son factores que dificultan enormemente que los trabajadores agrícolas busquen ayuda, según Armando Elenes, secretario tesorero de United Farm Workers, quien habla con trabajadores de todo el estado sobre sus derechos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque California cuenta con mecanismos para exigir a los empleadores que sigan la ley, Elenes añadió: “Muchos trabajadores simplemente aceptan las represalias y se van a otro empleador”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuantos más trabajadores se unan y formen sindicatos o emprendan acciones conjuntas, más podremos hacer frente a estos problemas”, afirmó. “La clave está en que los trabajadores participen y formen parte del proceso, eso es lo que hace que todo lo demás funcione”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Como parte del acuerdo, REVM ya no exigirá a los empleados que firmen un contrato con cláusulas que amenacen con el despido por solicitar salarios más altos. Además, la empresa se ha comprometido con la ALRB a respetar los derechos de sus empleados a organizarse para mejorar sus condiciones laborales. En las próximas semanas, funcionarios de la ALRB hablarán con los trabajadores agrícolas de REVM sobre los derechos que les protegen y cómo identificar posibles represalias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los siete trabajadores del caso también tienen la oportunidad de volver a REVM. Por el momento, Cuevas Fuentes no volverá, pero Prida González sí ha regresado para asegurarse de que la empresa cumple su parte del acuerdo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los trabajadores necesitamos ver cambios”, afirmó, y añadió que cree que su regreso a la empresa demostrará a sus compañeros que arriesgarse a alzar la voz tiene resultados. “Las cosas tienen que mejorar”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042831\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042831\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/people-with-signs-on-the-grassy-ground-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vecinos y activistas laborales asisten a una conferencia de prensa después de que siete trabajadores agrícolas recibieran casi 34 mil dólares como indemnización por una denuncia presentada por la Junta de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas contra Redwood Empire Vineyard Management por represalias, en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003ca id=\"algo\">\u003c/a>¿Qué pasaría si a usted le ocurre algo similar en su trabajo?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>KQED tiene \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11960536/trabaja-en-los-campos-de-california-que-hacer-si-sufre-represalias\">una guía disponible sobre qué hacer si usted es trabajador agrícola\u003c/a> y su empleador ha tomado represalias contra usted por denunciar sus condiciones laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no es trabajador agrícola, siga leyendo para conocer la opinión de abogados expertos en derecho laboral en California y saber qué derechos y protecciones tienen todos los trabajadores cuando solicitan un aumento salarial.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Los riesgos de hacer algo por su cuenta\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>¿Quiere hablar con su jefe sobre cuánto le pagan? Por lo general, estará más protegido si lo hace junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, según Juan Villalvazo, abogado especializado en derechos laborales de La Raza Centro Legal, un grupo de asistencia jurídica en San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si se dirige a su jefe por su cuenta con el único objetivo de hablar sobre su salario, la situación podría ser muy diferente, afirma Villalvazo. En California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">tener un trabajo se considera de “voluntad propia”\u003c/a>, lo que significa que un empleador puede despedir a un trabajador en cualquier momento. Por supuesto, el empleo de voluntad propia también significa que un empleado puede renunciar en cualquier momento, pero le da “al empleador mucha deferencia y protección”, dice Villalvazo, y “su empleador tiene derecho a despedirlo por cualquier motivo, siempre y cuando el motivo subyacente no sea ilegal”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>¿Qué sería ilegal en este caso? Un empleador podría tener problemas si el motivo por el que despide a alguien es discriminatorio (por motivos de raza, religión, género, discapacidad, orientación sexual u otra categoría protegida) o para tomar represalias contra un empleado que haya participado en una “actividad protegida”, como denunciar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002744/trabaja-en-interiores-durante-una-ola-de-calor-descubra-como-le-protegen-las-leyes-de-california\">condiciones de trabajo inseguras\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pero cuando la conversación que quiera tener con su jefe es solo sobre su salario individual, la ley le da a su empleador mucho más poder. Podría acudir a su jefe y pedirle un aumento, dijo Villalvazo, pero “no solo no están obligados a concedérselo, sino que podrían despedirle y decirle: ‘Bueno, voy a contratar a alguien que esté contento con el salario'”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, socio de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, un bufete que ofrece servicios jurídicos a los trabajadores, coincidió en que los empleados son más vulnerables cuando actúan solos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los empleados se encuentran en una posición mucho más sólida desde el punto de vista jurídico si plantean sus preocupaciones sobre su sueldo, no solo en nombre propio, sino también en nombre de los demás”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/protestors-on-bridge-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cientos de trabajadores agrícolas de North Bay Jobs With Justice y simpatizantes de la comunidad marchan por el puente Healdsburg Memorial Bridge para exigir salarios más altos y pagos por desastre, el 28 de julio de 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>La unión hace la fuerza\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Acudir a su jefe para hablar sobre el salario, esta vez acompañado de sus compañeros de trabajo que tienen las mismas preocupaciones sobre su propia remuneración, no solo le coloca en una posición más fuerte para negociar, sino que también le proporciona una capa de protección legal, afirma Palmer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Esto se debe a que las leyes estatales y federales protegen el derecho de los trabajadores a participar en “actividades concertadas”, lo que se define como cualquier acción emprendida por los empleados en nombre de un grupo, no solo en nombre propio, explica Palmer. “Puede tratarse de una acción emprendida como grupo, o puede ser un individuo que toma la iniciativa y plantea las inquietudes en nombre de otras personas”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un ejemplo muy conocido de actividad concertada es la formación de un sindicato por parte de los trabajadores. Sin embargo, la \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/espanol\">Ley Nacional de Relaciones Laborales\u003c/a> protege los derechos de todos los empleados a buscar mejores condiciones, no solo los que forman parte de un sindicato. La \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">Ley nacional de relaciones laborales\u003c/a>, aprobada por el Congreso tras \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">décadas de organización liderada por los trabajadores\u003c/a>, protege el derecho de los trabajadores a:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Hablar entre sí sobre sus salarios y condiciones laborales.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hacer circular una petición para solicitar mejores horarios.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Participar en un rechazo colectivo a trabajar en condiciones inseguras.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hablar, junto con sus compañeros de trabajo, con su empleador, con organismos gubernamentales o con los medios de comunicación sobre los problemas en su lugar de trabajo.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>La Junta Nacional de Relaciones Laborales, que vela por el cumplimiento de las leyes laborales a nivel federal, advierte que los empleados \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/es\">podrían perder sus protecciones\u003c/a> si se comunican con su empleador de una manera que pueda considerarse “gravemente ofensiva o deliberadamente falsa” o si “desprestigian públicamente” los productos del empleador de una manera que no esté relacionada con los asuntos laborales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Por eso, Palmer recomienda a los empleados que siempre “planteen sus inquietudes con respeto” pero a la misma vez, “con seguridad”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042833\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042833\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/la-union-hace-la-fuerza-signs-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trabajadores sostienen carteles en español en una rueda de prensa organizada por North Bay Jobs with Justice en Healdsburg Plaza, en Healdsburg, el 28 de mayo de 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>¿Puede un contrato prohibirle hablar sobre un aumento salarial?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>En el caso de los trabajadores agrícolas del condado de Sonoma, su empleador incluyó una cláusula en su contrato que amenazaba con el despido inmediato si los empleados hablaban sobre sus salarios. Los funcionarios de la ARLB determinaron que la cláusula violaba la ley estatal que protege los derechos de los trabajadores agrícolas a negociar colectivamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ese contrato básicamente les impide siquiera empezar a organizarse o hablar sobre ello”, dijo De Luna, de la ALRB.