|
What if
you knew there were thousands of people with severe mental illness who
couldn't get treatment unless a court ordered it?
|
"Society
should not wait until a severely mentally ill person is actually
dangerous or gravely disabled before taking action. Severely mentally
ill persons deserve treatment even though they cannot appreciate
at a given time that they need it. To allow them to deteriorate
to the point where they are dangerous or cannot take care of themselves
or commit a crime is to allow them to stigmatize themselves and
other mentally ill persons. We owe severely mentally ill persons
an opportunity to improve the quality of their lives."
-- Dr. Richard Lamb, professor of psychiatry at the University of
Southern California
|
Often those
who oppose involuntary treatment argue that it violates the civil rights
of people who have mental illness. But those who favor it make the argument
that by not ordering involuntary commitments in some cases, the state
is denying them their inalienable rights to life, liberty and pursuit
of happiness. Proponents of involuntary commitments say the symptoms of
mental illness can deprive some individuals the free will necessary to
even enjoy such rights.
Of the estimated
50 million Americans with a mental disorder, about 5 percent suffer from
severe illnesses. But nearly half of those individuals don't get help,
often because of prevailing stigmas against people with mental illness,
but also because of limited access to quality services. Many believe antiquated
involuntary treatment laws are thwarting states' abilities to properly
serve those most in need of treatment.
Some state
legislators responsible for old laws limiting involuntary treatment regret
the unintended consequences. For example, former Senator Frank Lanterman
lamented the 1960s California legislation he helped pass, which aimed
to correct a half-century of inappropriate lifetime commitments in state
hospitals for people with mental illness. The Lanterman-Petris-Short Act
established that only those perceived as a danger to themselves or others
could be subjected to involuntary mental health treatment. Years later,
however, some believe it kept many people with serious mental illness
(but who didn't fit the law's criteria) from getting the care they needed.
|
"For
nearly five years I have worked as a family advocate for a county
department of mental health. The calls I get from family members
go like this: 'My family member is ill but doesn't think she is.
What can I do?' I have to tell them, essentially, unless they are
violent, there is nothing. I hope you will interject some common
sense into the involuntary commitment laws and put me out of a job."
-- Camille Callahan, family advocate
|
"I wanted
the LPS Act to help the mentally ill," said Lanterman, before his death
in 1981. "I never meant for it to prevent those who need care from receiving
it."
In the 1960s,
Lanterman and other states' policy makers witnessed the release of thousands
of mental health patients from state hospitals. As facilities began to
empty out their populations, policy makers envisioned services in the
community would replace what state-run hospitals had provided in an institutional
setting. Yet most agree that those adequate community services never materialized
and that in an attempt to protect the civil rights of people who have
mental illness, the pendulum swung to the other extreme -- resulting in
a generation in need of treatment neglected and ignored.
|
"In
many ways, we've gone from the 'locked cage' to the 'revolving door,'
still leaving the vulnerable of our society poorly served in any
meaningful sense ... It's very frustrating. Then the family complains
that the patient wasn't kept in the hospital long enough. They typically
will make that complaint to me: 'You sent that patient over there
and he wasn't kept but three days and he's back out and he's gonna
be off his medications in a week. Why didn't you make him stay there
longer?' Well, that is beyond my power under the law."
-- Bibb
County, Florida, Probate Judge Bill Self, quoted in the Macon
Telegraph, Jan. 30 2002
|
|
|