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Pero si usted trabaja en otro sector que no es el agrícola, ¿puede su empleador añadir una cláusula en su contrato de trabajo que le impida a usted o a sus compañeros pedir un aumento de sueldo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eso seguiría siendo una violación de la ley, afirmó Villavalzo, de La Raza Centro Legal. “Como grupo, tienen derecho a discutir entre ustedes los salarios, las prestaciones y las condiciones en el lugar de trabajo”, afirmó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, de Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, dijo que el contrato que REVM ofreció a los trabajadores en 2024 restringe a los empleados la posibilidad de participar en una amplia gama de acciones, incluidas las actividades en grupo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Es un intento claro de impedir que los empleados se comuniquen con sus compañeros sobre las preocupaciones que tienen”, afirmó Palmer. Si bien los empleadores pueden despedir a los trabajadores que inician peleas o crean un entorno de trabajo inseguro, “eso no es lo que pretende este tipo de disposición”, señaló. En cambio, “se trata simplemente de una exigencia clara de que los empleados no participen en ningún tipo de actividad concertada ni se comuniquen sobre las condiciones de trabajo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Cómo hablar con su jefe sobre el sueldo: lo que sugieren los expertos legales\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Según Palmer, es importante que los trabajadores se sientan cómodos expresando “que conocen su valor”, pero afirma que “siempre existe un riesgo” al pedir un aumento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si usted y otros compañeros creen que lo que se les paga no equivale el trabajo que realizan y piensan que tienen argumentos sólidos, hay cosas que pueden hacer para protegerse durante y después de las conversaciones con su empleador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>En primer lugar, recuerde que estará más protegido si solicita un aumento “como parte de una acción concertada en la que hace la solicitud junto con otros”, dijo Palmer. Pero también es una buena idea comprobar con antelación qué remuneración reciben otras personas por realizar un trabajo similar en otros lugares, añadió.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo destaca la importancia de mantener buenas relaciones con los compañeros de trabajo. “Si es amigo de sus compañeros de trabajo, será más fácil trabajar en equipo”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo también recomienda llevar un registro escrito de las conversaciones que mantenga con sus compañeros de trabajo, cuando decidan entre todos qué solicitar, y con su empleador cuando presente la solicitud. La comunicación escrita no tiene por qué ser muy formal, afirma, “puede ser simplemente un mensaje de texto”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si utiliza WhatsApp para hablar de asuntos laborales, tenga en cuenta que la aplicación permite a un usuario individual eliminar mensajes y chats para todas las demás personas que forman parte del grupo. Puede considerar la posibilidad de hacer capturas de pantalla del chat para mantener un registro de las conversaciones, o incluso proponer a sus compañeros que se comuniquen a través de otra aplicación.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo señala que, en muchos lugares de trabajo de California, algunos empleados trabajan con un estatus migratorio legal, mientras que otros pueden no tenerlo. “Mantenga la solidaridad con todos sus compañeros de trabajo, independientemente de su estatus migratorio, porque al fin y al cabo, todos ustedes \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/es/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/\">comparten muchos de los mismos derechos\u003c/a>”, afirma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y si usted y sus colegas creen que su empleador les redujo el salario o los despidió por solicitar un aumento de manera colectiva, pueden presentar una queja ante la Oficina del Comisionado Laboral del estado. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">Puede presentar una queja por represalias en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aunque puede tomar varios meses para que una queja sea procesada por la Oficina del Comisionado de Trabajo, la agencia tiene la autoridad para investigar a los empleadores, imponer sanciones y restituir a ciertos trabajadores sus salarios perdidos o sus empleos.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Stern Grove Festival 2025: What to Know About New Lottery System, Schedules and Transit",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s summer, and that means Stern Grove — San Francisco’s long-running free concert series — is coming back with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13974214/stern-grove-2025-lineup-free-concerts-diana-ross-san-francisco\">the legendary Diana Ross as the headliner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, the festival is doing things differently. While entrance is still free, Stern Grove is operating on \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lottery-howto\">a lottery system\u003c/a> when distributing tickets this year. Festival goers will have to sign up through an online system six weeks before a certain show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not a fan,” admits KQED’s own mid-level giving manager — and Stern Grove expert — Rachel Gelbmann. She said she missed out on securing tickets for some of her first-pick shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the new system, you have a week to enter a lottery system and you either will or won’t get awarded tickets,” she said, but added that despite these changes, she’s still making an effort to see her favorites, which include Ross, the California Honey Drops and Damien and Stephen Marley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Gelbmann is a Stern Grove regular and concert enthusiast, we naturally turned to her for any tips on how to navigate this year’s festival. With the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/05/business/gen-z-concert-tickets-taylor-swift-beyonce.html\">price of concert tickets nowadays\u003c/a>, any event promising free music is almost guaranteed to attract a huge crowd, and Gelbmann tells us how to secure tickets, enter the venue and other key tips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042767\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628523574-scaled-e1749072539649.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042767\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628523574-scaled-e1749072539649.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Flaming Lips perform at the Stern Grove festival on Aug. 20, 2023, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Photo by Miikka Skaffari/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>First things first: What is the new Stern Grove ticketing system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lineup\">eleven concerts for Stern Grove\u003c/a>: the first one — featuring The California Honeydrops — is scheduled for June 15 and there will be concerts every following weekend leading up to the two-day weekend picnic on Aug. 16 and 17. You can check out the lineup on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13974214/stern-grove-2025-lineup-free-concerts-diana-ross-san-francisco\">KQED Arts\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lineup\">Stern Grove’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six weeks \u003cem>before\u003c/em> each concert date, the online ticket lottery opens up, which can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lineup\">under each artist’s name\u003c/a> or on the artist’s individual page on the festival’s website. The lottery will ask for your name, zip code, demographic information and how many tickets you want. You can request up to four tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children two years or younger do not need tickets. (Stern Grove also has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/experiencekidzone\">weekly programming for children\u003c/a>, from 12:30 p.m. to 3 p.m., that includes face painting, a petting zoo and games.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the lottery for a concert opens up, you will have a week to enter your name. So if you are trying to watch \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/phantogram\">Phantogram on July 13\u003c/a>, the sign-up for the lottery is from June 1 to June 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the nostalgia for the “just show up” days of the past, but evolving safety standards and insurance requirements make it impossible to return to that model,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/ticket-info\">Stern Grove’s website reads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a week, Stern Grove will send out an email (from \u003ca href=\"mailto:orders@sterngrove.org\">orders@sterngrove.org\u003c/a>) to those who have won the lottery. You will have 72 hours to confirm with the festival and secure your tickets. (The website highlights that the message with your tickets comes with a claim button — which works only once!)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tickets will be emailed to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if you don’t get tickets?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are unable to get tickets through the lottery, there are some other ways to catch the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day before each show, Stern Grove will \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/community-box-offices\">distribute a thousand tickets on a first-come, first-served basis\u003c/a>. They will hand out two tickets per person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The locations where to pick up these tickets vary, and you can check them out at \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/community-box-offices\">Stern Grove’s map\u003c/a>.[aside postID=arts_13974214 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2025/04/GettyImages-2159811667-1020x728.jpg']For example, if you want to see Phantogram, you would have to wait for tickets at China Basin Park on July 12 at 12 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern Grove also provides \u003ca href=\"https://secure.qgiv.com/for/fy25tablesales/event/934138/embed/79176/\">a (very pricey) option of reserving tables\u003c/a> for \u003ca href=\"https://secure.qgiv.com/for/fy25tablesales/event/934159/embed/79178/\">large groups of ten to forty people\u003c/a>. For example, for Orville Peck on July 27, a table for ten with expedited entrance and parking spots \u003ca href=\"https://secure.qgiv.com/for/fy25tablesales/event/934159/embed/79178/\">costs around $2,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoTheBay also has \u003ca href=\"https://dothebay.com/\">a ticket giveaway\u003c/a> for each concert in the festival. You can enter using a \u003ca href=\"https://dothebay.com/events/2025/6/15/stern-grove-festival-2025-golden-ticket-giveaway-tickets\">form\u003c/a> on Do The Bay’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/volunteer\">consider volunteering for Stern Grove\u003c/a> to be able to get a spot at a show. Volunteering can include cleaning up and breaking down the setup after the concert. With only a couple of weeks left before the start of the festival, Gelbmann has noticed spots going quickly and advised people to try signing up sooner rather than later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers can get \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/volunteer\">two free tickets to a show of their choosing\u003c/a> \u003cem>after\u003c/em> they complete their shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers sign up through \u003ca href=\"https://volunteer.bloomerang.co/web-admin/app/#/join-party?k=68b5x7vgyhxdfi\">a website called Bloomerang\u003c/a>. You can choose a day you are available, and \u003ca href=\"https://volunteer.bloomerang.co/web-admin/app/#/join-party?k=ynahnr5166kodb\">one of the four shifts\u003c/a>: Setup Crew (8 a.m. to 12 p.m.), Welcome Crew (10 a.m. to 2 p.m.), Festival Flow Crew (12 p.m. to 4 p.m.) and Breakdown Crew (2 p.m. to 6 p.m.).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Gelbmann, “the best shift is the early morning one, where you’re done by noon. Because then you can have first dibs on the best place to sit in the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would also get your volunteering out of the way so you could enjoy your lunch and then enjoy the music,” she added. “You can also volunteer for leader shifts, but you might be kind of working during the music acts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-827121516-scaled-e1749072873169.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-827121516-scaled-e1749072873169.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sarah Barthel of Phantogram performs on Day 3 of the Osheaga Music and Art Festival at Parc Jean-Drapeau on Aug. 6, 2017, in Montreal, Canada. Phantogram is playing Stern Grove on July 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Photo by Mark Horton/WireImage)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>When and where does the show start?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stern Grove shows \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">take place\u003c/a> at 19th Avenue and Sloat Boulevard in San Francisco. The concert is down a hill, and you \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have to climb down a hill to get to the concert, and then up that same hill when heading out. (\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#JumpaheadtowhataccessibilityoptionsareavailableatSternGrove\">Jump ahead to what accessibility options are available at Stern Grove.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two general admission entrances are 23rd and Wawona and 19th and Sloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The usual schedule is: lines open at 10 a.m., gates open at 12 p.m., DJ spinning at 1 p.m., and the show starts at 2 p.m. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">concert usually ends\u003c/a> at 4:30 or 5 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although it’s a free show, you have to be strategic about it,” Gelbmann said. “It’s a whole day thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want a good spot, Gelbmann suggested getting in line around 9 or 9:30 a.m.[aside postID=arts_13975778 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/08/240811_OutsideLands__EG_040-1536x1024.jpg'](Stern Grove officials say that overnight camping is not allowed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically pack like breakfast burritos and our comfy seats for the show and just park ourselves on the sidewalk, and hang out with our burritos and something to read,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelbmann said when the gates open, sometimes there is a “mad rush” to get the best spots since \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/seating-areas\">it is first-come, first-served\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Others can be a little territorial and not so nice,” she said. “I would just recommend being prepared for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seating areas include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Concert Meadow\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hillside\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>West Meadow (includes a screen to watch the concert)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>ADA, senior and wheelchair seating\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But no worries, because in her experience, “90% of the people that do go to Stern Grove come with a good attitude and are friendly to people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042771\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"652\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of the 2025 Stern Grove Festival. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Stern Grove Festival.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How do I get to Stern Grove?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stern Grove organizers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">highly recommend that visitors take public transportation\u003c/a> or rideshares to the festival, since there is no public parking available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who bought picnic tables do get parking spaces, and information will be emailed to them. More about accessible parking below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Street parking in the surrounding neighborhood is extremely limited,” the website reads. “Illegally parked cars — including those blocking driveways — may be ticketed and towed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Public transportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Visitors can use \u003ca href=\"http://511.org\">511.org\u003c/a> to plan out their route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">Muni Metro\u003c/a>: “Take lines M Ocean View or the K Ingleside and exit at the St. Francis Circle stop. Walk west one block to the park entrance at 19th Avenue and Sloat Boulevard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">Muni bus service\u003c/a>: “Lines 23-Monterey and 28-19th Avenue stop right at 19th Avenue and Sloat Boulevard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">BART\u003c/a>: Take a train to Civic Center and transfer to Muni Metro M Ocean View or the K Ingleside. You can also take \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">BART\u003c/a> to Glen Park Station and transfer to MUNI bus 23-Monterey and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">BART\u003c/a> to Daly City and transfer to MUNI bus 28-19th Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bikes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While bikes are not allowed in the venue, bikes can be stored with the valet located at 21st and Wowona. This storage space is open from noon to one hour after the concert ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"JumpaheadtowhataccessibilityoptionsareavailableatSternGrove\">\u003c/a>Accessibility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When selecting a ticket, you can mention if you need accessibility services during your concert. This does not guarantee accessibility seating, as it is \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/accessibility-ada\">first-come, first-served\u003c/a>.[aside postID=arts_13970908 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/08/Stage_COVER-1020x765.jpg']But it’s still worth letting organizers know that you need accessible seating when signing up, because Stern Grove may reach out \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/accessibility-ada\">four weeks before the concert\u003c/a> to communicate possible arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">Accessible parking\u003c/a> is also first-come, first-served along the North side of Sloat Blvd between 19th Ave and 22nd Ave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is also a shuttle that does a round trip from the 19th and Sloat Entrance and the Concert Meadow. Hours for the shuttle are 11:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelbmann used the bus system last year, when she was pregnant, and mentioned that it can be slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s one small bus and it does shifts,” she explained. “If you’re in that first load of people, you’ll get in pretty early, but you have to be pretty patient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can I bring? What can I not bring?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/what-can-i-bring\">You can bring\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Blankets under 5 x 7 ft\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Low-profile lawn chairs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Picnics and coolers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Your own food and drinks\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Alcohol\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Strollers are allowed, if they can be folded down and not block pathways\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You cannot bring:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tarps\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Large blankets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pets. \u003ca href=\"https://archive.ada.gov/regs2010/service_animal_qa.pdf\">Service or support animals\u003c/a> \u003cem>are \u003c/em>allowed\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sharp knives with a blade longer than 4 inches.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>High-backed, standard folding chairs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Large or tall tables\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Tents\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Umbrellas\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Shade structures\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Barbecues/grills or any item with open flame.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Video or audio recording equipment, like drones or professional still camera equipment with a detachable lens longer than two inches or tripods.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Skateboards, scooters, hoverboards or any personal motorized vehicles\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Firearms or weapons of any kind\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fireworks and explosives or any item with open flame\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Illegal substances (including narcotics) or drug paraphernalia\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Amplified sound, bullhorns or speakers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cigarettes/smoking\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628529491-scaled-e1749080290450.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042816\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628529491-scaled-e1749080290450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Festival attendees grab a bite at the Stern Grove festival on Aug. 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Photo by Miikka Skaffari/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Food\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are food trucks, drinks and alcohol available at the venue. But you are also able to bring \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/experiencefooddrink\">your own picnic supplies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have breakfast and lunch there. And by the time we leave, it’s usually almost dinnertime,” Gelbmann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Weather\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s summertime in San Francisco. So remember — layer up. That means jackets and extra shirts, as well as sunscreen and hats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could be freezing, or it could be hot and sweaty and sunny,” Gelbmann said. “It could be all those things in one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Here’s what you need to know about accessing this year’s beloved, free San Francisco festival.",
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"title": "Stern Grove Festival 2025: What to Know About New Lottery System, Schedules and Transit | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s summer, and that means Stern Grove — San Francisco’s long-running free concert series — is coming back with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13974214/stern-grove-2025-lineup-free-concerts-diana-ross-san-francisco\">the legendary Diana Ross as the headliner\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, the festival is doing things differently. While entrance is still free, Stern Grove is operating on \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lottery-howto\">a lottery system\u003c/a> when distributing tickets this year. Festival goers will have to sign up through an online system six weeks before a certain show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not a fan,” admits KQED’s own mid-level giving manager — and Stern Grove expert — Rachel Gelbmann. She said she missed out on securing tickets for some of her first-pick shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the new system, you have a week to enter a lottery system and you either will or won’t get awarded tickets,” she said, but added that despite these changes, she’s still making an effort to see her favorites, which include Ross, the California Honey Drops and Damien and Stephen Marley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Gelbmann is a Stern Grove regular and concert enthusiast, we naturally turned to her for any tips on how to navigate this year’s festival. With the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/05/business/gen-z-concert-tickets-taylor-swift-beyonce.html\">price of concert tickets nowadays\u003c/a>, any event promising free music is almost guaranteed to attract a huge crowd, and Gelbmann tells us how to secure tickets, enter the venue and other key tips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042767\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628523574-scaled-e1749072539649.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042767\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628523574-scaled-e1749072539649.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Flaming Lips perform at the Stern Grove festival on Aug. 20, 2023, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Photo by Miikka Skaffari/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>First things first: What is the new Stern Grove ticketing system?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lineup\">eleven concerts for Stern Grove\u003c/a>: the first one — featuring The California Honeydrops — is scheduled for June 15 and there will be concerts every following weekend leading up to the two-day weekend picnic on Aug. 16 and 17. You can check out the lineup on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13974214/stern-grove-2025-lineup-free-concerts-diana-ross-san-francisco\">KQED Arts\u003c/a> or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lineup\">Stern Grove’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six weeks \u003cem>before\u003c/em> each concert date, the online ticket lottery opens up, which can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/lineup\">under each artist’s name\u003c/a> or on the artist’s individual page on the festival’s website. The lottery will ask for your name, zip code, demographic information and how many tickets you want. You can request up to four tickets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Children two years or younger do not need tickets. (Stern Grove also has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/experiencekidzone\">weekly programming for children\u003c/a>, from 12:30 p.m. to 3 p.m., that includes face painting, a petting zoo and games.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once the lottery for a concert opens up, you will have a week to enter your name. So if you are trying to watch \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/phantogram\">Phantogram on July 13\u003c/a>, the sign-up for the lottery is from June 1 to June 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We understand the nostalgia for the “just show up” days of the past, but evolving safety standards and insurance requirements make it impossible to return to that model,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/ticket-info\">Stern Grove’s website reads\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a week, Stern Grove will send out an email (from \u003ca href=\"mailto:orders@sterngrove.org\">orders@sterngrove.org\u003c/a>) to those who have won the lottery. You will have 72 hours to confirm with the festival and secure your tickets. (The website highlights that the message with your tickets comes with a claim button — which works only once!)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tickets will be emailed to you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What if you don’t get tickets?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you are unable to get tickets through the lottery, there are some other ways to catch the show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day before each show, Stern Grove will \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/community-box-offices\">distribute a thousand tickets on a first-come, first-served basis\u003c/a>. They will hand out two tickets per person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The locations where to pick up these tickets vary, and you can check them out at \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/community-box-offices\">Stern Grove’s map\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>For example, if you want to see Phantogram, you would have to wait for tickets at China Basin Park on July 12 at 12 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stern Grove also provides \u003ca href=\"https://secure.qgiv.com/for/fy25tablesales/event/934138/embed/79176/\">a (very pricey) option of reserving tables\u003c/a> for \u003ca href=\"https://secure.qgiv.com/for/fy25tablesales/event/934159/embed/79178/\">large groups of ten to forty people\u003c/a>. For example, for Orville Peck on July 27, a table for ten with expedited entrance and parking spots \u003ca href=\"https://secure.qgiv.com/for/fy25tablesales/event/934159/embed/79178/\">costs around $2,000\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoTheBay also has \u003ca href=\"https://dothebay.com/\">a ticket giveaway\u003c/a> for each concert in the festival. You can enter using a \u003ca href=\"https://dothebay.com/events/2025/6/15/stern-grove-festival-2025-golden-ticket-giveaway-tickets\">form\u003c/a> on Do The Bay’s website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/volunteer\">consider volunteering for Stern Grove\u003c/a> to be able to get a spot at a show. Volunteering can include cleaning up and breaking down the setup after the concert. With only a couple of weeks left before the start of the festival, Gelbmann has noticed spots going quickly and advised people to try signing up sooner rather than later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers can get \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/volunteer\">two free tickets to a show of their choosing\u003c/a> \u003cem>after\u003c/em> they complete their shift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers sign up through \u003ca href=\"https://volunteer.bloomerang.co/web-admin/app/#/join-party?k=68b5x7vgyhxdfi\">a website called Bloomerang\u003c/a>. You can choose a day you are available, and \u003ca href=\"https://volunteer.bloomerang.co/web-admin/app/#/join-party?k=ynahnr5166kodb\">one of the four shifts\u003c/a>: Setup Crew (8 a.m. to 12 p.m.), Welcome Crew (10 a.m. to 2 p.m.), Festival Flow Crew (12 p.m. to 4 p.m.) and Breakdown Crew (2 p.m. to 6 p.m.).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Gelbmann, “the best shift is the early morning one, where you’re done by noon. Because then you can have first dibs on the best place to sit in the park.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You would also get your volunteering out of the way so you could enjoy your lunch and then enjoy the music,” she added. “You can also volunteer for leader shifts, but you might be kind of working during the music acts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-827121516-scaled-e1749072873169.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-827121516-scaled-e1749072873169.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sarah Barthel of Phantogram performs on Day 3 of the Osheaga Music and Art Festival at Parc Jean-Drapeau on Aug. 6, 2017, in Montreal, Canada. Phantogram is playing Stern Grove on July 13, 2025. \u003ccite>(Photo by Mark Horton/WireImage)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>When and where does the show start?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stern Grove shows \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">take place\u003c/a> at 19th Avenue and Sloat Boulevard in San Francisco. The concert is down a hill, and you \u003cem>do\u003c/em> have to climb down a hill to get to the concert, and then up that same hill when heading out. (\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#JumpaheadtowhataccessibilityoptionsareavailableatSternGrove\">Jump ahead to what accessibility options are available at Stern Grove.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two general admission entrances are 23rd and Wawona and 19th and Sloat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The usual schedule is: lines open at 10 a.m., gates open at 12 p.m., DJ spinning at 1 p.m., and the show starts at 2 p.m. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">concert usually ends\u003c/a> at 4:30 or 5 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although it’s a free show, you have to be strategic about it,” Gelbmann said. “It’s a whole day thing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you want a good spot, Gelbmann suggested getting in line around 9 or 9:30 a.m.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>(Stern Grove officials say that overnight camping is not allowed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We typically pack like breakfast burritos and our comfy seats for the show and just park ourselves on the sidewalk, and hang out with our burritos and something to read,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelbmann said when the gates open, sometimes there is a “mad rush” to get the best spots since \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/seating-areas\">it is first-come, first-served\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Others can be a little territorial and not so nice,” she said. “I would just recommend being prepared for that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seating areas include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Concert Meadow\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Hillside\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>West Meadow (includes a screen to watch the concert)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>ADA, senior and wheelchair seating\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>But no worries, because in her experience, “90% of the people that do go to Stern Grove come with a good attitude and are friendly to people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042771\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042771\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"652\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025SternGroveFestivalVenueMap_PublicForWeb-160x104.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map of the 2025 Stern Grove Festival. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Stern Grove Festival.)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How do I get to Stern Grove?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Stern Grove organizers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">highly recommend that visitors take public transportation\u003c/a> or rideshares to the festival, since there is no public parking available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who bought picnic tables do get parking spaces, and information will be emailed to them. More about accessible parking below.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Street parking in the surrounding neighborhood is extremely limited,” the website reads. “Illegally parked cars — including those blocking driveways — may be ticketed and towed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Public transportation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Visitors can use \u003ca href=\"http://511.org\">511.org\u003c/a> to plan out their route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">Muni Metro\u003c/a>: “Take lines M Ocean View or the K Ingleside and exit at the St. Francis Circle stop. Walk west one block to the park entrance at 19th Avenue and Sloat Boulevard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">Muni bus service\u003c/a>: “Lines 23-Monterey and 28-19th Avenue stop right at 19th Avenue and Sloat Boulevard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">BART\u003c/a>: Take a train to Civic Center and transfer to Muni Metro M Ocean View or the K Ingleside. You can also take \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">BART\u003c/a> to Glen Park Station and transfer to MUNI bus 23-Monterey and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">BART\u003c/a> to Daly City and transfer to MUNI bus 28-19th Avenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bikes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While bikes are not allowed in the venue, bikes can be stored with the valet located at 21st and Wowona. This storage space is open from noon to one hour after the concert ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"JumpaheadtowhataccessibilityoptionsareavailableatSternGrove\">\u003c/a>Accessibility\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When selecting a ticket, you can mention if you need accessibility services during your concert. This does not guarantee accessibility seating, as it is \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/accessibility-ada\">first-come, first-served\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But it’s still worth letting organizers know that you need accessible seating when signing up, because Stern Grove may reach out \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/accessibility-ada\">four weeks before the concert\u003c/a> to communicate possible arrangements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/getting-here\">Accessible parking\u003c/a> is also first-come, first-served along the North side of Sloat Blvd between 19th Ave and 22nd Ave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is also a shuttle that does a round trip from the 19th and Sloat Entrance and the Concert Meadow. Hours for the shuttle are 11:00 a.m. to 5:30 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gelbmann used the bus system last year, when she was pregnant, and mentioned that it can be slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s one small bus and it does shifts,” she explained. “If you’re in that first load of people, you’ll get in pretty early, but you have to be pretty patient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What can I bring? What can I not bring?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/what-can-i-bring\">You can bring\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Blankets under 5 x 7 ft\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Low-profile lawn chairs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Picnics and coolers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Your own food and drinks\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Alcohol\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Strollers are allowed, if they can be folded down and not block pathways\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>You cannot bring:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Tarps\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Large blankets\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pets. \u003ca href=\"https://archive.ada.gov/regs2010/service_animal_qa.pdf\">Service or support animals\u003c/a> \u003cem>are \u003c/em>allowed\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Sharp knives with a blade longer than 4 inches.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>High-backed, standard folding chairs\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Large or tall tables\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Tents\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Umbrellas\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Shade structures\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Barbecues/grills or any item with open flame.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Video or audio recording equipment, like drones or professional still camera equipment with a detachable lens longer than two inches or tripods.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Skateboards, scooters, hoverboards or any personal motorized vehicles\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Firearms or weapons of any kind\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fireworks and explosives or any item with open flame\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Illegal substances (including narcotics) or drug paraphernalia\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Amplified sound, bullhorns or speakers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Cigarettes/smoking\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628529491-scaled-e1749080290450.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042816\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-1628529491-scaled-e1749080290450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Festival attendees grab a bite at the Stern Grove festival on Aug. 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Photo by Miikka Skaffari/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Food\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are food trucks, drinks and alcohol available at the venue. But you are also able to bring \u003ca href=\"https://www.sterngrove.org/experiencefooddrink\">your own picnic supplies\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have breakfast and lunch there. And by the time we leave, it’s usually almost dinnertime,” Gelbmann said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Weather\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s summertime in San Francisco. So remember — layer up. That means jackets and extra shirts, as well as sunscreen and hats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could be freezing, or it could be hot and sweaty and sunny,” Gelbmann said. “It could be all those things in one day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-high-speed-rail-is-a-track-to-nowhere-us-says-in-move-to-pull-funding",
"title": "California High-Speed Rail Is a ‘Track to Nowhere,’ US Says in Move to Pull Funding",
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"headTitle": "California High-Speed Rail Is a ‘Track to Nowhere,’ US Says in Move to Pull Funding | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-high-speed-rail\">high-speed rail project\u003c/a> is a “story of broken promises,” a “waste of Federal taxpayer dollars” and a “Sisyphean endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or so the Trump administration’s Transportation Department said, which on Wednesday announced it was pulling $4 billion in federal funding from the woefully protracted, over-budget project that the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10400360/brown-history-will-affirm-wisdom-of-building-bullet-train\">first broke ground on\u003c/a> more than a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What started as a proposed 800-mile system was first reduced to 500 miles, then became a 171-mile segment, and is now very likely ended as a 119-mile track to nowhere,” Drew Feeley, acting administrator of the Federal Railroad Administration, wrote in his scathing \u003ca href=\"https://www.transportation.gov/sites/dot.gov/files/2025-06/FRA%20Letter%20%20Enclosure%20to%20Mr.%20Ian%20Choudri%206.4.25.pdf\">report\u003c/a> to the state’s high-speed rail authority. “In essence, [the project] has conned the taxpayer out of its $4 billion investment, with no viable plan to deliver even that partial segment on time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clawback of high-speed rail funding, originally granted by the Biden administration, should come as little surprise to state officials. Republicans have excoriated the massive infrastructure project almost since its inception in 1996, casting it as the epitome of government waste and inefficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After unsuccessfully attempting to cut its funding during his first term, President Trump in February vowed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/high-speed-rail-trump-20148959.php\">personally investigate the project\u003c/a>, directing transportation officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028135/the-future-for-california-high-speed-rail-just-got-even-more-uncertain\">conduct a compliance review\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As expected, the subsequent report didn’t pull any punches, concluding that the California High-Speed Rail Authority has failed to comply with the terms of the federal grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034292\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034292\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25092726973833-scaled-e1745005220186.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks during an event to announce new tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House, Wednesday, April 2, 2025, in Washington. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There is no viable path,” it asserted, for the state to complete the first 171-mile segment of the project, between Merced and Bakersfield, by the 2033 deadline — let alone to ever realize its original goal of an 800-mile system transporting riders from San Francisco to Los Angeles and San Diego at speeds of up to 220 mph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This 2025 compliance review demonstrates that CHSRA has not learned from its mistakes and mismanagement and has therefore failed to create an organization capable of effectively and efficiently managing project delivery,” the report stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy on Wednesday said he supports the concept of high-speed rail, but stressed that the administration doesn’t want to “invest in boondoggles.”[aside postID=news_12028135 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/2024_01-Fresno-1020x680.jpg']“I want to see high-speed rail in America,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/atrupar/status/1930270198675689949\">he told Fox News\u003c/a>. “Why it can’t be built in America and why it can’t be built within time frames that work for the people that invest in these projects makes no sense to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the administration can terminate the funding, California has 30 days to take any corrective action and make the case that it has complied with the terms of the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHSRA on Wednesday said the report’s conclusions were “misguided and do not reflect the substantial progress made to deliver high-speed rail in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain firmly committed to completing the nation’s first true high-speed rail system connecting the major population centers in the state,” CHSRA spokesperson Daniela Contreras said in a statement to KQED. She noted that while ongoing federal support is important, the majority of the project’s funding has come from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To that end, the Governor’s budget proposal, which is currently before the Legislature, extends at least $1 billion per year in funding for the next 20 years, providing the necessary resources to complete the project’s initial operating segment,” Contreras said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California voters \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayexpress.com/who-said-building-a-railroad-was-easy-1/\">approved a $10 billion high-speed rail bond measure\u003c/a> in 2008, the project’s promoters suggested the entire system could be completed in just over a decade, for under $40 billion. But those timelines have been repeatedly extended, and costs have skyrocketed — with CHSRA’s \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/about/high-speed-rail-business-plans/2024-business-plan/chapter-3/\">estimates\u003c/a> now ranging from $89 billion to $128 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom stands in front of a state flag during a press conference about President Donald Trump’s tariffs on Wednesday, April 16, 2025, at an almond farm in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Democrats have continued to fund the project in previous budgets, and are expected to do so again this year, even as the state now faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040637/newsoms-plan-to-balance-budget-could-face-tough-going-in-sacramento\">$12 billion shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor, who is already challenging multiple other threats by the administration to withhold health care and education funding from the state, has also vowed to fight any effort to revoke rail funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the $4 billion in federal funding is preserved, the state would still need to come up with as much as $6.5 billion more to finish the Central Valley segment, prompting the inspector general for CHSRA to \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/Funding-Review-24-R-01-A11Y.pdf\">recently cast doubt\u003c/a> on whether the agency can line up all the necessary funding to meet its 2033 service launch date.[aside postID=news_12041824 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/006_KQED_SanFrancisco_Muni_04062020_qed-1020x680.jpg']State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, a staunch advocate for the bullet train, conceded that the state “struggles with project delivery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to be very clear that we have work to do in California to turn this project around, and we do have self-inflicted wounds,” he said, noting that sluggish, prohibitively costly transit development is a national problem, not just one in California. “It takes too long. It’s too expensive. The permitting is too difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the state is working to streamline those permitting and development processes, and has recently hired new leaders to steer the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We absolutely need to do better,” he said. “But that doesn’t mean we should give up on projects that will make people’s lives better and more affordable. And that’s what the high-speed rail will do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statewide rail network would transform California’s economy, connect its many disparate regions, and dramatically reduce traffic congestion and carbon emissions, Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump and his minions are hostile to rail, and to public transportation,” he said. “They want to get everyone in a car and maximize traffic congestion. And it’s really tragic that he’s politicizing this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/danbrekke\">\u003cem>Dan Brekke\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Trump administration said it was pulling $4 billion in funding from the woefully protracted, over-budget project that the state first broke ground on more than a decade ago. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-high-speed-rail\">high-speed rail project\u003c/a> is a “story of broken promises,” a “waste of Federal taxpayer dollars” and a “Sisyphean endeavor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Or so the Trump administration’s Transportation Department said, which on Wednesday announced it was pulling $4 billion in federal funding from the woefully protracted, over-budget project that the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10400360/brown-history-will-affirm-wisdom-of-building-bullet-train\">first broke ground on\u003c/a> more than a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What started as a proposed 800-mile system was first reduced to 500 miles, then became a 171-mile segment, and is now very likely ended as a 119-mile track to nowhere,” Drew Feeley, acting administrator of the Federal Railroad Administration, wrote in his scathing \u003ca href=\"https://www.transportation.gov/sites/dot.gov/files/2025-06/FRA%20Letter%20%20Enclosure%20to%20Mr.%20Ian%20Choudri%206.4.25.pdf\">report\u003c/a> to the state’s high-speed rail authority. “In essence, [the project] has conned the taxpayer out of its $4 billion investment, with no viable plan to deliver even that partial segment on time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The clawback of high-speed rail funding, originally granted by the Biden administration, should come as little surprise to state officials. Republicans have excoriated the massive infrastructure project almost since its inception in 1996, casting it as the epitome of government waste and inefficiency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After unsuccessfully attempting to cut its funding during his first term, President Trump in February vowed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/high-speed-rail-trump-20148959.php\">personally investigate the project\u003c/a>, directing transportation officials to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028135/the-future-for-california-high-speed-rail-just-got-even-more-uncertain\">conduct a compliance review\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As expected, the subsequent report didn’t pull any punches, concluding that the California High-Speed Rail Authority has failed to comply with the terms of the federal grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034292\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034292\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/AP25092726973833-scaled-e1745005220186.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks during an event to announce new tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House, Wednesday, April 2, 2025, in Washington. \u003ccite>(Mark Schiefelbein/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“There is no viable path,” it asserted, for the state to complete the first 171-mile segment of the project, between Merced and Bakersfield, by the 2033 deadline — let alone to ever realize its original goal of an 800-mile system transporting riders from San Francisco to Los Angeles and San Diego at speeds of up to 220 mph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This 2025 compliance review demonstrates that CHSRA has not learned from its mistakes and mismanagement and has therefore failed to create an organization capable of effectively and efficiently managing project delivery,” the report stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy on Wednesday said he supports the concept of high-speed rail, but stressed that the administration doesn’t want to “invest in boondoggles.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I want to see high-speed rail in America,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/atrupar/status/1930270198675689949\">he told Fox News\u003c/a>. “Why it can’t be built in America and why it can’t be built within time frames that work for the people that invest in these projects makes no sense to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the administration can terminate the funding, California has 30 days to take any corrective action and make the case that it has complied with the terms of the grant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHSRA on Wednesday said the report’s conclusions were “misguided and do not reflect the substantial progress made to deliver high-speed rail in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We remain firmly committed to completing the nation’s first true high-speed rail system connecting the major population centers in the state,” CHSRA spokesperson Daniela Contreras said in a statement to KQED. She noted that while ongoing federal support is important, the majority of the project’s funding has come from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To that end, the Governor’s budget proposal, which is currently before the Legislature, extends at least $1 billion per year in funding for the next 20 years, providing the necessary resources to complete the project’s initial operating segment,” Contreras said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California voters \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayexpress.com/who-said-building-a-railroad-was-easy-1/\">approved a $10 billion high-speed rail bond measure\u003c/a> in 2008, the project’s promoters suggested the entire system could be completed in just over a decade, for under $40 billion. But those timelines have been repeatedly extended, and costs have skyrocketed — with CHSRA’s \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/about/high-speed-rail-business-plans/2024-business-plan/chapter-3/\">estimates\u003c/a> now ranging from $89 billion to $128 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040027\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040027\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GavinNewsom2025AP2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom stands in front of a state flag during a press conference about President Donald Trump’s tariffs on Wednesday, April 16, 2025, at an almond farm in Ceres, California. \u003ccite>(Noah Berger/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, Gov. Gavin Newsom and state Democrats have continued to fund the project in previous budgets, and are expected to do so again this year, even as the state now faces a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040637/newsoms-plan-to-balance-budget-could-face-tough-going-in-sacramento\">$12 billion shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor, who is already challenging multiple other threats by the administration to withhold health care and education funding from the state, has also vowed to fight any effort to revoke rail funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if the $4 billion in federal funding is preserved, the state would still need to come up with as much as $6.5 billion more to finish the Central Valley segment, prompting the inspector general for CHSRA to \u003ca href=\"https://hsr.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/Funding-Review-24-R-01-A11Y.pdf\">recently cast doubt\u003c/a> on whether the agency can line up all the necessary funding to meet its 2033 service launch date.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, a staunch advocate for the bullet train, conceded that the state “struggles with project delivery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to be very clear that we have work to do in California to turn this project around, and we do have self-inflicted wounds,” he said, noting that sluggish, prohibitively costly transit development is a national problem, not just one in California. “It takes too long. It’s too expensive. The permitting is too difficult.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said the state is working to streamline those permitting and development processes, and has recently hired new leaders to steer the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We absolutely need to do better,” he said. “But that doesn’t mean we should give up on projects that will make people’s lives better and more affordable. And that’s what the high-speed rail will do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A statewide rail network would transform California’s economy, connect its many disparate regions, and dramatically reduce traffic congestion and carbon emissions, Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Trump and his minions are hostile to rail, and to public transportation,” he said. “They want to get everyone in a car and maximize traffic congestion. And it’s really tragic that he’s politicizing this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/danbrekke\">\u003cem>Dan Brekke\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "controversial-housing-near-transit-bill-advances-to-next-stop-in-legislature",
"title": "Controversial Housing-Near-Transit Bill Advances to Next Stop in Legislature",
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"headTitle": "Controversial Housing-Near-Transit Bill Advances to Next Stop in Legislature | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A controversial bill that would allow \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031302/wieners-controversial-bill-to-allow-housing-near-transit-is-back\">more apartments near public transit\u003c/a> stations throughout California narrowly squeaked through the state Senate on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB79\">SB 79\u003c/a>, needed 21 “yes” votes to pass, and it had none to spare, with senators voting 21–13 to advance it to the Assembly. Authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, SB 79 would enable the construction of buildings between four and nine stories tall near certain high-frequency bus stations, train and ferry stops. Wiener said the goals of the bill are twofold: to buoy beleaguered public transit agencies still recovering from \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/la-metro-kicks-off-2025-with-continued-ridership-growth/#:~:text=January%20year%2Dover%2Dyear%20ridership,of%20its%20pre%2Dpandemic%20level.\">pandemic-era\u003c/a> ridership dips and to boost housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that we do have [transit] systems in California that don’t have a lot of housing around it, and they have low ridership as a result,” Wiener said on the Senate floor on Tuesday. “And so the purpose of this bill is to say, ‘Let’s focus more housing around the highest-quality public transportation, where we have made significant public investments of tax dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous attempts to pass similar measures — most recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798945/__trashed-4\">SB 50 in 2020\u003c/a> and its predecessor, SB 857, which was first introduced in 2018 — died in the legislature before making it to the governor’s desk. The latest iteration comes as the state’s Democratic legislature, reeling from the results of the 2024 national election, has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/02/california-affordability-housing-costs-legislation/#:~:text=At%20least%20250%20of%20the,improve%20services%2C%E2%80%9D%20Miller%20said.\">vowed to take on the issue of affordability\u003c/a>, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031302/wieners-controversial-bill-to-allow-housing-near-transit-is-back\">without a clear consensus\u003c/a> on just how to achieve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Senate floor on Tuesday, those differences were on display, with opponents of the bill claiming it lacks clear affordability requirements and supporters pointing to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/new-housing-fails-to-make-up-for-decades-of-undersupply/\">housing shortage\u003c/a> as the primary driver of \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/793\">rising home costs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-1020x659.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under SB 79, transit stops would be separated into “tiers” based on the frequency of the service and location. Heavy rail lines, such as BART and Caltrain, could see taller apartments, and lower-frequency commuter lines, such as SMART Rail and ferry stops, would see less intensive development. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lola Smallwood Cuevas, D-Los Angeles, agreed with the bill’s basic premise to prioritize new housing around transit, but worried that without stronger anti-displacement measures, it would allow new development to push out lower-income residents, who are also most likely to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/05/la-gentrification-public-transit/\">ride public transportation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I don’t see enough opportunity in this bill to stop the massive displacement,” she said before ultimately abstaining from a vote. “There is no mention of community benefits. There’s no mention in terms of — how do we ensure that our most vulnerable communities, that are at the most risk of being displaced, how do we ensure that they have an opportunity to fully participate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill requires developers to abide by local inclusionary housing mandates and allows them to take advantage of existing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB423\">permit streamlining\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=65915&lawCode=GOV\">density bonus\u003c/a> laws, which would trigger built-in affordability requirements, Wiener noted. If developers opt out, they would have to go through the same public process they undergo now. But he added, the bill’s premise — to allow apartments in areas where they wouldn’t otherwise be permitted — also makes affordable housing easier to build.[aside postID=news_12031302 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/010_KQED_AlamedaAffordableHousing_01122023-1020x680.jpg']“Low-density housing means no affordable housing because you’re not going to have affordable housing unless you have a certain level of multi-unit density,” he said, noting that the Nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California, which had earlier been opposed to the bill, was now in \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB79\">support\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also faced bipartisan opposition from senators who said it would override cities’ ability to plan for housing in their communities by allowing transit agencies to have more control over what gets built near stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill also allows transit agencies to become de facto land developers,” Sen. Kelly Seyarto, R-Murrieta, said. “And the need to make land use decisions based on agency fiscal needs will taint the need to act in the best interest of the public and the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://cayimby.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/SB-79-Wiener-Fact-Sheet-5.14.25.pdf\">the proposed legislation\u003c/a>, apartment buildings would be the tallest directly adjacent to a transit stop, stepping down with a quarter-mile and again within a half-mile. The transit systems would be further separated into “tiers” based on the type of system, frequency of service and where the transit agencies are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heavy rail and high-frequency commuter trains — such as BART, Caltrain and LA Metro’s B and D lines — would have the most intensive housing development near stations and ferry stops or commuter rail, such as the SMART Rail, having the least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings under construction near Macarthur BART station in Oakland, on Feb. 21, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Transit stops located in counties with fewer than 15 rail stations would be subject to the least intensive development standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Josh Becker, D-Menlo Park, who ultimately voted in support of the measure, said he was concerned that cities are already required to demonstrate to the state how they plan to accommodate new housing in their communities through a process called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/regional-housing-needs-allocation\">Regional Housing Needs Allocation\u003c/a>, and this bill undermines it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many cities only recently completed those [plans], where we told them, ‘Hey, you pick where you zone,’” he said. “And then, here, we’re coming along and saying, ‘Hey, and by the way, we’re gonna choose for you in these areas.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent amendment to the bill allows jurisdictions to present their own proposals to the state’s housing department to increase density around transit stops. That could mean allowing more housing near one station within a city and less around another, or building taller apartments on one side of a station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is very important to me to give cities additional flexibility to say, ‘We understand what you’re trying to do. We want to do it in a somewhat different way,’” Wiener said, adding that flexibility is already written into the bill. “I know we can make it even better, and I’m committed to doing that work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The bill, SB 79, by state Sen. Scott Wiener, would allow buildings between four and seven stories tall around certain bus, ferry and train stations across California. ",
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"title": "Controversial Housing-Near-Transit Bill Advances to Next Stop in Legislature | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A controversial bill that would allow \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031302/wieners-controversial-bill-to-allow-housing-near-transit-is-back\">more apartments near public transit\u003c/a> stations throughout California narrowly squeaked through the state Senate on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB79\">SB 79\u003c/a>, needed 21 “yes” votes to pass, and it had none to spare, with senators voting 21–13 to advance it to the Assembly. Authored by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, SB 79 would enable the construction of buildings between four and nine stories tall near certain high-frequency bus stations, train and ferry stops. Wiener said the goals of the bill are twofold: to buoy beleaguered public transit agencies still recovering from \u003ca href=\"https://www.metro.net/about/la-metro-kicks-off-2025-with-continued-ridership-growth/#:~:text=January%20year%2Dover%2Dyear%20ridership,of%20its%20pre%2Dpandemic%20level.\">pandemic-era\u003c/a> ridership dips and to boost housing construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that we do have [transit] systems in California that don’t have a lot of housing around it, and they have low ridership as a result,” Wiener said on the Senate floor on Tuesday. “And so the purpose of this bill is to say, ‘Let’s focus more housing around the highest-quality public transportation, where we have made significant public investments of tax dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Previous attempts to pass similar measures — most recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798945/__trashed-4\">SB 50 in 2020\u003c/a> and its predecessor, SB 857, which was first introduced in 2018 — died in the legislature before making it to the governor’s desk. The latest iteration comes as the state’s Democratic legislature, reeling from the results of the 2024 national election, has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/02/california-affordability-housing-costs-legislation/#:~:text=At%20least%20250%20of%20the,improve%20services%2C%E2%80%9D%20Miller%20said.\">vowed to take on the issue of affordability\u003c/a>, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031302/wieners-controversial-bill-to-allow-housing-near-transit-is-back\">without a clear consensus\u003c/a> on just how to achieve it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Senate floor on Tuesday, those differences were on display, with opponents of the bill claiming it lacks clear affordability requirements and supporters pointing to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/new-housing-fails-to-make-up-for-decades-of-undersupply/\">housing shortage\u003c/a> as the primary driver of \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/LAOEconTax/Article/Detail/793\">rising home costs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1240\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-800x517.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-1020x659.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-160x103.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/Housing_5-1536x992.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under SB 79, transit stops would be separated into “tiers” based on the frequency of the service and location. Heavy rail lines, such as BART and Caltrain, could see taller apartments, and lower-frequency commuter lines, such as SMART Rail and ferry stops, would see less intensive development. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Darren Tu/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sen. Lola Smallwood Cuevas, D-Los Angeles, agreed with the bill’s basic premise to prioritize new housing around transit, but worried that without stronger anti-displacement measures, it would allow new development to push out lower-income residents, who are also most likely to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/05/la-gentrification-public-transit/\">ride public transportation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I don’t see enough opportunity in this bill to stop the massive displacement,” she said before ultimately abstaining from a vote. “There is no mention of community benefits. There’s no mention in terms of — how do we ensure that our most vulnerable communities, that are at the most risk of being displaced, how do we ensure that they have an opportunity to fully participate?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill requires developers to abide by local inclusionary housing mandates and allows them to take advantage of existing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB423\">permit streamlining\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displaySection.xhtml?sectionNum=65915&lawCode=GOV\">density bonus\u003c/a> laws, which would trigger built-in affordability requirements, Wiener noted. If developers opt out, they would have to go through the same public process they undergo now. But he added, the bill’s premise — to allow apartments in areas where they wouldn’t otherwise be permitted — also makes affordable housing easier to build.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Low-density housing means no affordable housing because you’re not going to have affordable housing unless you have a certain level of multi-unit density,” he said, noting that the Nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California, which had earlier been opposed to the bill, was now in \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB79\">support\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill also faced bipartisan opposition from senators who said it would override cities’ ability to plan for housing in their communities by allowing transit agencies to have more control over what gets built near stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill also allows transit agencies to become de facto land developers,” Sen. Kelly Seyarto, R-Murrieta, said. “And the need to make land use decisions based on agency fiscal needs will taint the need to act in the best interest of the public and the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://cayimby.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/SB-79-Wiener-Fact-Sheet-5.14.25.pdf\">the proposed legislation\u003c/a>, apartment buildings would be the tallest directly adjacent to a transit stop, stepping down with a quarter-mile and again within a half-mile. The transit systems would be further separated into “tiers” based on the type of system, frequency of service and where the transit agencies are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heavy rail and high-frequency commuter trains — such as BART, Caltrain and LA Metro’s B and D lines — would have the most intensive housing development near stations and ferry stops or commuter rail, such as the SMART Rail, having the least.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042675\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042675\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/002_KQED_Housing_Oakland_02212020_3417_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings under construction near Macarthur BART station in Oakland, on Feb. 21, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Transit stops located in counties with fewer than 15 rail stations would be subject to the least intensive development standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sen. Josh Becker, D-Menlo Park, who ultimately voted in support of the measure, said he was concerned that cities are already required to demonstrate to the state how they plan to accommodate new housing in their communities through a process called the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/regional-housing-needs-allocation\">Regional Housing Needs Allocation\u003c/a>, and this bill undermines it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many cities only recently completed those [plans], where we told them, ‘Hey, you pick where you zone,’” he said. “And then, here, we’re coming along and saying, ‘Hey, and by the way, we’re gonna choose for you in these areas.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent amendment to the bill allows jurisdictions to present their own proposals to the state’s housing department to increase density around transit stops. That could mean allowing more housing near one station within a city and less around another, or building taller apartments on one side of a station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is very important to me to give cities additional flexibility to say, ‘We understand what you’re trying to do. We want to do it in a somewhat different way,’” Wiener said, adding that flexibility is already written into the bill. “I know we can make it even better, and I’m committed to doing that work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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},
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"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
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